Appendix List of Interviews
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Appendix
List of Interviews*
Name Date
Personal Interview No. 1 29 August 2000
Personal Interview No. 2 12 September 2000
Personal Interview No. 3 18 September 2000
Personal Interview No. 4 6 October 2000
Personal Interview No. 5 16 October 2000
Personal Interview No. 6 17 October 2000
Personal Interview No. 7 18 October 2000
Personal Interview No. 8: Oonagh Marron (A) 17 October 2000
Personal Interview No. 9: Oonagh Marron (B) 23 October 2000
Personal Interview No. 10: Helena Schlindwein 28 October 2000
Personal Interview No. 11 30 October 2000
Personal Interview No. 12 1 November 2000
Personal Interview No. 13 1 November 2000
Personal Interview No. 14: Claire Hackett 7 November 2000
Personal Interview No. 15: Meta Auden 15 November 2000
Personal Interview No. 16 1 June 2000
Personal Interview Maggie Feeley 30 August 2005
Personal Interview No. 18 4 August 2009
Personal Interview No. 19: Marie Mulholland 27 August 2009
Personal Interview No. 20 3 February 2010
Personal Interview No. 21A (joint interview) 23 February 2010
Personal Interview No. 21B (joint interview) 23 February 2010
* Locations are omitted from this list so as to preserve the identity of the respondents.
203Notes
1 Introduction: Rethinking Women and Nationalism
1. I will return to this argument in a subsequent section dedicated to women’s
victimisation as ‘women as reproducers’ of the nation. See also, Beverly
Allen, Rape Warfare: The Hidden Genocide in Bosnia-Herzegovina (Minneapolis:
University of Minnesota, 1996); Alexandra Stiglmayer, (ed.), Mass Rape: The
War Against Women in Bosnia-Herzegovina (Lincoln: University of Nebraska,
1994); Carolyn Nordstrom, Fieldwork Under Fire: Contemporary Studies of
Violence and Survival (Berkeley: University of California, 1995); Jill Benderly,
‘Rape, feminism, and nationalism in the war in Yugoslav successor states’
in Lois West, ed., Feminist Nationalism (London and New Tork: Routledge,
1997); Cynthia Enloe, ‘When soldiers rape’ in Maneuvers: The International
Politics of Militarizing Women’s Lives (Berkeley: University of California,
2000).
2. See also: Miranda Alison, ‘Wartime sexual violence: women’s human rights
and questions of masculinity’, Review of International Studies (2007), 33 : 75–90;
Pankhurst D, ‘Sexual violence in war’ in L. Shepherd (ed.) Gender Matters
in Global Politics: A Feminist Introduction to International Relations. (London:
Routledge, 2009), pp. 148–160. Wilson Njita, ‘Sexual violence against women
and girls during situation of armed conflict’, Canadian Women’s Studies 19
(2010) (4); Ronit Lentin, Gender and Catastrophe. (London & New York: Zed
Books, 1997). Lois Ann Lorentzen and Jennifer Turpin eds, The Women and
War Reader (New York: New York University, 1998); Tamar Mayer, ed., Gender
Ironies of Nationalism: Sexing the Nation (London and New York: Routledge,
2000). It is important to note that chapters in the listed edited collection
are overwhelmingly dedicated to examining the ways in which women are
victimised by conflict through sexual violence.
3. For further examples of woman/mother as signifier of nationalism, see Julie
Mostov, ‘Sexing the nation/de-sexing the body’ in Tamar Mayer, ed., Gender
Ironies of Nationalism: Sexing the Nation (London and New York: Routledge,
2000); Vesna Nikolić-Risanović, ‘War, nationalism, and mothers in the former
Yugoslavia’ in Lois Ann Lorentzen and Jennifer Turpin, eds, The Women
and War Reader (New York: New York University, 1998); Anne McClintock,
‘Family Feuds: Gender, Nationalism and the Family’, Feminist Review 44,
(Summer 1993); Zengie A. Mangaliso, ‘Gender and nation-building in
South Africa’ in Lois West, ed., Feminist Nationalism (London and New York:
Routledge, 1997); Deborah Gaistskell and Elaine Underhalter, ‘Mothers of the
nation: A comparative analysis of nation, race and motherhood in Afrikaner
nationalism and the African National Congress’ in Nira Yuval-Davis and
Floya Anthias, eds, Woman-Nation-State (London: Macmillan, 1989). For
examples of woman/mother as social reproducer of the nation, see Julie
Mostov, ‘Sexing the nation/de-sexing the body’ in Tamar Mayer, ed. Gender
Ironies of Nationalism: Sexing the Nation (London and New York: Routledge,
204Notes 205
2000); Cynthia Enloe, Bananas, Beaxhes and Bases: Making Feminist Sense
of International Politics, 2nd Edn (Berkeley: University of California, 2000);
Sarah A. Radcliffe, ‘Gendered nations: nostalgia, development and territory
in Ecuador’, Gender, Place and Culture 3, no. 1 (1996): 5–21. For examples of
woman/mother as biological reproducer of the nation, see Danielle Juteau,
‘From nation-church to nation-state: evolving sex-gender relations in
Quebec society’ in Norma Alarcon and Minoo Moallem, eds, Between Woman
and Nation: Nationalisms, Transnational Feminisms, and the State (Durham,
NC: Duke, 1999); Julie Mostov, ‘Sexing the nation/de-sexing the body’ in
Tamar Mayer, ed. Gender Ironies of Nationalism: Sexing the Nation (London
and New York: Routledge, 2000); Lorraine Dowler, “‘And They Think I’m
Just a Nice Old Lady” Women and War in Belfast, Northern Ireland’, Gender,
Place and Culture 5, no. 2 (1998): pp. 159–176.
