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Archivum Historicum Societatis Iesu vol. lxxxix, fasc. 177 (2020-I) Book Reviews Thomas M. McCoog, ed., With Eyes and Ears Open: The Role of Visitors in the Society of Jesus. Leiden-Boston: Brill, 2019. 315 pp. $179.00. ISBN 978-90-04-39484-1. This edited volume investigates an office of utmost importance in the Society of Jesus, which only recently became of interest for scholars: visitors (visitatores). As the volume’s editor Thomas M. McCoog SJ rightly observes, a particularly important stimulus to the field is Liam Brockey’s study of the life and works of André Palmeiro (1569—1635), one of the first and most influential visitors of Asia (The Visitor: Andre Palmeiro and the Jesuits in Asia (Cambridge, MA, 2014). This volume is different in that, rather than focusing on one individual, it considers several visitors throughout the history of the Society of Jesus, paying particular attention to the office itself from a theoretical and practical point of view. In 12 chapters, the authors (6 Jesuits and 6 lay scholars) follow the lives and work of different visitors and the historical figures closely related to them, from the early modern age until the twentieth century. In his thorough Introduction, McCoog points out how other religious orders employed visitors, but only in the Society of Jesus they became so important, and mainly for two reasons: “the centralized government of the Society, and its rapid expansion” (p. 1). Visitors were directly appointed by the superior general, “for difficult situations where a resolution has proved elusive” (p. 2). The “powers and nature” of their role were “defined according to the circumstances”, as Wiktor Gramatowski SJ explained in Glossario Gesuitico (p. 2). Representing the general, a visitor had to be his “eyes and ears”: not simply and not only a “policeman but a formulator of policy, and adaptor of the general principles of the Society” (p. 3). The first chapter is a detailed and essential introduction on the office of visitor. Robert Danieluk SJ shows how it could consistently vary depending on the generals’ needs. Visitors were needed for periodic ‘visits’, indeed, to every Jesuit province. As external members, they came into direct contact with Jesuits of every age and importance, listening to complaints, doubts and issues—and trying to solve them as fast (and painlessly) as they could. The general’s comprehensive trust allowed them to act based on their own judgment. This was even more in the case for
260 Book Reviews visitors of the missions in the Eastern and Western Indies: even if the corporate network of the Society of Jesus was remarkable, the inevitable problems of communications led visitors to act very autonomously. Jesuit visitors had to deal with every kind of geographical, political and religious situation. The book covers all the years of the Jesuit endeavour, from the sixteenth century until contemporaneity, recognizing successes and limits of visitors on four continents: Europe, the Americas, Africa and Australia. The chapters dedicated to early modern Europe focus on what is today France (Eric Nelson), the Low Countries (McCoog), Ireland (Tadhg Ó hAnnracháin), the Czech Republic (Paul Shore) and Portugal (Francisco Malta Romeiras). As for the twentieth century, Klaus Schatz SJ and Oliver P. Rafferty SJ’s contributions underline the challenges and complexities of the German and British provinces. The Jesuit policies in the Americas are at the core of the essays written by Andrés I. Prieto and Robert Emmett Curran, respectively the sixteenth and nineteenth centuries in Peru and Maryland (where former Jesuits were able to survive and thrive until the official restoration of the order in 1814). Finally, Africa and Australia respectively are the focus of Festo Mkenda SJ and David Strong SJ’s contributions. During the last fifty years, the office of visitor ceased to be necessary. As Danieluk well explains, visitors were “intended to bridge the gap between Rome and the peripheries, between the superior general and his men distributed throughout the world” (p. 46). Thanks to technological innovations, Jesuits are constantly connected and able to communicate and, if needed, generals (or their assistants) can promptly and easily travel everywhere. This melancholic note closes the book: such an important Jesuit office belongs to the past more than it does to the present or future. This collection hopefully will inspire scholars to pay more attention to these high ranked Jesuits whose role was essential not only in the overseas missions, but in Europe as well. Visitors had to deal with ordinary as well as extraordinary issues, with religious brothers or ‘rivals’ and with political powers. Since their mission was to act, as well as take note of what they did and saw, they left a documentary trail which certainly deserves to be studied, and not only by historians of the Society of Jesus. Boston College, USA – University of York, UK Elisa Frei
Book Reviews 261 Victor Houliston, Ginevra Crosignani and Thomas M.McCoog SJ, eds, The Correspondence and Unpublished Papaers of Robert Persons, SJ, Volume 1: 1574-1588. Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Medieval Studies, 2017. 729 pp. $115.00. ISBN 9780888442079. In a splendidly comprehensive introduction to this volume, the first of three, Victor Houliston asserts “the need for a scholarly edition of [Robert] Persons’s correspondence” to supersede “the tendentious historiography of his career”. He and his fellow editors have succeeded magnificently in this first volume, which carries the story to the eve of the 1588 Spanish Armada. Each letter is prefaced by a meticulous short introduction. The Latin texts are accompanied by English translations enriched by succinct and informative footnotes. This first volume constitutes not only a brilliant introduction to the impact on the Counter Reformation to the Atlantic Isles, but also an illuminating re-setting of the story in a European perspective through the lens of the Jesuit archives. Houliston recounts how Persons saw “the Protestant establishment” in England as “a temporary aberration, alien to the true religious heart of the nation”. He was wrong. His letters disclose expectations of restoration which were “doubtless unrealistic, the more so as time went on”. As a Catholic and a Jesuit, Persons understood his pastoral and missionary objectives to be “the recovery of the connection with Rome and the cultivation of true devotion” which he described in The Christian Directory (1582) as “ ‘a joyful promptness to the diligent execution of all things that appertayne to the honour of God’ ”. What is remarkable in Persons (and not only in Persons) is the disjoinder between pastoral wisdom and political incompetence. Houlston’s appreciation of the unrealism informing Person’s understanding of England is borne out not least in the pages concerning preparations for the Armada. If it is the great merit of this edition that “in these letters we are invited to view Elizabethan England afresh” from a continental and Scottish perspective in “helpful corrective to Anglocentric accounts of Reformation-era religion and politics”, there is yet further richness. Through Houlston’s Introduction we find something balancing the disjunction between religion and politics, which is found on every page of these letters: a more realistic understanding, at once religious and political, of the need for mutual coexistence.
