Translating Cultural Memory in Features and 'French Night' at the BBC - Peter Lang
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Chapter 3
Translating Cultural Memory in Features and
‘French Night’ at the BBC
If through acts of remembrance – particularly through the transmission
of texts (literary, visual and musical) – shared frames of reference are con-
structed, then the job of the BBC in its invention of Frenchness was simul-
taneously to acknowledge those frames and then make them understandable
to a dif ferent and sometimes sceptical listenership. In this chapter I examine
how the presentation of France was manipulated by the construction of a
sense of Frenchness in broadcasts to the BBC’s domestic listeners with an
eye, nevertheless on the eavesdropping audiences in occupied Europe.1
This is contextualised by considering the presence of French musical culture
in London more generally since the presence of the Free French had brought
a strong political aspect to the British capital and indeed to aspects of its
music-making. Periodical publications in French such as La France libre
founded by André Labarthe and the dissemination of resistance poetry –
both in French and English – formed part of a complex of cultural activity
in which French cultural memory was being constructed outre-Manche. It
was a cultural memory that in its displaced translation became in Rigney’s
terms, doubly vicarious.2 It is this mediated process of the translation, and
displacement of cultural memory that is central to my analysis here. By
concentrating on the BBC’s own presentation, conception and programme
making associated with France I focus specifically on the creation of radio
1 BBC WAC E2/188/1 Foreign General/European Intelligence Papers/Studies of
European Audiences/May 1941–Sept. 1942.
2 La France Libre ran from 15 November 1941–1946, see Christopher Flood, ‘André
Labarthe and Raymond Aron: Political Myth and Ideology in La France libre’, Journal
of European Studies xxiii (1993), 139–58.
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features and programming on Bastille Day. These programmes are read as
an enactment of the translation, transfer and recursivity principles we saw
outlined in the first chapter in which the notion of translation as cultural
encounter operates in several ways and on dif ferent levels.3
These encounters help to map an important process of knowledge
creation evidenced in the perception (of what is truthfully perceivable)
and presentation of truth (as a value of integrity) in which the media-
tion of what constitutes actuality and fact come into play. Here, it is
timely to analyse how the dramatic operates in the creation of the feature
programme, a genre of programming defined by its anchorage to fact
mediated through ref lection and observation; and to consider how the
presence of music participates, either as the object itself of the feature, or
as an element in the evocation of, or accompaniment to, another subject.
Laurence Gilliam, who worked as assistant director and subsequently
director of features from 1941 to his retirement in 1964, wrote in London
Calling that the job of the radio-feature ‘man’ was ‘to ref lect the life of
the world around him after looking and getting around’.4 A sense of objec-
tive yet authoritative observation underwrote the programmes, which
were situated generically between straight news reporting and fictional
drama. The appearance of such a vehicle for information transmission at
this time linked into much broader thinking about representations of the
real. As the wartime everyday became increasingly fantastic, its reporting
required more and more imaginative modes of expression that needed
to respond further more to ways in which radio and cinema’s mediation
of that reality had already begun to participate in the altered nature of
its perception.5
3 Ann Rigney, ‘Plenitude, Scarcity and the Circulation of Cultural Memory’, Journal
of European Studies 35 (2005), 11–28.
4 Laurence Gilliam, ‘The Job of the Radio Feature Man Today’, London Calling: The
Overseas Journal of the BBC, 48 (August 1940, giving listings for 1–7 Sept.), 3.
5 See Phyllis Frus, The Politics and Poetics of Journalistic Narrative: The Timely and the
Timeless (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), xv.