4. See, for example, Zillah Eisenstein, who argues that ‘Nationalism speaks
men, and applauds the fraternal order while imagining women to call forth
notions of motherly love’, in ‘Writing bodies on the nation for the globe’
in Sita Ranchod-Nilsson and Mary Ann Tétreault, eds, Women, States and
Nationalism: At Home in the Nation? (New York and London: Routledge, 2000),
p. 41.
5. Simona Sharoni reiterates these points quite well in her discussion on
women in conflict in both the North of Ireland and Israel-Palestine. Simona
Sharoni, ‘Women in Israel-Palestine and the North of Ireland’ in Victims,
Perpetrators or Actors? Gender, Armed Conflict and Political Violence, Caroline
Mosher and Fiona Clark eds, (London and New York: Zed Books, 2001), p. 86.
See, for example, Susan Leisure, ‘Exchanging participation for promises’
in Jill Bystydzienski and Joti Sekhom, eds, Democratization and Women’s
Grassroots Movements (Bloomington: Indiana University, 1999); Linda L. Reif,
‘Women in Latin American guerrilla movements: a comparative perspec-
tive’, Comparative Politics, 18, no. 2 (January, 1986); Mary Ann Tetreault,
ed., Women and Revolution in Africa, Asia and the New World (Columbia, SC:
University of South Carolina, 1994) or Miranda Alison, Women and Political
Violence: Female Combatants in Ethno-National Conflicts (New York & London:
Routledge, 2009).
6. The term ‘not now, later’ is used by Cynthia Enloe in Bananas, Beaches
and Bases: Making Feminist Sense of International Politics, 2nd ed. (Berkeley:
University of California, 2000), p. 62.
7. See Margaret Ward, (1996–7:17) as cited in Tricia Cusack, ‘Janus and
Gender: women and the nation’s backward look’, Nations and Nationalism
6 no. 4 (2000), p. 546. Nira Yuval-Davis, Gender and Nation (London: Sage
Publications, 1997); Nira Yuval-Davis and Floya Anthias, eds, Woman-Nation-
State (London: Macmillan, 1989); Susan Jacobs, ‘Zimbabwe: state, class, and
gendered models of land resettlement’ in Jane Papart and Kathleen Staudt,
eds, Women and the State in Africa (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 1989);
Valentine Moghadam, ed., Gender and National Identity: Women and Politics
in Muslim Societies (London: Zed Books, 1994); Mary Ann Tetreault, ‘Women
and revolution’ in V. Spike Peterson, ed., Gendered States: Feminist (Re)Visions
of International Relations Theory (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner Publishers,
1992), p. 111; Robin Morgan, The Demon Lover: On the Sexuality of Terrorism
(London: Methuen, 1989).206 Notes
8. Delia Aguilar, ‘On the Women’s Movement Today’ Midweek, Manila
November 9 as cited in Enloe 2000: 64. See also Vickers (2008) on this
point.
9. Throughout Irish history there have been a number of organisations who
have participated in the armed struggle, many of which claim the IRA brand,
including the Provisional IRA or ‘Provos’ associated with Sinn Féin, and
Official IRA. See Ed Moloney, The Secret History of the IRA (Toronto: Penguin,
2000); Hanley and Millar, The Lost Revolution: The Story of the Official IRA and
the Workers Party (Dublin: Penguin, 2009); McIntyre, 1998; Richard English,
Armed Struggle: The History of the IRA (London: Pan Macmillan, 2003).
10. The difficulties encountered by Boston College Oral History project and the
ongoing legal battles involving the researchers to protect anonymous inter-
view data heightens the power of the testimonies in this book, as it shows
how difficult it is for these stories to be told. In order to preserve the identi-
ties of those who wished to be concealed I destroyed their particular inter-
view recordings.
11. As the republican leadership ensures a hegemonic discourse on republican
history is reiterated like a script by anyone who speaks about the movement,
I felt it was imperative to move beyond the initial gatekeepers offered by the
leadership. I was fortunate in that one of my initial gatekeepers is critical
of the current republican leadership and this opened doors and exposed
me to perspectives that I might not have otherwise had the opportunity to
hear. I informed Sinn Féin of the project via written letter, though no formal
acknowledgement was received the agreement of party members to partake
in the study was read as tacit agreement though the party played no role in
setting up interviews for me, as it has done for other researchers and under
much stricter conditions. In striking comparison, the most difficulty I had
obtaining an interview was with Monica McWilliams, head of the Northern
Ireland Women’s Coalition. I felt that a personal interview with her was vital
for this project. However, because of ‘time constraints’ the administrative
assistant for the Coalition said this was impossible and instead set up inter-
views with two other members of the party.
12. I use the terms ‘North of Ireland’ and ‘six counties’ to refer to that part of
the island which is under British authority. I use these references instead
of ‘Northern Ireland’ as that is how the republican women I interviewed
refer to this province. ‘Northern Ireland’ is a creation of the British state and
therefore, I felt it inappropriate to refer to it as such when I was interviewing
republican women. ‘The North of Ireland’ or ‘the six counties’ are more
appropriate terms because they remove the imagined boundary imposed by
the British state.