262 Book Reviews In a luminous page Houliston remarks on the emergence of “a measure of loyalism in the Huguenot camp, which both mirrored and shaped Catholic loyalism in England.” It was found in “those Catholic nobles, known as the politiques who believed that civil war was too high a price to pay for religious conformity.” Aquinas had thought the same. In 1580 Edmund Campion and Parsons had sought, “rebus sic stantibus” the suspension of the 1570 excommunication against Queen Elizabeth I of England. Following the arrest of Campion in 1582, the significance of the phrase inserted by Pope Gregory XIII into the faculties granted to Campion and Parsons in 1580 “rebus sic stantibus” became a matter of contention. For Cecil the phrase signified the postponement of the bull until such time as an invasion force could be mounted. For Persons and William Allen it meant the same. For the politiques of both France and England it offered the alternative of peace talks and mutual coexistence. In the reign of King Henri III of France (r. 1574–89) this possibility attained a new level of support within Rome, Paris and the English Court. It died with Henri III. The politics of invasion, urged by Persons and the Guise, prevailed. The civil wars in France raged on until the accession of Henri IV finally opened a road to the alternative: peace and Catholic Reform. Supported from 1592 by St Philip Neri in the Rome of Pope Clement VIII, the spiritual renewal introduced by St Teresa of Avila and developed by St Francis de Sales in his Introduction to the Devout Life (1604) gained ground. The writings of St Francis de Sales expanded on the theme of True Devotion earlier advanced by the Spiritual Directory. But whereas in Persons, (and not only in Persons) the pastoral dimensions of the work were undermined by the illusions of commitments best explored in the pages of Don Quixote, the effect of the Salesian Reformation, selectively assimilated within the Church of England, was to admit a place of influence to the healing power promoted in the Spiritual Directory. Herein lies the great importance of this three-volume project. The contents of the first volume are well delineated on the flyleaf: documents and letters, from and to Persons: notably from the superior general of the Society of Jesus, Claudio Acquaviva. Letters in Latin, Italian, and Spanish are presented both in the original language and spelling. All letters have been collated with the extant manuscript witnesses. The Introduction comprises Person’s biography, relevant aspects of early Jesuit history, and the
Book Reviews 263 Jesuit mission to England, and overviews of the papacy and the political situation in England and Scotland, France, the Netherlands, and Spain for the period 1574–88 covered by the letters in this volume. It is a breathtaking achievement. An appendix on Anti Catholic legislation, and another on Currency, is completed by an Index of Persons, and another on Places and Subjects. The editors are to be congratulated on this volume, and the publishers commended for a major contribution to European history, and to our understanding of the complex personality and historical significance of Robert Persons. Cobh (Ireland) Dermot Fenlon Brian Mac Cuarta SJ, ed., Henry Piers’s Continental Travels, 1595– 1598. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press for the Royal Historical Society, 2018. 238 pp. ISBN 978-1108496773 Brian Mac Cuarta SJ has produced a meticulous edition of the manuscript of a curious and instructive work from the late sixteenth century. Henry Piers (1567–1623) was a Protestant Irish gentleman who, after encountering Catholic lay people and priests in County Westmeath, decided to make a journey to Rome in 1595 the occasion and means of his conversion. The retrospective of his travels, part pilgrimage, part study tour, describes the confirmation of his new religious convictions and his sojourns in the English colleges in Rome and Seville. It has particular relevance to Jesuit historical research because of his exchanges with Robert Persons, in Rome, Joseph Creswell in Valladolid and Madrid, and Richard Walpole in Seville. This was a time of increasing tension amongst the Catholic exiles, when the Jesuits were under attack both on the mission and in their management of the seminaries: Piers’s narrative may be partisan, but it is a valuable witness to a layman’s perspective. A discourse of HP his travelles written by him selfe (Bodleian Library, Oxford, Rawlinson MS D 83) is not altogether an original work. Much of the portrayal of Rome’s churches, monuments, processions and antiquities, which takes up a large part of the text, derives from Girolamo Francini’s Le cose miravigliose dell’alma città di Roma (Venice, 1588), itself drawing heavily on Palladio. The
264 Book Reviews extensive accounts of the naval battle of Lepanto (pp. 145–153) and the origins of the shrine of Loreto (pp. 173–83) are also heavily dependent on sources Piers consulted after his return to Ireland: Richard Knolles’s Generall historie of the Turkes (London, 1603/1604) and the Jesuit Orazio Torsellini’s Lauretanae historiae (Rome, 1597/1598). But much of the story is fresh and compelling, from the travellers’ tales of wonders and curiosities such as the monstrous double child and perpetually dancing man in Rome (pp. 170–01), the rhinoceros in Madrid (p. 203) and a special dish prepared for ploughmen in the kitchen of a farmer's house where he stayed on his way back from Sanlucar de Barrameda to Seville (p. 212), to the frightening storm on his way back from Spain (pp. 214–15). His brushes with suspicious authorities, the kindnesses he received from other Britishers, as well as his own interventions on behalf of Irishmen abroad, the appellations he gives to Italian cities such as Padua the Learned, Bologna the Plentiful and Ferrara the Strong, all contribute to a sense of lived experience invaluable to the social historian. Every scholar of early modern religion, politics and culture will find something of interest, readily accessible and documented, in this text. A good example is Piers’s presentation of travel and postal conditions. He gives exact details of times and distances of overland travel, and the various ports of call from Genoa to Alicante. He notes that his vessel almost missed the tide when setting off from Dublin, because they had to wait for the post from the lord deputy (p. 53). In Florence, they joined the post for Rome (p. 75). Piers admired the Jesuits’ reliable and efficient postal network, so that “there is noe matter of Reckninge wch c[an] happen in all Christendum, but father generall wthin fewe dayes is certified thereof” (p. 103) – stretching the point, since in reality, the post from Spain or Flanders would take about three weeks. Claudio Acquaviva, as superior general of the Society, was not only the recipient of news, but in Piers’s view, lived up to his name as the source and wellspring of living water flowing to all regions of its operations. It is as a foil to Anthony Munday’s description of life at the English college, Rome, The English Romayne lyfe (London, 1582), that Piers’s Discourse will have particularly widespread appeal. Piers was a lay student there from 1595 to 1597, at exactly the time when a majority of the students were in revolt against Jesuit government, as described in Anthony Kenny’s “The Inglorious Revolution” (The Venerabile, 1954–1955). Piers unhesitatingly takes the Jesuits’ side, chiefly because of his friendship with Richard Haddock