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Cultural memory is structured by shared frames of reference elid-
ing with Todorov’s belief that culture is essentially a matter of memory
elaborated into knowledge of behavioural codes (or rituals).6 For Todorov,
however, this concept is extended to the formulation of identity. If the
possession of a particular culture is defined above all by awareness of his-
tory, geography, documents and its ways of acting and thinking, it is also
obtained through the interaction with and awareness of other cultures; a
definition wrought through its own memory, its points of contact, and of
dif ference, from other cultures.7 I investigate how such behavioural codes
became established in relation to French celebration and commemora-
tive acts associated with the storming of the Bastille and its symbolism in
the foundation values of the French Republic on 14 July; how there is a
marked definition between values linked to La République and those of
La Patrie, and how its own transformation from Dies irae to Jour de fête
(and back again) becomes reworked under the constraints of occupation
and war.8 This analysis seeks to show how the BBC attempted to translate
these ideas for its own audiences and, to an extent, for its own uses, by
employing the idea of translation expressed by Paul Ricœur, as a paradigm
of cultural encounter.9 It is a broad conception of translation that has been
the object of considerable theoretical ref lection and its application here
helps to address aspects of alterity and communality, as well as working
to expose areas of political contingency – particularly in the domain of
cultural diplomacy as outlined in the previous chapter.10
6 Tzvetan Todorov, Les abus de la mémoire [1995] (Paris: Arléa, 2002), 21.
7 Ibid., 21.
8 See Christian Amalvi, ‘Le 14-Juillet, du Dies irae à Jour de fête’, in Les Lieux de mémoire
vol. 1 ‘La République’, ed. Pierre Nora (Paris: Gallimard, 1984), 421–72.
9 Paul Ricœur, Sur la traduction (Paris: Bayard, 2004).
10 A conjunction particularly apparent in 1939, when the state visit of the French presi-
dent Albert Lebrun in March 1939 provided a cue for the BBC to collaborate with
its French broadcasting counterparts in the transmission of concerts from Paris and
the presentation of joint programmes.
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From Fact to Fiction: BBC Features
In 1950, Laurence Gilliam edited a book that was simultaneously a celebra-
tion and a retrospective of the development of the feature genre during the
war years.11 Reproducing the scripts from a selection of programmes with a
short preliminary explicatory statement from their writers about the proc-
esses, dif ficulties posed and the relationship with the subjects involved, the
project marks out and claims the genre as radio’s own: as ‘the form of state-
ment that broadcasting has evolved for itself, as distinct from other arts or
methods of publication’, the feature ‘is pure radio, a new instrument for the
creative writer and producer’.12 Dif fering from the talk – which might be
considered a spoken version of a newspaper opinion piece – the feature’s
‘powerful techniques for the presentation of fact’ are combined with an
important element of performativity in which the ‘generation of emotion’
in its listeners is imperative.13 It is in this overlaying of dramatisation that
the creative, and indeed, ideological, comes into play since ‘the business of
the feature is to convince the listener of the truth of what it is saying, even
though it is saying it in dramatic form’. It is an intersection furthermore
that works in two directions, and the other, which has been predominantly
exposed in theoretical context of American post-war non-fiction novel and
journalistic narrative, highlights a moment, or encounter, in which the fic-
tive imagination has been rendered impotent by the seemingly incredible
content of reality.14 A connection is made between technological innova-
tion – particularly in mass communication – and the increasingly multi-
layered existence it creates. The fictionist is no longer able to out-imagine
reality, and in the words of Mas’ud Zavarzadeh, his or her ability ‘to form
a private metaphysics of life in his culture and weave his vision – his view
11 Laurence Gilliam, ed., BBC Features (London: Evans/BBC, 1950).
12 Gilliam, ‘Introduction’, ibid., 10.
13 Ibid.
14 See Frus, The Politics and Poetics of Journalistic Narrative, and Mas’ud Zavarzadeh,
The Mythopoeic Reality: The Postwar American Nonfiction Novel (Urbana: University
of Illinois Press, 1976).
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of man and his experience in relation to a larger order – into the fabric of
his novels’ is disabled.15 If the fiction project, as described by Zavarzadeh,
is ‘to provide [the] reader with a pattern of the underlying order of external
reality’, then it is challenged by the reader’s – and listener’s – own engage-
ment with actuality through broadcast media. Forms of mass media, as
maintained by Frus and Zavarzadeh, while not necessarily creating a new
‘reality’, work to restructure the way we experience it by af fecting the way we
perceive the world. It is surely the same observation that underlies Nathalie
Sarraute’s theoretical consideration of what she terms the ère du soupçon
and what, in ef fect, retrospectively cradled the postwar nouveau-roman.