2 Women’s Troubles: Gender, Violence and the State
1. Though the state was not the only source of violence inflicted upon women
during the Troubles, my research and interviews suggest that state violence
largely accounts for how women were politicised, and experiences with
gendered state violence contributed to the development of a feminist poli-
tics. The chapter does not take into account loyalist paramilitary violenceNotes 207
or even republican paramilitary violence against republican women as these
were not identified as significant motivational factors by the women inter-
viewed. Very little research has been done on this to date and it leaves much
scope for further work in this area.
2. Unionist is a label used to refer to those in the North who believe in main-
taining the political union of the North of Ireland with Great Britain.
Unionists are almost always of the Protestant faith. Nationalists are those,
primarily Catholics, who desire an Ireland reunited by non-violent means.
A republican is one who believes in the armed struggle or use of political
violence to reverse the partitioning of Ireland, uniting North with South.
3. As cited by Coulter (1999), p. 134.
4. Semtex is a powerful plastic, yet malleable, form of explosive. It is relatively
stable and easy to handle, as a detonator is needed to set it off. It is a tool
commonly used by the armed republican movement in many of its bombs.
5. See also the report of the Stevens Inquiry (2003), which highlights this rela-
tionship between security forces and loyalist paramilitaries.
6. See Allen 1996; Stiglmayer 1994; Copelon 1998; Enloe 2000b.
7. This is the phrase commonly used by republicans to refer to the Falls Road
Curfew and replicates the gendering and sexualisation of wartime battles
elsewhere; see Cohen 1993. The curfew was a British Army response to the
unearthing of arms in the area that were allegedly linked to the IRA. See Coogan
1995, pp.108–109 for an account of the events that preceded the curfew.
8. The Black and Tans are remembered in Irish history as having committed
many atrocities during their existence between 1918 and 1921. Mainly
ex-service members, they were sent over by the British as reinforcements for
the Royal Irish Constabulary during the War of Independence. The name,
Black and Tans, was derived from their uniforms of khaki and black (Irish
News 1970; Pickering 2002:74–79).
9. Women were also interned, though not until 1972; the first six months alone
saw the internment of close to 250 women. See Aretxaga 1997, p. 76.
10. Story of Janet Donnelly of Turf Lodge in Belfast, quoted in McAuley
1989, p. 64.
11. Rose, former Armagh POW, in reference to the governor’s (head of Armagh)
attempt to break the will of republican women on the dirty protest. Cited in
Fairweather et al. 1984, p. 222.
12. See Women’s Group n.d.; Corcoran 2006, p.112, where it is also claimed that
such threats were palpable.
13. It is important to note that this is a subject many are reluctant to speak on,
despite the eagerness to paint the British as cold and ruthless. One woman
explained in a personal interview that it was too intimate and personal,
alluding to the shame felt by victims of such abuse.
14. In one case a woman lost her virginity through the interrogation she under-
went and was awarded an out-of-court settlement (Women’s Group n.d.). See
also Harris and Healy 2001; Friel 1998; Murray 1998.
15. This woman goes on to explain how, while the overwhelming majority of the
victims were women, some men experienced sexual violence too but because
of the taboo, she claims, regarding male-on-male sexual violence it was never
discussed. This taboo is a product of the homophobic societal norms preva-
lent in the North. See McKeown 2001.208 Notes
16. This was also mentioned in many of the interviews I conducted. See O’Keefe
2006, p.540.
17. Prison location and names withheld for the sake of anonymity.
18. For a detailed history of republicanism and the armed struggle, see English
2003;.
19. This violence informed a broader cycle of violence and retaliation outside the
prison whereby prison officials were targeted and in some cases killed by the
IRA for their mistreatment of republican prisoners. This worsened relation-
ships between prisoners and ‘the screws’, as wardens are commonly referred
to, and increased the level of punishment directed at republican prisoners
housed in Long Kesh.
20. Quote by Liz Lagrua, a member of Women Against Imperialism who volun-
tarily entered Armagh to join the no-wash protest in support of the repub-
lican prisoners as cited in McCafferty 1981, p.13.
21. Prisoners’ Statement, ‘Women republican prisoners of war, Maghaberry
Prison’,Women’s News 1987, p.17.
22. Prison officers were mainly unionist or loyalist and many were members of
the Orange Order, an organisation that bars Catholics from membership.
23. Prisoners’ Statement, ‘Women republican prisoners of war, Maghaberry
Prison, Strip-Searching. ... Violence against Women’, dated September
1986,Women’s News 1986.
24. Rosemary Callaghan’s account of the mass strip searching incident in Armagh
on 7 February 1980, which sparked the no-wash protest, as cited in Aretxaga
1997, p. 24.
25. Statement by Martina Anderson dated April 22, 1987, as cited in McAuley
1989, p.75.
26. ‘Testimony of Mairéad Farrell’, Women’s News 1987, p.13.
27. See Allen 1996; Stiglmayer 1994; Copelon 1998; Enloe 2000b.
28. Ulsterisation and normalisation were strategies adopted by the British
government to manage the conflict in the Northwith the aim of framing it
as particular to the province, the result of ‘warring tribes’ and therefore less
of an issue that concerned Britain, thereby removing any culpability of the
British state for the conflict, its genesis and continuance. See McKittrick and
McVea 2002:123,171; Curtis 1984:68–69.