Book Reviews 265 (Haydock), a former student, whom he may have met previously in Ireland. Haddock obtained places for Piers and his manservant, Philip Draycott, at the college and assisted them in negotiating the attentions of the inquisition. Haddock’s association with Robert Persons guaranteed that Piers would welcome Persons’s intervention in the college in 1597. It was also through Persons’s good offices that Piers subsequently made the journey to Spain and joined the English college in Seville, where Richard Walpole assisted him in much the same way as Haddock had done in Rome. As a convert, Piers responded readily to the wealth of Catholic relics, monuments and festivals in Rome and the other great cathedral cities of Italy and Spain. The text registers a growing sense of recovery of Christian tradition, of connection with the church of the apostles and martyrs. This modulates into polemics, rehearsing and reinforcing the arguments that contributed to conversion: the indispensability of the doctrine of merit, the insufficiency of sola scriptura, the reasonableness of transubstantiation. In all this there may be some credulity, as in the unquestioning acceptance of the authenticity of the legends surrounding Loreto, but there is very little superstition. Instead, Piers recurs to the Christocentric themes of devotion and discipleship, reserving special praise for Pope Gregory XIII as the founder of colleges and supporter of missions, and the current pope, Clement VIII, for restoring and expanding the churches. His counter-reformation sensibility is seen especially in pious digressions. Following a lively description of a storm encountered after passing Cape Finisterre, he retails a series of Latin quotations and concludes: “This small digression I have made to encouradge this poore countrie [Ireland] to devotione and patience, exorting those wch be well enclyned to induere these calamities and myseries (wch lately have hapened) wth patience and wth feare and milde spirites to expect the infallible promises of god, for after the blastering storme of his iustice comethe the sweete calme of his mercye” (p. 215). Given the readability and wide interest of the work, it seems a pity that the text is presented so diplomatically, perhaps over-scru- pulously. Original spelling, word division (“agood”) and punctua- tion are preserved even when misleading or obtrusive. The inser- tion of words and phrases and other scribal minutiae (even, on at least one occasion, repeating the catchword at the beginning of the next page of the manuscript), and the practice of cross-referencing the page numbers of the manuscript rather than the edition, makes this a highly reliable document, but this reader at least would have
266 Book Reviews appreciated a cleaner text with more informative notes, clearly separated from the textual apparatus. Whatever reservations one might have about the editorial policy, however, the introduction is masterly, providing full and useful information about the religious, biographical and social context in Ireland, the relevant history of the English colleges, the provenance of the manuscript, and the sources. The edition will be of lasting usefulness for historians of every shade. University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg Victor Houliston Živilė Nedzinskaitė, Darius Antanavičius, eds, Fontes Collegii Crosensis, qui in Archivo Romano Societatis Iesu asservantur = Kražių kolegijos šaltiniai, saugomi Jėzaus Draugijos Archyve Romoje, tomus/ tomas I, pars/dalis 1: 1608–1700. Vilnius: Lietuvių literatūros ir tautosakos institutas, 2019.LII, 646 pp. ISBN 978-609-425-227-3. This book is an edition of the seventeenth-century Latin manuscript sources related to the college in Kražiai (Polish: Kroże) from the Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu (hereafter, ARSI). Kražiai is a town in present day Lithuania, which once belonged to the Principality of Samogitia, within the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, and accordingly part of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth between 1569 and 1795. The Jesuit Fathers were invited to Kražiai by the bishop of Samogitia Melchior Giedroyć (Lithuanian: Merkelis Giedraitis) in 1608. The following year they opened a mission, which was soon transformed into a residence and then a college. The Jesuits were active in Kražiai until the suppression of the Society of Jesus in 1773. The Kražiai college played an important role in the cultural life of Samogitia. Christianity had been introduced to this region only in the late fourteenth- and early fifteenth centuries. Pagan practices and beliefs still existed among the rural population when the Jesuits arrived. Moreover, in the second half of the sixteenth century, the spread of the Protestant Reformation had weakened the Catholic Church, depriving it of the nobility’s support. To win the local population back to the Roman Church, the Jesuits developed a broad missionary and educational programme. They taught not only rhetoric, but also philosophy and moral theology; they introduced theatre as a pedagogical tool of religious propaganda, and oversaw the diocesan seminary, thus playing a crucial role in the formation of
Book Reviews 267 secular clergy. The relevance of Kražiai in the global history of Post- Tridentine Catholicism fully justifies the publication of this source edition. The Editors are well known Lithuanian scholars. Živilė Nedzinskaitė, a pupil of Professor Eugenija Ulčinaitė, works at the Lithuanian Institute of Literature and Folklore (Lietuvių literatūros ir tautosakos institutas, further LLTI). She focuses on the history of Early Modern Neo-Latin literature in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and has conducted intensive research into the poetry of Maciej Kazimierz Sarbiewski (Lithuanian Motiejus Kazimieras Sarbievijus) and its European reception.1 Darius Antanavičius, a philologist and historian, works at the Lithuanian Historical Institute (Lietuvos istorijos institutas) and has extensive experience in the edition of prose texts, ranging from the late fourteenth- to the beginning of the nineteenth centuries. Among his fields of interest are Lithuanian historiography and the history of libraries and book circulation in Lithuania.2 The effort undertaken by these two scholars fits into broader research conducted on the Kražiai college in recent years, which resulted in the publication of fragments of a prose manuscript from 1695,3 an organ tabulature,4 and the library catalogue from 1803.5 1 Živilė Nedzinskaitė, Tepaliks kiekvienas šlovę po savęs... Motiejaus Kazimiero Sarbievijaus poetikos ir poezijos recepcija XVII-XVIII amžiaus LDK jėzuitų edukacijos sistemoje [Let everybody leave glory after himself... The reception of M.K. Sarbiewski’s poetics and poetry in the 17th–18th century Jesuit educational system of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania], Vilnius: LLTI 2011. 2 Besides co-editing some of the registers of the Lithuanian Chancellery (Lietuvos metrika) and the city books of Kaunas, Merkinė and Trakai, see: Albertas Vijūkas- Kojalavičius, Lietuvos istorijos įvairenybės [Lithuanian history], dalis 1, sudarė Darius Kuolys; iš lotynų kalbo vertė Darius Antanavičius, Sigitas Narbutas; komentarus parašė Darius Antanavičius, Elmantas Meilus, Vilnius: LLTI, 2003 (Senoji Lietuvos literatūra, kn. 15). 3 Kaip jėzuitai žemaičių mylias trumpino. 1695 m. Kražių rankraščio prozos fragmentai [How the Jesuits shortened Samogitian miles. 1695 Prose fragments of Kražiai manuscript], sudarė ir parengė Živilė Nedzinskaitė, Darius Antanavičius, Vilnius: LLTI, 2014. 4 Liber Organistarum Collegii Crosensis Societatis Jesu, ed. facs. Laima Budzinauskienė, Rasa Murauskaitė, Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Naukowe Sub Lupa, 2017 (Fontes Musicae in Polonia, B II). 5 Elenchus librorum veteris Collegii Crosensis anno 1803 compilatus = Buvusios Kražių kolegijos 1803 metų knygų sąrašas, parengė Darius Antanavičius, 2 vols., Vilnius: LLTI, 2017.