‘Le petit fait vrai’, she argues, carries great advantages, of which, first and
foremost, is being true. Through its virtue of truth comes ‘sa force de con-
viction et d’attaque, sa noble insouciance du ridicule et du mauvais goût,
et cette audace tranquille, cette désinvolture qui lui permet de franchir les
limites étriquées où le souci de la vraisemblance tient captifs les plus hardis
et de faire reculer très loin les frontiers du réel’.16 It is no coincidence that
the essay in which Sarraute asks how any fabricated story could rival ‘celle
de la séquestrée de Poitiers ou avec les récits des camps de concentration
ou de la bataille de Stalingrad?’ appears in Les Temps modernes the same
year as Gilliam’s ‘permanent record’ of the BBC feature, even if it is ulti-
mately the cinema over radio that wins the attention of Sarraute’s former
‘lecteurs du vieux roman’.17
As both contributor to features and indeed a collaborator with Gilliam
at the BBC, Louis MacNeice, echoes this now familiar concept of extraordi-
nary reality in an article entitled ‘The Morning after the Blitz’.18 Accounting
for the spectacle of destruction, MacNeice described the aftermath of the
15 Zavarzadeh, The Mythopoeic Reality, 222.
16 Nathalie Sarraute, L’Ère du soupçon, essais sur le roman (Paris: Gallimard, 1956),
69.
17 Ibid., 69 and 78.
18 Louis MacNeice (1907–1963) was a producer in the BBC Features department from
May 1941 under the direction of Laurence Gilliam. He produced several important
works for the BBC during this period including The Stones Cry Out, Alexander
Nevsky and Christopher Columbus (in collaboration with Benjamin Britten).
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night of 16–17 April 1941, when seven hours of constant bombardment
had caused death and devastation on an unprecedented scale. On hearing
the All Clear, he took himself on a tour of the city and the newly unfamil-
iar urban space left him ‘half appalled and half enlivened’ by a ‘fantasy of
destruction’. It was, for him, he expressed with candour, and some irony,
‘enlivening’: ‘People’s deaths were another matter – I assumed they must
have been many – but as for the damage to the buildings, I could not help
– at moments – regarding it as a spectacle, something on a scale which I
had never come across.’19
MacNeice’s walk around bombed London inspired a celebrated series
of programmes entitled, in direct association with his experience, The
Stones Cry Out – in which the desolation, the ruins, the fallen stones pre-
sented, indeed voiced, the spectacle of the collapse, at its most extreme
of post-Enlightenment civilisation. MacNeice’s contributions to Gilliam’s
features department were among some of the most important and several
of his own scripts were published independently of Gilliam’s anthology.20
His own reading of the BBC’s definition of the feature chimes perfectly,
as one would expect, with Gilliam’s: ‘It is the BBC name for a dramatised
broadcast which is primarily either informative or propagandist (propa-
ganda here being taken to include the emotive celebration of anniver-
saries and gestures of homage – or of hatred – to anyone or anything
dead or alive).’21 So, having established something of the nature of the
genre, I want to take a closer look at two examples which are cast within
the paradigm of cultural translation specifically. First, I want to address
Leonard Cottrell’s later feature, written in 1946, in which he presents
the account of a survivor from the concentration camp at Bergen-Belsen
and second as a means of transition to consideration of the preservation
and life-support of French culture in London by tracing the presence of
19 Louis MacNeice, ‘The Morning after the Blitz’, Picture Post 2 (3 May 1941), 9–12,
reprinted in Louis MacNeice: Collected Poems, ed. E.R. Dodds (London: Faber &
Faber, 1968), 118.
20 See Louis MacNeice, The Dark Tower and Other Radio Plays (London: Faber,
1947).
21 Ibid., 69.
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French intellectual activity in London as a displaced timescape in a short
propaganda programme written by André Labarthe.
The Man from Belsen and Ariel in Wartime
Leonard Cottrell’s ‘The Man from Belsen’ presented the testimony of a
survivor deported to the German concentration camp at Bergen-Belsen
in the dying days of European occupation.22 It was broadcast to mark the
first anniversary of the liberation of the camp on 15 April 1946. Harold
Le Druillenec, a schoolteacher, was court-martialled, along with his sister
Louisa Gould (who was additionally charged with harbouring a Russian
prisoner of war) and Ivy Foster on 22 June 1944 on the charge of com-
munal listening to enemy news. His sentence of simple imprisonment for
five months resulted in transportation to Belfort and subsequently, in the
company of French and Belgian prisoners, via Neuen Gamme to Belsen.