3 A Woman’s Place Is in the Armed Struggle?
1. See Peter Landesman, ‘The Minister of Rape’, Toronto Star, 21 September
2002, sec. K, p. 1.
2. See Leisure 1999; Sheldon 1994.
3. ‘In fighting to survive at the grass-roots level, women have justified their
political action as a struggle to feed, house, and clothe their children. In
joining revolutionary or racial struggles, some groups of women have also
used the maternalism theme as a way of rationalising the expansion of their
nurturing roles into the public sphere.’ (West and Blummberg 1990:22)
4. Sita Ranchod-Nilsson provides a good overview of this literature, and accu-
rately classifies the literature into pre-post modern work and work that has
come after the acceptance of post-modern analysis and is directly influencedNotes 209
by such analysis. Sita Ranchod-Nilsson, ‘(Gender) struggles for the nation:
Power, agency, and representation in Zimbabwe’, in Sita Ranchod-Nilsson
and Mary Ann Tétreault, eds, Women, States and Nationalism: At home in the
nation? (New York and London: Routledge, 2000).
5. See Coogan 1993; Smith 1995; White 1993; Toolis 2000; Dillon 1999; Burton
1978.
6. Seamus Duffy, a 15-year-old from Belfast, was shot dead on 9 August 1989 by
a plastic bullet fired from a passing RUC patrol vehicle.
7. This was corroborated by a number of the republican women I interviewed.
8. This created much difficulty for those planning 20th-anniversary commemo-
rations of the 1981 hunger strike and for ceremonies celebrating the contri-
butions of former members and ex-prisoners.
9. The discussion that I had with volunteers on their activity was limited and
often was restricted to crimes that they had served time for. This was neces-
sary to avoid further prosecution under the Prevention of Terrorism Act – a
strictly enforced law which makes even association with Cumann na mBan
or the IRA illegal. The Boston College Oral History Project legal issue high-
lights the care needed when documenting such activities.
10. See Fairweather et al. 1984, p. 258; Personal Interview No. 12, 1 November
2000; Daily News 1974.
11. See Daily Mail 1975; Daily Express 1975; Belfast Telegraph 1975. See also
Fairweather et al. 1984: Chap. 5 passim.
12. Daily Mail 1976b.
13. It must be noted that a charge often used to brand IRA soldiers as bombers
was ‘conspiracy to cause explosions’. This is a contentious charge, however,
that can easily be used to trump up more serious charges as opposed to lesser
crimes like possession of weapons. In fact, this charge does not hold up in
other countries.
14. See Coogan 1993:312; McDonald 2011. For further discussion on the Price
sisters’ hunger strikes see following section.
15. The Price sisters are again in the limelight for their roles in high-profile legal
battles. An interview with the late Dolours Price as part of Boston College’s
Belfast Project conducted between 2001 and 2006 is at the centre of an inter-
national struggle to protect the integrity of oral history research. In the midst
of this ongoing legal wrangling Dolours passed away suddenly on 24, January
2013 with friends and supporters blaming police inquiries for hastening her
death. Marian Price was recently interned in Maghaberry Prison, held until
May 2013 on the order of Owen Patterson, Secretary of State for Northern
Ireland. She was imprisoned for over a year without trial, despite being gravely
ill. Numerous judicial challenges to Patterson’s order were successful yet the
state continued to override these decisions and deny her a trial or release.
16. See the following section for further discussion of Farrell’s role in prison,
including hunger strikes and feminist organising. Also see Chapter 5 for
more information on the Women’s Department.
17. Source: Sharrock 1991.
18. Personal Interviews Nos 1 (29 August 2000) and 11 (30 October 2000) are
clear examples of this.
19. Reilly 2012; NIO clippings, ‘Women and IRA’ 1971–1975, available at Linen
Hall Library, Northern Ireland Political Collection.210 Notes
20. Daly 2012; NIO clippings, ‘Women and IRA’, 1971–5. Available at Linen Hall
Library, Northern Ireland Political Collection; Daily Express 1975.
21. See BBC News 1975; Bernard 1989:173.
22. Sinn Féin Women’s Department 1994Women In Struggle1 .
23. The terms ‘civil’ and ‘political’ crime are used by Andrew Silke to distin-
guish between acts that affect the community on the whole, like theft and
vandalism, and crimes that affect paramilitaries, such as ‘colluding with the
enemy’ (Silke 1999:89).
24. When I asked female volunteers about the nature of ‘women’s work’ within
the organisation I was told that women were involved in all types of duties,
including the execution of informers.
25. Personal Interview No. 10 with Dr Helena Schlindwein, Founding member of
the Northern Ireland Women’s Coalition and the Derry Women’s Aid Group,
Derry, 28 October 2000.
26. A post-Good Friday Agreement example of tarring and feathering that
surfaced in Belfast was directed against a 15-year-old boy for ‘anti-social’
behaviour (McKernon 2003).
27. See McAuley1989:27; Personal Interview No. 11, 30 October 2000.
28. Unidentified female volunteer as cited in Fairweather, et al. 1984, p. 242.
29. Eithne is an alias I have used so as not to reveal the identity of the female
volunteer quoted.
30. For a diagram of the command structure of the IRA see Moloney 2002,
p. 573.
31. See Moloney 2002, pp. 377–389; Boyne 1996; O’Brien 1995, p. 110; Feldman
1991.