268 Book Reviews The interest in the history of this college was also reflected by the conference, “Jėzuitų kolegijos ir Lietuvos kultūra: Kražių kolegijai – 400 metų” (Jesuit college and Lithuanian culture: the 400-year anniversary of the Kražiai college), organized by the Lithuanian Institute of Literature and Folklore in 2016,6 and recent publications by Polish historians.7 With regard to the historiography on the Society of Jesus, it should be noted that the works mentioned have helped to enlarge the research perspective of Lithuanian scholars, who traditionally focused on the Vilnius Academy.8 The edition also fits into a long scholarly publishing tradition focused on the sources from ARSI. In regard to the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, this practice dates back to 1940–1941, when the Dutch Jesuit Jean Chrétien Joseph Kleijntjens published the documents related to the Jesuit houses in Livonia (present day Latvia).9 The work published by Ž. Nedzinskaitė and D. Antanavičius can be regarded as a model source edition. The introduction, both in Latin and Lithuanian, clearly explains the criteria according to which sources were collected and transcribed. The selected bibliography provides an insight into the historiography related to the Kražiai college. The edition includes different types of archival materials. The first part (pp. 1–17) describes the activity of Jesuit missionaries in Samogitia before 1608 on the basis of the Litterae annuae and Historiae from other colleges (mostly Vilnius and Riga). The second part (pp. 19–32) includes undated Historiae and Informationes from the early seventeenth century. The third part (pp. 33–418) contains the Litterae Annuae, Historiae and catalogues from the Kražiai college in chronological order from 1608 until 1700. The edition is provided 6 The proceedings of this conference have appeared in the issue “Jėzuitiškosios tradicijos paveldas” [The heritage of Jesuit tradition], Senoji Lietuvos Literatūra [Early Lithuanian Literature], 44 (2017). 7 Jan Skłodowski, Zapomniane uczelnie Rzeczypospolitej [Forgotten universities of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth], Warszawa: Narodowy Instytut Polskiego Dziedzictwa Kulturowego za Granicą Polonika, 2019, p. 19–128. 8 For a general treatment of Lithuanian historiography on the Society of Jesus, see: Liudas Jovaiša, “Jesuit Historiography in Lithuania since 1990: Proximity and Distance along World Routes”, AHSI, LXXXV (2016), n. 169, p. 221–232. 9 Fontes historiae Latviae Societatis Jesu = Latvijas vēstures avoti jezuītu ordena archīvos, t. 1, ed. Jean Chrétien Joseph Kleijntjens, 2 vols., Rigae: Editio Instituti Historiae Latviae, 1940–1941.
Book Reviews 269 with an appendix including a list of rectors (pp. 421–22), as well as of the Jesuits who either took their final vows, were dismissed or died in Kražiai (pp. 423–428). There is also a list of all Jesuits active in Kražiai (pp. 429–486), based on the catalogi breves, and a synoptic table of the sources collected in the edition (pp. 487–500). The search for specific information is made possible by an index of names and notable topics. Although the edition is mainly based on the sources from the ARSI, the Editors have made an effort to fill the gaps in the Roman archive.10 In particular, besides Italy, they have utilised the collections of the cultural institutions of three other different countries (Lithuania, Poland and Russia), such as the National Library of Lithuania (Lietuvos nacionalinė Martyno Mažvydo biblioteka), the State Historical Archive of Lithuania (Lietuvos valstybės istorijos archyvas) and the Library of the Vilnius University (Vilniaus universiteto biblioteka), the Library of the Catholic University in Lublin (Biblioteka Uniwersytecka Katolickiego Uniwersytetu Lubelskiego), and the Russian State Archive of Historical Records in Moscow (Rossijskij gosudarstvennyj archiv drevnich aktov). By comparing the sources from ARSI with other documents, the Editors acquired a critical view of the information sent by Jesuits to the General Curia in Rome. This provides an interesting insight into the activity of the Society’s administration as well as the mentalities of Jesuit authors. The Editors have also extensively used published sources and historiography to identify people and places, providing detailed information about them in the footnotes. Compared to the earlier edition of J. Kleijntjens, some choices made by the Editors can be regarded as a notable advancement. For example, the decision to publish all manuscripts from the same year one after another simplifies the use of the source edition. A good solution is also the publication of the names of all Jesuits contained in the Catalogi breves, regardless of them being priests, scholastics or lay brothers. Other choices may be debatable. Necrologies should also have been published, since many of the Jesuits who died in Kražiai spent much of their membership in the Society there. As far as the Catalogi triennales are concerned, the Catalogus primus should have been fully published, instead of being limited to the names and geographical origin of the Jesuits. This would have aided 10 For example, they have used the manuscript 206 from the Library of the Catholic University in Lublin for the catalogi breves missing in ARSI (1667/68, 1668/69, 1669/70, 1670/71, 1671/72, 1673/74, 1677/78).