Le Druillenec was a rare case since he was a British citizen who had been
arrested under the occupying regime of the Nazis in Jersey. He was arrested
furthermore for listening to ‘enemy news’. Cottrell’s feature acted upon Le
Druillenec’s concentrationary testimony in several ways and its dramatic
presentation was marshalled by paradigms of translation for home audience
consumption specifically. Indeed the attempt to re-create Le Druillenec’s
experience was described by Cottrell himself as an unusual experiment.23
22 The full script is published in Gilliam’s anthology, see Leonard Cottrell, ‘The Man
from Belsen’, in BBC Features, ed. Gilliam, 97–110 and an extract from the final
fifteen minutes of the programme, including ef fects and continuity, is reprinted
as an appendix to Suzanne Bardgett’s chapter ‘What Wireless Listeners Learned:
Some Lesser-Known BBC Broadcasts about Belsen’ in Belsen 1945: New Historical
Perspectives, ed. S. Bardgett and David Cesarani (London: Vallentine Mitchell, 2006),
142–52.
23 Cottrell, ‘The Man from Belsen’, 97.
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Although Le Druillenec voiced the narrative, Cottrell had written the
script after spending several weeks in his company, ‘absorbing the details
as fully as possible’ and ‘the incidents, the character-sketches were all his’,
and they were ‘all true’.24 The first-person narrative presentation was then
interpolated with short dramatised sections written in a way so that Le
Druillenec was always there by implication, even if he did not participate
in all the dramatic scenes.25 It was a full-scale production: a score was com-
missioned from William Alwyn and performed in collaboration with the
violinist Eugene Pini – who played diegetic sequences of the Mozart F
major sonata; it included the sound ef fects of bombardment, cheering
crowds, train whistles were incorporated and the actors included some
of the BBC’s most famous. Valentine Dyall, who played Le Druillenec’s
French camarade, Jean de Frotté, a young maquisard of aristocratic descent
transported to Wilhelmshaven, was familiar to Home Service listeners as
‘The Man in Black’ in the popular Home Service series Appointment with
Fear already into its fifth year of what would be a twelve-year run.26
It was, of course, a bold programme that addressed the Nazi concen-
tration camps. However, it is notably reticent on certain matters: it makes
only f leeting mention of Auschwitz and Dachau as ‘places worse than this’,
even though it was from where many of Le Druillenec’s fellow prisoners
had recently arrived; the extermination policy of the Nazis is only tacitly
presented, and little direct attention is paid to the plight of the Jews. Instead,
the programme focuses on aspects that not only are perhaps more palatable,
but that draw attention to tropes of French Resistance, British liberation
and indeed the BBC’s own broadcasting. Although it is from Belsen that Le
Druillenec was rescued on the bonnet of a British radio truck because he was
‘too lousy and dirty to be allowed inside’, his internment there was for just
ten days, having spent much longer incarcerated at Neuen Gamme.27 His
camarades are people who have been deported for allied-related resistance
24 Ibid.
25 Ibid.
26 Bardgett, ‘Some Lesser-Known BBC Broadcasts’, 132.
27 Cottrell, ‘The Man from Belsen’, 110.
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activity in Belgium or France, activity to which again served the interests
of British policy and finally, the BBC’s own importance is thrown into
implicit relief as the reason for Le Druillenec’s imprisonment in the first
place: communal listening to enemy broadcasting can only refer to the
BBC itself, broadcasting so ef fective and dangerous to the occupiers that
the Nazis would punish with a sentence utmost severity.
As a text it contrasts, not unsurprisingly, quite starkly with the testi-
monial writing of Charlotte Delbo’s account who also wrote as a deportee
convicted of resistance activity and indeed, taken here as representative of a
body of testimonial writing. However, Delbo’s determination is, in part, to
undermine the central myth of heroic French resistance by documenting in
incredibly haunting and poetic detail, her camp experience. The desires that
motivate individual life writing and those of a public service broadcaster’s
programme are of necessity quite dif ferent in device. Yet the comparison
highlights the contrast between an individually mediated memory written
at the same time – Delbo’s first volume of the trilogy was completed in
1946, although not published until 1965 – and the construction of a cul-
tural memory that uses first-hand testimony to commemorate, ef fectively
overwriting it by emphasising what was in the event limited British engage-
ment with the Holocaust and the liberation of its surviving victims. The
theoretical point that I want the comparison to demonstrate is that it was
not simply modes of fictional imaginary, as we saw outlined by Frus and
Zavarzadeh above, at work in the dramatisation the feature, but that there
is something else at work in their respective modulations of truth claim.