32. Perhaps the best-known female republicans who achieved high status within
the republican movement have been the late Maíre Drumm, Vice President of
Sinn Féin, and Miriam Daly, former member of the Irish National Liberation
Army and chair for two years of its political equivalent, the Irish Republican
Socialist Party. Bernadette Devlin McAlisky is also a leading member of the
IRSP.
33. When Sinn Féin entered the peace talks leading up to the 1998 Good Friday
Agreement, Sands-McKevitt left the Provisionals with her partner Mickey
McKevitt, alleged former quarter-master general of PIRA. It has been reported
that they established the Real IRA in response to the directional shift taken
by their former republican leadership. Mickey McKevitt is in Portlaoise
prison for the direction of terrorism while for a period of time Bernadette
Sands-McKevitt chaired the 32 Country Sovereignty Association, a political
organisation which advocates the British withdrawal from the North and
the unification of all 32 counties of Ireland. The Association is regarded as
the political wing of the dissident group the Real IRA, despite assertions by
Sands-McKevitt to the contrary. Harnden 1999, pp. 310–311.
34. An Phoblacht/Republican News 1982.
35. It is interesting to note the exclusionary language in this excerpt from the
Green Book. This manual, written in the mid-1970s was a product of its time
in that the pronoun he/him was used without considering its exclusivity.
An updated version correcting this erroneous assumption that all volunteers
are male has yet to surface. Ed Moloney (2002) notes that the language was
edited at a later date to remove sexist content.Notes 211
36. The impact of women’s roles as care-givers on their participation in the armed
republican movement is a topic that needs further exploration. Research
needs to be completed on how women’s involvement in the armed struggle
altered the gendered division of labour in the home as well.
37. Joseph O’Connor, a member of RIRA, was murdered, and Marion and
Dolores Price received death threats for voicing anti-agreement sentiments.
See McDonald 2000; Twomey 2002.
38. For a discussion of the peace process see Cox et al. 2000; Capital & Class
1999.
39. See Kate Fearon 2000.
4 The Mini-Skirt Brigade: Distorting Women’s
Participation in Armed Conflict
1. This is further evidenced by the Boston College case, in which archival inter-
views are at the centre of international legal wrangling because they poten-
tially mention the murder of McConville.
2. Taken from the back cover of Eileen MacDonald, Shoot the Women First
(London: Arrow Press, 1991).
3. Interview with Her Christain Lochte as cited in MacDonald 1991, p. 4.
4. From Daily Express 1975; News Letter 1973; Daily Telegraph 1973, respectively.
5. See Glasgow Herald 1973; Daily Express 1975; Fairweather et al. 1984:
Chapter 5.
6. Belfast Telegraph 1981; Daily Mail 1976a; Sunday Mirror 1975.
7. Shannon 1989, p. 248. This book is based on Elizabeth Shannon’s encounters
with women in her role as the wife of the American Ambassador to Ireland.
8. For a more in-depth, historical account of women’s involvement in the early
struggle for Irish independence, see Ward 1983.
9. Eileen Brady, former member of Cumann na mBan. Taken from What Did You
Do in the War Mammy? a film produced by the Falls Women’s Centre Belfast
in 1995.
10. Unnamed republican activist as cited in Fairweather et al., 1984,
pp. 236–238.
11. Unnamed republican activist as cited in Fairweather et al., 1984, p. 240.
12. An Phoblacht/Republican News (January/February 1971) as cited in Kelley
1982, p. 134.
13. This sentiment was echoed by almost every woman I interviewed – that men
in the movement have become more cognisant of when that type of behav-
iour is appropriate and, furthermore, are even more supportive to women
and women’s issues than they were when women initially filled the ranks of
the armed republican movement.
14. This was commonplace and families of prisoners were also given financial
support by the Green Cross.
15. The Sinn Féin leader Gerry Adams makes a brief mention of this in his intro-
duction to a book written by a former female political prisoner Sile Darragh,
who took part in the no-wash protest. See Darragh 2011.
16. It is important to note that republican collective memory is not homoge-
neous and because of splits within the movement there is a struggle over212 Notes
history. Narrations of the history by Provisionals, for example, would differ
from those by dissidents.
17. This is based on my examination of Dr Jonathan McCormick’s Mural
Directory, an index of over 500 murals across the North of Ireland that he
based on photographs he took of the all the murals beginning in 1996. I
conducted this examination in 2001, just after I returned to Canada from
fieldwork in Belfast. The time of the analysis is historically significant as it
marks the beginning of the transition process resulting from the Good Friday
Agreement and therefore rests at the delicate juncture between war and tran-
sition. (It is important to note that McCormick’s Directory is constantly
updated and my analysis does not include any murals added after October
2001.) See also Rolston 1994, 1995; Woods 1995. All the above are accessible
on the Conflict Archive on the Internment (CAIN) website produced by the
University of Ulster, http://cain.ulst.ac.uk.
18. It is interesting to note that one of the few successful hunger strikes was
that embarked on by Marian and Dolours Price, who had as their goal their
transfer to an Irish prison in order to serve their time.
19. Some of these murals feature men who died at the hands of state violence,
such as the late Pat Finucane, a criminal lawyer in Belfast who was murdered,
allegedly at the order of the British government. Such murals also include a
memorial to the late Rosemary Nelson, a criminal lawyer who met the same
fate as Finucane. What is interesting to note of such murals is not the pres-
ence of men, but the number dedicated to women, given traditional notions
associated with the victimisation of women. Similarly, murals dedicated to
those who lost their lives because of plastic bullets primarily have as their
main subject 12-year-old Carol Ann Kelly, as opposed to male victims of
plastic bullets, such as 15-year-old Seamus Duffy.