270 Book Reviews subsequent prosopographical research that undoubtedly will result from this work. In conclusion, the book Fontes Collegii Crosensis, qui in Archivo Romano Societatis Iesu asservantur can be regarded as an important editorial work and hopefully will stimulate similar source editions on other Jesuit colleges within the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. Once more, the systematic character of the edition should be emphasized: thanks to extensive research, the editors provide possibly the fullest edition of sources related to a specific Jesuit house. Another positive feature of the work is that it is the result of the cooperation between scholars in both the philological and historical fields. Such challenging editorial work should be undertaken only through an interdisciplinary approach. One can only wish that the second volume, including the years 1701–1773, appears in the not-too-distant future. Adam Mickiewicz University, Poznań Andrea Mariani Kilian Stumpf SJ, The Acta Pekinensia or Historical Records of the Maillard de Tournon Legation.Volume II: September 1706 – December 1707, Paul Rule and Claudia von Collani, eds. Leiden - Boston: x, 811 pp. €199.00/$239.00. ISBN: 978-90-04-39631-9. In April 1705 Charles-Thomas Maillard de Tournon (1668–1710) arrived in China. He had been sent by pope Clement XI to provide papal oversight over the eastern missions and, in particular, to enforce the decisions taken by the Holy Office against the practice of Chinese rites among Chinese Catholic converts. Appointed as an apostolic legate a latere, he effectively enjoyed the same powers as the pope while in China. From the outset, there were fundamental questions of jurisdiction that Tournon’s legation seemed to override. China had long been regarded as subject to the Portuguese padroado, which meant that even papal representatives needed to be approved by the Portuguese throne. China was also a sovereign state in which the Europeans operated entirely at the grace of the Kangxi Emperor. Yet Tournon demanded unconditional obedience from all missionaries and Christians in China. He even required that all Christians kneel before him when addressing him. This enraged the Kangxi Emperor, who suspected that Tournon was arrogating to himself temporal jurisdiction over Chinese subjects.
Book Reviews 271 But most damaging was Tournon’s disastrous dealings with the Kangxi Emperor during his Beijing sojourn. For some unknown reason, Tournon attempted to obfuscate the true purpose of his visit and even refused to show the Kangxi Emperor his credentials. He then made a series of requests that contravened Chinese custom, such as the establishment of a permanent papal embassy in Beijing. Although Tournon was entirely ignorant of the Chinese language, literature and culture, he refused to attenuate his position on the rites, and invited Maigrot to champion his cause before the Kangxi Emperor. But Maigrot performed poorly during his interview with the emperor. He was unable to understand the emperor’s Chinese or respond to the most basic questions about Chinese literature. The emperor dismissed him as effectively illiterate in Chinese. The emperor then hardened his resolve, sending Tournon South and exiling Maigrot. He required all missionaries to apply for a piao (residence permit) and to promise to adhere to the practices of Matteo Ricci. In turn, Tournon issued a decree from Nanjing on 7 February 1707 prohibiting the Chinese rites and the use of Shangdi and Tian for indicating God. Tournon claimed that he made this decision in light of Clement XI’s 1704 decision to similar effect, but he refused to show Clement XI’s decree to the China missionaries. Tournon and the Emperor’s conflicting decrees placed the missionaries in an impossible position. If they were to apply for the piao, they would risk excommunication. If they were to continue residing in China without the piao they would risk exile, imprisonment or even worse punishment. Yet Tournon blamed the Jesuits for the crisis, claiming that the emperor only demanded that the missionaries adhere to the Chinese rites at the Jesuits’ insistence. His breakdown in communications with the emperor was in his view the result of Jesuit meddling and deliberate misinterpretation. Tournon ended his legation imprisoned in Macau, accusing the Jesuits of conspiring against him and even poisoning him. Before his death on 10 June 1710, he was informed that he had been proclaimed cardinal in 1707 by Clement XI as a reward for his actions in China. As apostolic notary, Kilian Stumpf (1655–1720) was commissioned by the Jesuit Superior General to compile a detailed account of Tournon’s activities in Beijing and their aftermath. The result of Stumpf’s labours was an enormous 1,467 folio manuscript which he entitled “Acta Pekinensia”, which literally translates as “What Happened at Beijing”. The transcription and translation of this manuscript has been a monumental task that has occupied the labours of many scholars over decades based in Poland (Monika
272 Book Reviews Miazek-Mecyznska, Ewa Jarmakowska, and Katarzyna Prychitko), Australia (Joseph Holland, John Wilcken, John Begley and Stan Hogan), and England (Gerard J. Hughes). The final product was edited by Paul Rule and Claudia von Collani. In 2015, the first four hundred pages of this manuscript covering 4 December 1705 to 28 August 1706 were published with a digital transcription and English translation as part of the Monumenta Historica Societatis Iesu (MHSI) of the Institutum Romanum Societatis Iesu (Nova Series 9). The narrative of the second volume begins in September 1706, just after Tournon’s departure from Beijing, and finishes in December 1707. Most of the action—such as Tournon and Maigrot’s meetings with the Kangxi Emperor—took place in the first volume. In this first volume, we primarily deal with the tragic aftermath: the dramatic change in the Kangxi Emperor’s attitude towards the missionaries, the letters that Jesuits exchanged defending their actions against Tournon’s accusations of sabotaging his mission and their entreaties to the Kangxi Emperor to forgive the Europeans for their insolence towards the emperor. Unlike the first volume, this volume is published as the inaugural book of the new Brill series, Studies in the History of Christianity in East Asia, edited by Prof. M. Antoni J. Ucerler and Dr Xiaoxin Wu of the Ricci Institute at the University of San Francisco. Unfortunately, the change of publisher entails a change in price. Whereas the first volume sells for a reasonable €70, this volume costs €199, despite being of roughly the same length as the second volume and including a CD- ROM. Besides translating the next 400 pages of the manuscript, Rule and Collani include a translation of Stumpf’s summary of the events in 1705 and 1706 and provide a short introduction which briefly contextualises the volume. Thus the editors have endeavoured to make this second volume self-contained, though readers are strongly enjoined to refer to the luxurious 170-page introduction of the first volume for a more detailed treatment of the manuscript and its historical context. Stumpf’s punctilious record does not make for easy reading. He laboriously transcribes countless letters that provide exhaustive information about the legation. Many of the letters deal with the same events but are provided simply as corroboration or contrasting views. A continual concern of Stumpf is to point out that the Jesuits were not alone in their defense of the Chinese rites and terms, but were supported by various missionaries from other orders and congregations, such as the Augustinian friar Alvaro de Benavente (1646-1709), who was titular Bishop of Ascalon and vicar apostolic of Jiangxi province.