For Delbo the search for truth is an overt preoccupation in her writing
extending beyond her purely testimonial texts, particularly in Les Belles
Lettres (1961) where her focus is on the Algerian war.28 But, in this case, it
is a challenging truth, that through its observation or acknowledgement
calls to account or exposes political expediency or corrupt judicial systems;
working to out injustice or counter of ficial versions. In her testimony, which
28 See Nicole Thatcher, Charlotte Delbo: Une voix singulière, mémoire, témoignage et
littérature (Paris: L’Harmattan, 2003), 77.
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as so often with testimonial accounts fails in the domain of the empirical,
truth lies in its evocation of the tragedy through ‘une information plus
haute, inactuelle … plus durable’.29 While Delbo might seem to want to
decentre the bravery of the Resistance in her testimony, she can be seen
to manipulate her text within the very parameters of the clandestine texts
of that period, particularly in their challenges to authority-driven ‘truths’.
To some extent the motivation behind the feature also wants to work by
‘restituant l’émotion et l’horreur’ and enact that performativity on its lis-
teners – only it does so by emphasis and through mediation, rather than
the poetic means at Delbo’s disposal, in its presentation of the ‘distillation
of one man’s experience’.30 The authenticity of Le Duillenec’s account is
reinforced by his status as the principal prison witness at the Belsen and
Neuen Gamme trials. So, what for Delbo works to give her writings their
theatricality – the fragmentary prose, the poems, the narrative disconti-
nuity, were for the producers of ‘The Man from Belsen’ an obstacle to the
programme’s narrative and, for that matter, dramatic coherence:
Le Druillenec’s active mind, strained and over-stimulated by his terrible experiences,
poured out a stream of reminiscence, anecdote and comment. Stories of heroism, of
degradation, of humanity and horror tumbled out pell-mell.31
It was Leonard Cottrell’s role ‘to disentangle, to pick out the most signifi-
cant facts, to select and arrange them’, a role then of the omniscient nar-
rator, friend and mentor to the listener that for Sartre had been rendered
redundant in literature by the occupation itself.32 The feature then exerted
its own constraints and that this should be the case is of no great surprise,
it was nevertheless a programme that communicated its indictment of the
concentrationary powerfully. It translated, through its memorialistion, the
29 Claude Prévost, ‘Entretien avec Charlotte Delbo’, La Nouvelle Critique: La déporta-
tion dans la littérature et l’art 167 ( June 1965), 41–4, quoted in Thatcher, Charlotte
Delbo, 77.
30 Laurence Gilliam, ‘The Making of a Feature Programme’, in BBC Features ed. Gilliam,
207.
31 Ibid.
32 See Atack, Literature and the French Resistance, 19.
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alterity of the camp experience to domestic listeners that for Gilliam, at
least, conveyed ‘a true experience of deep significance communicated by
radio art’.33
André Labarthe’s short script entitled ‘Ariel in Wartime: Keeping
French Culture Alive’ was broadcast on the Home Service on 30 May 1941
at 18.30 and presented by Jacques Duchesne, in a rare foray of the external
services of the BBC into domestic airtime.34 It describes with admirable
concision the determination of French intellectual activity temporarily
exiled in London to maintain ‘faith in France’, even if that is a ‘France
in chains’. The contrast between the welcoming freedom of Britain and
the totalitarian control of the German invader or its state collaborators is
sharply expressed by considering two cultural activities.35 The first is the
Institut français under the direction of Denis Saurat, which in accordance
with its links with French Departments in British universities endeavoured
to maintain, in the ‘days of French captivity, the presence of French culture
in Great Britain’.
Centred on student university exchanges, language lessons, exhibitions
of painting and concerts, the Insitut français promoted French culture and
education originally as an ‘antenne’ of the université de Lille.36 The Institut
had been at the centrepiece of the President Lebrun’s state visit to Britain
before the war, when its new home was inaugurated at Queensbury Place
in Kensington on 21 March 1939, two years before Labarthe’s programme.