20. See McCormick’s directory http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/mccormick/index.html.
21. See Drumm 2011.
22. For images, see CAIN’s catalogue of memorials at http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/
victims/memorials/static/monuments/589.html.
23. The Price sisters’ hunger strike was one of the few, if not the only, successful
republican hunger strike.
24. The name for this section is taken from a video produced by Friends of the
Falls Road Women’s Centre in 1995 to record the experiences of women
ex-prisoners.
5 The Rousing of Republican Feminism
1. See also Barrig 1998; Vickers 2002.
2. Women’s political participation in Irish politics pre-dates 1916. Women were
active in the 1798 rebellion and in the Ladies’ Land League of 1881. See
Keogh and Furlong 1998; Ward 1983.
3. Home Rule refers to the campaign to return the governance of Ireland from
Westminster to Ireland.
4. For an in-depth examination of the life of Hanna Sheehy Skeffington, see
Ward 1997.
5. Lily Fitzsimmons as cited in Gillespie 1994, p. 12.Notes 213
6. See Belfast Women’s Collective June 1980, p. 4.
7. Interview with member of a Relatives Action Committee as cited in
Fairweather 1984, p. 51.
8. Rita O’Hare as quoted by D’Arcy 1981, p. 12.
9. Anne Marie Loughran as cited in McCafferty 1981, p. 62.
10. Mairead Keane cited in Lyons 1992, p. 271.
11. Mairead Keane cited in Lyons 1992, p. 278.
12. Mairead Keane cited in Lyons 1992, p. 278.
13. See, for example, Chinchilla 1990; Geiger 1987; Abdulhadi 1998; Nash 1996.
14. See, for example, Women in Struggle/Revolutionary Struggle Women’s
Bulletin ca. 1976; An Phoblacht/Republican News 1998.
15. What Did You Do in the War Mammy? 1995, produced by the Falls Women’s
Centre; A Woman’s Voice 1988; Women in Struggle/Revolutionary Struggle
Women’s Bulletin ca. 1985.
16. Mairead Keane cited in Lyons 1992, p. 264.
17. Irish Republican Socialist Party Press Release ‘Unveiling of Memorial for INLA
Volunteers Brendan Mc Namee and Miriam Daly’, 22 June 2003.
18. See Republican Sinn Féin, Éire Nua: A New Democracy, 2000; 32 County
Sovereignty Movement, The Sovereign Nation (various issues); 32 County
Sovereignty Movement, Constitution; Personal Interview No. 4, 6 October
2000; Personal Interview No. 7, 18 October 2000; Personal Interview No. 11,
30 October 2000.
19. It is for this reason that the effects of republican feminism are best deter-
mined through an examination of its effects on Sinn Féin.
20. Women in Struggle is but one example of some of the various publications in
which such articles can be found.
21. Cannavan 1999.
22. Mairéad Keane cited in Lyons 1992, p. 278.
23. The Forum, initiated by the Irish Republic’s government in 1994, was a
mechanism used to bring the two sides involved in the conflict together
with the aim of setting the stage for peace in the North.
24. Examples of this are particularly found in An Phoblacht/Republican News,
specifically around the May 2002 Irish elections and previously around the
elections of 2001 in the North. See An Phoblacht/Republican News 2002a,
2002b, among other examples.
25. Interview with Daisy Mules, a member of Sinn Féin’s Executive Council (Irish
Interest Group 1996).
26. See also Sinn Féin Women’s Department 1986.
27. Mairéad Keane cited in Lyons 1992, p. 267.
28. SF Manifesto, May 1999, p. 11.
29. This by no means should be read as an endorsement of Sinn Féin and its
policies. Indeed the concluding chapter illustrates that as the party chases
power through electoral and institutional means it moves further away from
its founding revolutionary socialist ideals. This has clear implications for
women and women’s rights. That chapter also raises this question in relation
to the broader issue of the confines of institutional politics for achieving
widespread radical social change.
30. This term was coined by Cathy Harkin, who worked at Women’s Aid in Derry
(Evason 1982:73).214 Notes
31. For example, McClelland 1992:3; A Woman’s Voice 1988; de Rossa 1998;
McGinley 1999; Petruschansky 1999; Kelly 1999; Sinn Féin 2002b.
32. Due to pressure from republican feminists, Sinn Féin has engaged in an
educational process for its members on the divisive nature of domestic
violence. See A Woman’s Voice 1988. At a Sinn Féin Youth Spring School in
March 1998, a workshop on domestic violence was held in order to educate
republican youth on the matter. See An Phoblacht/Republican News 1998a.
33. A Woman’s Voice 1988.
34. A Woman’s Voice 1988.
35. An Phoblacht/Republican News 1998a.
36. There had been a number of changes at the time of writing and there will
likely be more as this book goes to press. Abortion is only technically legal
in both jurisdictions when there is a clear and immediate threat to the life of
the pregnant woman, though in the case of the Republic the government has
failed to legislate on the issue and no medical abortions are being performed
due to lack of legal clarity. A similar situation existed in the North until the
Marie Stopes Clinic opened in October 2012 under the auspices of former
Progressive Unionist Party leader Dawn Purvis. Currently, pressure is being
put on the Irish government to legislate on medical abortions, both by the
European Court of Human Rights and by wider public campaigns, particu-
larly in the wake of the death of Savita Halappanavar in October 2012. See
Holland and Cullen 2012.