Book Reviews 273 Yet the patient reader will be rewarded with remarkable insights into Qing court life, the complex dealings between the emperor and the missionaries and the emperor’s changing attitudes towards Tournon and other missionaries. Stumpf often even records the Chinese expressions used by the Kangxi Emperor, which are surprisingly colloquial. In this way, the Acta Pekinensia are not only of interest to scholars of the Rites Controversy, but also of Qing China, giving a European account of Qing court life, with tidbits on the customs the missionaries were expected to obey when meeting Qing dynasty officials and the Manchu language used at court. The emperor himself is revealed as a perceptive and forbearing observer of European quarrels, going beyond all Chinese precedent to exend numerous olive branches to the Europeans despite their continual disregard for imperial orders. Most striking is the rather prescient line attributed to the emperor who complained that Claudio Filippo Grimaldi (1639–1712), director of the Imperial Bureau of Astronomy, had misrepresented Europe to China. The Emperor remarked, “Europeans usually when they intend to speak about the East in fact talk about the West, and when they speak about matters of the West end up speaking about the East.” The Chinese original, which Rule and Collani reconstruct, is even pithier and more evocative: “指東學西,指西學東” (p. 685). The Acta Pekinensia also features interesting digressions on the difficulties of translating Catholic liturgical prayers into Chinese. For instance, the Franciscan friar Basilio da Glemona and the oratorian father Giovanni Donato Mezzafalce proposed replacing the old formula for baptism with some new alternatives because he believed there were grave ambiguities in the meaning of “name” (ming 名) in the Chinese text owing principly to the lack of grammatical number in Chinese and also the lack of a precise Chinese analogue to the Latin preposition in. The conclusion of this digression reveals an interesting problem: in many respects the Latin expression is just as ambiguous as the Chinese translation, but Europeans have been instructed for generations about the correct meaning of the formula, thus eliminating any ambiguity. Hence the removal of the ancient formula would in fact counteract this process of habituation. (p. 623) Stumpf no doubt was hinting to the reader to extrapolate a more general point about the Terms and Rites controversies: Chinese Catholics have been schooled in the correct meaning of the terms and rites for a hundred years, what disruption would a radical change bring now? The translation of this long manuscript is a monument to the rigours of traditional philology. In general, the translators have
274 Book Reviews opted for a slavishly literal translation to the point that they even indicate the precise page breaks of the original manuscript in the translation. Such a translation approach is most useful for scholars who might need to cross-reference with the original text, though unfortunately unlike the first volume the transcription of the original is not published with the translation. However, this literal approach to translation makes the text sometimes very stilted and difficult to understand. The problems are much more acute in the translation of Stumpf’s compendium. On almost every page there are sentences with extremely unnatural word order, unnecessary archaicisms, misplaced or missing commas, inconsistent date formats and syntax errors. Many long periods would be better broken up, such as “They found the Most Illustrious Lord twenty-four leagues from Beijing, ill and outside his boat which was iced up in the river unable to move, and carried him off by the land route to Beijing where on December 4th the Most Illustrious Lord by order of His Majesty was carried to the house of Our Society within the Saffron Wall, which since it was close to the Palace would be more convenient for the frequent benefits to be bestowed on him.” (p. 38) The editors make the decision to render “Canton” as “Guangzhou” when the editors are sure that this ambiguous toponym refers to the city, but this results in a bizarre sentence with both Canton and Guangzhou! (p. 35) The translators are even inconsistent in their rendering of Stumpf’s position, which is sometimes translated as “Apostolic Notary” (110 times) and other times as “Notary Apostolic” (29 times). These two inconsistent titles even find place in the index. Under “Apostolic Notary”the reader is directed to the entry for Kilian Stumpf, whereas “Notary Apostolic” is treated as a separate entry. The editors have done a tremendous service in modernising Stumpf’s romanisation of Chinese words and where possible identifying the corresponding Chinese characters. However, there are many mistakes that should have been corrected during the editorial process: huaiji si should be kuaiji si (p. 38); sometimes characters are not given, for example for the first instance of zhi (p. 51); normally the modern pinyin is given in the main text and Stumpf’s romanisation placed in the footnote, but on p. 234 cha is written as “tche” in the main text; sometimes the customary apostrophes used in pinyin are not given, such as “shang fuan” (p. 366) and “Huaian”, but “Nan’an” is correctly rendered (p. 446). Occasionally modern pinyin and Stumpf’s romanisation have been mixed up in the main text. For instance on p. 516, “women tiexun
Book Reviews 275 ji naibude” should be “women de xun ji naibude” (我們的循極耐不 得). The Kangxi emperor’s eldest son is named as “Yinti” and the editors in a note (p. 126, n. 57) explain Stumpf’s transliteration of the name as “yn çi” as a possible reference to the prince’s title as a prince of the Second Rank (zhi 直), but actually the second character of the prince’s name (胤禔) is not transliterated as “ti” but “zhi”, so Stumpf is in fact perfectly correct. There are also wrong characters, such as the final character of Ricci's Chinese name (dou 竇), which is written as 鐸 on page 80. These translation and editing problems should not detract from the excellent scholarship that infuses every page of this fine volume. The next volume of this most important monument to Tournon’s legation is most eagerly awaited. Sun Yat-Sen University, China Daniel Canaris Christine W.M. Schunck, Intolerante tolerantie. De geschiedenis van de katholieke missionering op Curaçao (1499–1776). Nijmegen: Valkhof Pers, 2019. 403 pp. € 22.50. ISBN 978-90-5625-504-6. Little has been written lately on the history of the Catholic Church on Curaçao, in particular regarding the period when the island was governed by the Protestant Dutch Republic (1634–1795) and missioned by those champions of Catholicism, the Jesuits (1705– 1742). One cannot but praise the author—a PhD student in her mid-seventies—for the idea to dedicate her thesis to this topic, an idea even more praiseworthy, considering how many archival sources she had to consult at both sides of the Atlantic. Some were disappointingly small, like the diocesan archives of Curaçao (destroyed by fire in 1969); others were discouragingly large, like the archives of the Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith in Rome or the Spanish colonial archives in Seville; yet others were simply unwelcoming, like the archdiocesan archives in Caracas, with its “rather despotic traits” (p. 22). One would have wished, however, that the author had been better accompanied, both in her research and in the writing and editing of her thesis, all of which remain on a rather low academic level. Also, the Latin transcriptions are far from flawless, and the index of names, with references to chapters instead of pages, is unhelpful, to say the least. If her understanding of the Jesuit ‘way of proceeding’ is anything to go by—often superficial,