37. Mitchell McLaughlin, Sinn Féin. Northern Ireland Assembly Debates, held 20
June 2002. Debate on motion to oppose the extension of the Abortion Act
1967 to Northern Ireland.
38. Mairéad Keane cited in Lyons 1992, p. 265.
39. This is with the exception of the loyalist Progressive Unionist Party, which
has been linked to the Ulster Volunteer Force, a loyalist paramilitary organi-
sation. The PUP is the only party that supports women’s right to choose.
Even the Northern Ireland Women’s Coalition has been ambiguous on this
issue. See Fearon 1996:3.
40. Interview with Daisy Mules, a member of SF’s Executive Council (Irish
Interest Group 1996).
41. For a further discussion on Belfast’s Women’s Centres, see Taillon 2001.
6 Reformation versus Revolution? Feminist
Genealogies in Conflict
1. Providing a history of the ‘women’s movement’ in the North is no easy task.
Splits and splinter groups have made tracking the origins of groups a diffi-
cult task. In order to do this I rely on personal interviews with members
of the feminist community who were active in the movement at the time,
and on primary documents released by the various organisations, newspaper
cuttings, pamphlets and articles written in various feminist magazines at
the time. The history I will present is slightly different from the histories
which have been presented by other scholars such as Roulston (1997b) and
Cockburn (1998), particularly in terms of the dates and membership of the
various organisations.Notes 215
2. See, for example, Devaney 1989; Evason 1991; Sales 1997.
3. I use the labels ‘mainstream feminists’ and ‘mainstream women’s movement’
to refer to the broader and/or more dominant women’s organisations in the
North, which could be considered part of the autonomous women’s move-
ment, as opposed to republican feminism, which tended to operate at the
perimeterof the North’s autonomous women’s movement, particularly in
comparison to dominant, high profile groups.
4. This expression was used by Claire Hackett, a republican, lesbian feminist
activist, in describing the state of women’s organising in the North (Personal
Interview No. 14 with Claire Hackett, 7 November 2000).
5. It is noteworthy that Protestant working-class women’s groups also remained
on the margins of the broader women’s movement in the North and were very
much tied to the women’s centre model of organising, much like Catholic
working-class women’s groups. Women in such centres, in both loyalist and
republican areas, tended to look with suspicion on mainstream, middle-class
feminism as it was often incongruous with their lived experiences. Women
who identified as nationalist and not republican were commonly found in
more elite-driven politics, like the Northern Ireland Women’s Coalition. The
same is true of women from non-working-class, Protestant backgrounds.
6. On this point see also Porter 1999, p. 6. She places the blame for a bifurcated
movement squarely on the head of nationalism: ‘the clash of nationalisms
yield political priorities that serve as an obstacle to the effectiveness of a
politically astute feminism.’
7. The NIWRM suffered from these internal struggles almost from its inception
in 1975 and as a result adopted a politics of avoidance almost immediately.
See Loughran 1985c; Roulston 1997b.
8. Socialist Women’s Group Manifesto, reprinted in Loughran 1985c.
9. Socialist Women’s Group Manifesto, reprinted in Loughran 1985c.
10. Loughran 1985c.
11. Scarlet Women II Belfast Women’s Collective June 1980.
12. Scarlet Women II Belfast Women’s Collective June 1980, 7.
13. This report described the lack of medical attention provided to all pris-
oners in Armagh, as the jail had only one doctor. The attention women did
receive was often complacent and dismissive, the doctor being more prone to
prescribe treatment for the ‘woman problem’ than for any other conditions.
The food situation was also studied; meals were anything but nutritious –
were always served cold and half-cooked – and were insufficient in terms of
quantity. The report also mentions the harsh verbal abuse many prisoners
faced during interrogations, abuse that entailed sexually harassing language
like ‘whore’. See Women Against Imperialism 1980.
14. Women Against Imperialism 1980.
15. Nell McCafferty, The Irish Times, Friday, August 22, 1980.
16. Loughran 1985c.
17. Although this policy is not the focus of this study, it is fair to say that it
affected loyalist women as well – given that their identity is also bound up in
their Protestantism and loyalist politics.
18. Scarlet Women II Belfast Women’s Collective June 1980, 10.
19. Marron 1994, p. 9.
20. See also Rooney 1995:52; Hackett 1995.216 Notes
21. ‘New Voices, New Choices – Women For Change’, Northern Ireland Women’s
Coalition Manifesto, 1 May 1997.
22. In February 1996, both the British and Irish governments proposed an elec-
tion of delegates to the peace talks.
23. ‘Constitution’ is a Women’s Coalition euphemism for the Troubles and
government policies that relate to the conflict.
24. The Coalition’s position on the Parades issue was to call for an independent
commission to facilitate discussion between the nationalist and unionist
communities affected by Orange Order marches (Fearon and McWilliams
2000:125).
25. A plethora of examples can be found to reiterate this point – see Ruddick
1998; Sales 1997; Cockburn 1998; Gilligan 1982; Reardon 1993:Chapter 1.
26. Address by Bernadette Devlin (now McAliskey) to the IWD picket at Maghaberry,
5 March 1989, reprinted in Women’s News 42 (11) (May/June 1989).
27. McWilliams 1995:27; see also McWilliams 1991:94.
28. This is the description provided on the inside cover of every edition of
Women’s News.
29. Scarlet Women II, June 1980, 7.
30. In fact, the class divide between community-based politics and profession-
alisation became so pronounced that two rape crisis centres were opened in
Belfast, one rooted in ideas around professionalism and NGO-isation and the
other in community activism.
31. This perception was relayed to me in many informal conversations with both
Protestant and Catholic men and women in Belfast.
32. The Brook Clinic offers reproductive and sexual health services in Belfast.
It was seen as controversial because it was pro-choice and offered advice to
young adults. It thus became the centre of public controversy and a site of
regular pickets by anti-choice protesters.
33. ‘New Voices, New Choices – Women for Change’, NIWC Manifesto, April/
May 1997.
34. Personal Interview No. 14 with Claire Hackett, 7 November 2000.
35. Mairéad Farrell Cumann, 1996: 2.‘Sinn Féin Policy Document.
36. See Interview with Daisy Mules, a member of SF’s Executive Council, Irish
Interest Group 1996.
37. Mitchell McLaughlin, the Sinn Féin National Chairperson, also wrote a piece
on sexuality. See McLaughlin, 1999See also An Phoblacht/Republican News
2000a; McClelland, 1997; O’Broin, 1997.
38. Mairead Farrell Cumann, 1996.
39. See Sinn Féin Women’s Department 1994: 5;Women’s News 1988, 11;Women’s
News Issue 36 (May 1988), p. 11; Fitzsimmons,1989, 11; Whelan, 2006; Ray,
1995).
40. See also address delivered by Sinn Féin Vice President and Assembly member
for West Tyrone Pat Doherty at the annual Wolfe Tone commemoration on
Sunday June 18 in Sallins, County Kildare reprinted in An Phoblacht/Republican
News 2000b);An Phoblacht/Republican News2002d; An Phoblacht/Republican
News 2000c; Gallagher, 1997; An Phoblacht/Republican News 2002e.
41. One that caught my attention repeatedly was on the Lower Ormeau Road in
Belfast, which challenged people to smash bigotry – in this instance, anti-
Semitism.Notes 217
42. Northern Ireland Women’s Coalition 2000, p. 7.
43. Joe Hendron, Chair of the Health, Social Services and Public Safety Committee,
NI Assembly. Debates in NI Assembly, 20 June 2002.
44. It must be noted that republicanism in its current manifestation is inherently
flawed. The direction taken by the republican leadership whereby republican
socialism became sidelined in favour of electoral gain has meant a move
away from questioning institutional legitimacy in the direction of institu-
tional collusion and, in fact, membership. This has affected, to a certain
extent, the trajectory of republican feminism, which will be addressed in the
subsequent chapter.
7 Conclusion: The Unfinished Revolution?
1. See, for example, Yuval-Davis and Anthias 1989; Enloe 2000a; Mies 1986.
2. See Sinn Féin’s campaign material against the 2012 Stability Treaty, http://
irishelectionliterature.wordpress.com/2012/05/07/austerity-isnt-working-
vote-no-leaflet-from-sinn-fein/ as well as http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/
uk-northern-ireland-19862303.
3. When this failed, Sinn Féin introduced its own private members’ bill calling
for legislation on X; yet the Janus-face of the party is evident here as well
as in relation to austerity. When the first Marie Stopes clinic opened in the
North in 2012, Sinn Féin’s Martin McGuinness registered the party’s concern
over this development and insisted that the party remained opposed to
any ‘liberalisation’ of abortion law, though he stopped short of joining the
attempt to get a cross-party ban in the Assembly on all legal abortions; see
www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-northern-ireland-19930422.
4. Peace I was allocated €500 million by the EU for the period 1995–1999, while
Peace II had a total financial allocation of €994,566,437, of which €609,000,000
was the EU contribution, and Peace III is worth €225 million in EU contribu-
tions with further national contributions of €108 million through its Structural
Funds programme. See www.seupb.eu/programmes2007–2013/peaceii-
iprogramme/overview.aspx and http://europa.eu/legislation_summaries/
regional_policy/provisions_and_instruments/g24201_En.htm.
5. It is important to acknowledge that while these are dominant forms of organising,
not all groups fit this loose categorisation and some do exist autonomously and
without funding from the state, such as the North’s Alliance for Choice. In the
South a number of autonomous groups, including RAG, exist but are outside the
network of higher-profile, funded groups like those mentioned above, though
they do work in solidarity across campaigns like reproductive choice.
6. Smyth was a participant in a conference organised by Sinn Féin in 2005
on the subject of the EU constitution (www.sinnfein.ie/contents/4464).
The NIWC’s Equality Budgeting Campaign event, ‘Embedding Equality in
Policy Making’ (http://equalitybudgeting.ie/index.php/seminar-embedding-
equality-in-policy-making) also included Mary Lou MacDonald. The 5050
group’s event dedicated to electing more women into politics can be found
at http://5050-group.com/blog/?p=516.
7. This is not to say, however, that a gendered division of labour no longer
exists. Work needs to be completed on the impact of participation in the218 Notes Troubles on the ‘domestic’ life of republican women which is outside the confines of this study. 8. See, for example, Cockburn 1998; Yuval-Davis 1997. 9. The abundance of literature dedicated to resolving the conflict in the North of Ireland in comparison with the miniscule amount written about ‘other’ communities, including migrant groups in the North is a clear expression of this bias.
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