276 Book Reviews sometimes erroneous—this thesis ought to be consulted with some caution. The presence of the Society of Jesus in present-day Colombia and surroundings was organised in 1605 in the Vice-Province (in 1611 Province) of the New Kingdom of Granada and Quito (NRQ), with Quito gaining independence in 1696 – the same period in which the first non-Spanish Jesuits arrived, namely seven indipetae of the Bohemian Province, one of whom, Michael Schabel, would work as the first Jesuit on Curaçao. In 1713, Superior General Tamburini entrusted the Curaçao Mission to the Flemish Belgian Province, which reluctantly sent one after the other of its newly ordained men to the island—seven until 1741—most of whom would die there within a few years from illness or exhaustion. So what to think of the author talking about the NRQ Province in the 18th century, as if it had not ceased to exist as such in 1696? Even its split-off, the New Kingdom of Granada Province (NR), never really had much to do with the Curaçao Mission, if not for the erratic Father Schabel. The latter’s ministry on the island, from 1705 to 1713, did not excel in the observance of religious vows, with accusations of espionage, commercial gain, drunkenness, intimate relationships with women, and in general a spirit of independence unbefitting of a professed priest of the Society of Jesus; already in 1702, his superiors had judged his prudence null (p. 92). Nothing could be more obvious than his dismissal from the Order, one would say, but the author dedicates a whole paragraph to the question why Schabel had to leave the Society. “Why does a priest have to be celibate and a Protestant minister not?”, she asks. “Celibacy was difficult on an island where many scantily-clad women walked around. Moreover, there was plenty of alcohol available during his visits to the high society” (p. 109). Her description of Jesuit formation and of what might move a young religious to volunteer for the missions is equally inaccurate and superficial (p. 81–82), leading to loose observations such as that most of the seven Bohemian indipetae wrote their request “around the time of their stay at Telc” (p. 85). Indeed they did, but why? Because, as one can deduct from the tables in the text and in the appendices (II.B.3a), the college of Telč was where they did their tertianship. In other words, they were inspired to greater zeal in this intense, final phase of their religious formation. Others, like Frantisek Wydra (p. 309), applied for the missions in or shortly after the novitiate. More remarkable, on the other hand, is the fact that the seven Flemish Belgian Jesuits were sent to Curaçao alone, without the usual companion; the second man normally arrived a few years
Book Reviews 277 later, just in time (or not) to bury his predecessor. The author notes the fact without explaining it, or it must have been for the same reason why the Flemish Belgian Province was so reluctant, too, to aid them financially, namely that it never really had wanted to take over the Curaçao Mission but had been forced by Tamburini to accept it in the aftermath of the Schabel scandal (p. 107–108). Interestingly, three of the seven missionaries made their final vows after having arrived at Curaçao, in the absence of a (major) superior or any other Jesuit – an unusual way of incorporation (p. 110). Given the difficult circumstances in which they had to work, it is not surprising that they were all professed of four vows. Two Bohemian Jesuits who earlier had taken final vows as spiritual coadjutors, Albert von Bukowski zu Hustirzan (not Hustiran) and Elias Sieghardt, were elevated to professed during the voyage to the New Kingdom of Granada or after their arrival, and would even become superior, but their companion Marek Zaurek, praised as “the most enthusiastic and fervent missionary in this region” (p. 310), remained a spiritual coadjutor all his life. From the perspective of Jesuit history, which comprises the one but longest of this thesis’s four chapters (p. 77–127), with another sixty pages of appendices, one must conclude that much remains to be studied regarding the Curaçao Mission, short-lived as it may have been. Despite its shortcomings, which cannot only be imputed to the author, this thesis will prove to be a useful basis for further research and a tribute to the missionaries who founded the Catholic Church on Curaçao. In a climate of ‘tolerant intolerance’ (and not the other way around, as the author has it), where the practice of non- Protestant worship was only allowed under the strictest conditions, there was little or no space for a regular priestly ministry. The sixty Spanish priests who baptized on Curaçao between 1677 and 1707, sometimes for a few days, sometimes for a few months (p. 65–70), were missionaries in transit, two thirds of them religious; they may have wanted to stay there, but did not have the chance. Father Schabel did manage to work on the island, for eight years, baptizing slaves, wining and dining with the Catholic notables, and keeping his flock obedient, as the Dutch vice-governor desired (his Nativity scene had black sheep). His seven Dutch and Flemish successors, on the other hand, bore the daily burdens of their ministry without succumbing to the temptations of the flesh. Fr Dominic Dujardin, for example, “crossed the whole island barefooted, because he did not have money for a donkey or for shoes” (p. 119), while Fr John Baptist Cloots, inspired by the same zeal, was the first Jesuit to learn the local
278 Book Reviews language, Papiamento. One of their enemies, a vagrant Augustinian, wrote disdainfully about the handicraft they performed, the wigs and lay attire they wore, the alms they asked for the administration of sacraments and blessings (p. 147), but each sneer was actually a testimony to their poverty and to their selflessness in the service of the equally poor Catholics of Curaçao, most of them mulattos or blacks and often slaves, who suffered doubly—racially and religiously— from the Dutch ‘tolerant intolerance’. Brussels Marc Lindeijer SJ Margarida Miranda, Miguel Venegas and the Earliest Jesuit Theater. Choruses for Tragedies in Sixteenth-Century Europe. Leiden-Boston: Brill, 2019, 240 pp. €106.00/$127.00. ISBN 9789004340428. Margarida Miranda inizia questa monografia su Miguel Venegas, fondatore del teatro gesuitico portoghese, ricostruendone la vicenda biografica e la personalità. Attingendo a documenti di prima mano, l’autrice rettifica anche alcune inesattezze, primamente quelle relative al cognome e alla data di nascita, fissandoli rispettivamente in Venegas e 29 settembre 1529. Nei primi due capitoli del libro, scopriamo un uomo irrequieto, un gesuita (fu ammesso nel 1554) colto e apprezzato, ma anche ribelle, un umanista e un maestro al quale però, talvolta, l’insegnamento pesava. Passò dalla Penisola Iberica a Roma a Parigi, per tornare, dopo aver lasciato la Compagnia di Gesù, nella terra d’origine; non in Portogallo, dove aveva esordito come drammaturgo, ma nella natia Spagna, docente di retorica (eppure, fu questa la motivazione con la quale volle lasciare l’Ordine: avrebbe voluto essere un predicatore!) presso l’Università di Salamanca. La sua produzione poetica e oratoria è cospicua; quella drammaturgica propriamente detta, alla quale vanno aggiunti dialoghi ed ecloghe, significativa. Essa consta di due tragoediae sacrae (struttura classica, argomento tratto dall’Antico Testamento) composte e rappresentate a Coimbra, rispettivamente nel 1559 e nel 1562, Saul Gelboeus e Achabus (disponibile in edizione moderna), di una tragedia, Juditha, e di un’opera senza titolo delle quali non si hanno i testi, ma si ha notizia, nonché di una Comedia en la fiesta del Santisimo Sacramento (disponibile in edizione moderna), composte e rappresentate a Salamanca. Come d’uso nel teatro gesuitico,
Book Reviews 279 specialmente per i testi migliori, le opere di Venegas vennero messe in scena più volte e in paesi diversi; lo conferma l’esistenza, anche fuori dell’Europa, di numerosi manoscritti di Saul e Achabus. Alcuni circolarono anonimi, ma la studiosa ne ha meritatamente accertato la paternità. L’autrice sembra, non a torto, tenere molto alla contestualizzazione e prima di focalizzare il discorso sul drammaturgo, ci offre un panorama dettagliato dell’ambiente nel quale egli si è formato e si muove. Venegas ha una formazione universitaria, porta con sé l’eredità dell’umanesimo cristiano di Alcalá de Henares, dove il bagaglio culturale (grammatica, retorica, opere) delle tre lingue, Latino, Greco, Ebraico e il metodo, impostato sulla correttezza filologica, sono soprattutto un veicolo per la comprensione della Bibbia. Ma la produzione teatrale gesuitica non nasce in un deserto; nel caso del nostro autore, il retroterra è costituito in particolare dal teatro, gesuitico e non, spagnolo. È un retroterra vivace e ricco, nel quale non mancano elementi di novità; nella prima metà del XVI secolo il Vecchio Testamento è la fonte privilegiata, che non viene abbandonata neppure dopo il 1550; parimenti, nonostante l’influenza controriformista e l’apertura all’uso della lingua vernacola, non viene abbandonato quello che abbiamo definito bagaglio culturale. Relativamente alle tragedie di Venegas, nel quadro che Margarida Miranda disegna c’è un elemento da sottolineare: diversamente da ciò che solitamente accade nel teatro gesuitico spagnolo, l’alto registro stilistico dell’opera non passa mai in secondo piano rispetto all’intento morale e catechetico. Una caratteristica che non appartiene però solamente al nostro autore. Come si evince dal sottotitolo del volume, un particolare interesse rivestono i cori. Che le messinscene nei collegi della Compagnia si giovassero della musica, del canto e di movimenti danzanti che talvolta sembrano vere e proprie coreografie è noto, ma qui siamo agl’inizi del teatro dei Gesuiti e dunque vale la pena di spendere qualche parola. Venegas viene da un’università nella quale, diversamente da quanto accade nelle scuole dell’Ordine, si attribuisce grande importanza alla cultura musicale. Quando si tratta dei cori, si parla in particolare di quelli di Achabus, egli non improvvisa, ma si rivolge al musicista Francisco Mouro. Il risultato della collaborazione è una simmetria di musica e parole, dove la prima non è un semplice ornamento, ma, in perfetto accordo con le seconde, ne sostiene l’espressività e il significato. Quando la tragedia venne rappresentata
280 Book Reviews a Roma, presso il Collegio Germanico, dove la sensibilità musicale si manifestava nella pratica della musica vocale e strumentale, il drammaturgo non fu costretto a cercare collaboratori ‘esterni’. I cori rimasero come un vero e proprio modello, ma forse è azzardato affermare, come fa Margarida Miranda, che Miguel Venegas fornì il modello della tragoedia sacra, che, accettato e codificato dal Generale Borja, avrebbe in seguito, dall’edizione del 1586, ispirato la Ratio Studiorum. In sintesi, il volume è ricco e non privo di spunti di discussione. Non gli giova però l’insistenza sulla grandezza, indiscutibile, di Venegas, e, soprattutto, sull’essere stato il fondatore del teatro recitato nei collegi della Compagnia, dal momento che l’autrice arriva a conclusioni a dir poco frettolose. Assodato, e non si può non essere d’accordo, che il teatro gesuitico non fece le prime prove in Italia, come volle una critica ormai datata, bensì in Portogallo, l’autrice scrive che Stefano Tucci (1540-1597) e Bernardino Stefonio (1562-1620) non soltanto non sono i fondatori di quel teatro, ma che, come drammaturghi «may be considered disciples of Venegas» (p. 149). Se non bastasse il fatto che i due appartengono a generazioni diverse, il primo, dopo le tragedie bibliche, scrisse una trilogia cristologica e Stefonio trasse i propri soggetti dal martirologio, Sancta Symphorosa (1591) e dalla storia, Crispus (1597), Flavia (1600)! Riferendosi ancora ai suddetti, l’autrice scrive che, secondo studiosi con i quali, si comprende, non è d’accordo, essi iniziano «a new form of Christian and Jesuit drama» (p. 163). Ella usa indifferente gli aggettivi sacra e cristiana, cosa che non va fatta, quando essi qualificano la tragedia gesuitica. Cristiana si definisce infatti non la tragedia di soggetto biblico, ma la cosiddetta tragedia del martire, iniziata con le tragedie storiche di Stefonio e discussa da Tarquinio Galluzzi in Rinovazione dell’antica tragedia e Difesa del Crispo (1633). Parliamo della cosiddetta riforma stefoniana, della quale hanno scritto studiosi quali Marc Fumaroli e Jean-Marie Valentin. A quest’ultimo si deve inoltre l’aver individuato nelle tragedie cristologiche tucciane il primo passo verso quella riforma. Sull’argomento, come su altri, esiste una bibliografia, anche recente, della quale l’autrice avrebbe dovuto tenere conto. Roma Mirella Saulini
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