Lebrun’s visit was memorialised by both French broadcasters and the BBC
in collaborative exchanges: several programmes were organised during the
three days of the of ficial visit, including recitals by Ninon Vallin, Alfred
33 Gilliam, ‘The Making of a Feature Programme’, 208.
34 BBC WAC RCont1: André Labarthe/Talks/1938–1962. Memo from Guy Burgess
to BBC Copyright, 30 May 1941.
35 A. Labarthe, ‘Ariel in Wartime: Keeping French Culture Alive’ (30 May 1941) and
subsequent references.
36 See Philip Taylor, The Projection of Britain (Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 1981) and Christine Okret-Manville, ‘La politique de promotion culturelle
britannique en France (1920–1953): De le publicité aux relations culturelles’, thèse
de doctorat, Institut d’Études Politiques de Paris, 2002.
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Cortot and Jacques Thibaud broadcast direct from Paris. There was also
an exchange programme with the station Poste Parisien entitled Paris!–
Londres! that featured Maurice Chevalier singing ‘Sally’ and Gracie Fields
singing ‘Valentine’, in a cross-cultural nod to the songs which had made
them famous. Indeed, a feature programme, The Voice of Paris, associated
with the visit was broadcast on 21 March 1939, having been produced by
Laurence Gilliam and Robert Kemp with music especially composed for
it by Maurice Jaubert who also conducted the BBC Theatre Orchestra in
its performance.37
With the Institut français now the home to intellectuals in exile, it
was the freedom provided by the ‘friendly land’ that hosted it, that enabled
the French intellectuals in London ‘to make known to Great Britain and
throughout the whole world the true feelings of the French nation and
more especially, of the writers and artists’. The political message was clear:
French intellectuals in London wished ‘to place the prestige of the true
French tradition at the service of the allied cause, which is also the French
cause’. The other cultural activity was one very close to Labarthe’s heart, the
publication of his journal La France libre. The journal which by the time
the programme was broadcast ran to a circulation of 17,000 copies with
a worldwide distribution and, according to the script was subject (unlike
the BBC French Service) to no state intervention was edited in an atmos-
phere of ‘complete freedom and complete independence’. As with other
French-language journals produced outside the occupied Metropole, such
as Fontaine in Algiers, it became a forum for resistance poetry and essays
by writers such as Henri Focillon, Jules Romains, Bernanos and Jacques
Maritain. Labarthe’s specific desire was to ‘gather round our review all the
French writers from every part of the world; to demonstrate the confidence
of the Free French in Franco-British friendship’. It was a theme Labarthe
revisited in his contribution to the P.E.N. Writers in Freedom symposium
37 The BBC Music Library holds no record of the scores for this programme. Listed in
works catalogue in F. Porcile, Maurice Jaubert, musicien populaire ou maudit (Paris:
1971).
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in the September of the same year, where he addressed the meeting ‘as a
provisional representative of an imprisoned nation’ alongside Denis Saurat
and delivered a message from the philosopher Jacques Maritain, exiled in
the United States.38 Labarthe expressed how the convocation of a meeting
of writers in London, in the midst of war, was ‘a striking demonstration
to the whole world that the spirit remains free though the battle rages’.
And what his programme outlines, in fairly overt propaganda terms, and
his contribution to the symposium also states in a more subtle way, was
therefore manifest in other collaborative cultural activity in London to
which we turn next.
Franco-British Cultural Activity in London
While Labarthe’s highly-respected revue brought to exiled French and
Francophone readers evidence of intellectual resistance, there were other
manifestations of cultural activity, particularly in the domain of translation,
publication and performance that also worked to create and disseminate a
hybrid Franco-British cultural memory. Translation, particularly of poetry,
was perpetuated through pre-existing established networks sympathetic to
particular movements – figures of the surrealist movement such as Roland
Penrose and the Belgian E.L.T. Mesens translated the poetry of Paul Eluard
and maintained contact with an exiled André Breton. MacNeice translated
three poems from Louis Aragon’s collection Le Crève-Cœur, which were
used in the commemorative broadcasts that are discussed below.39 The
38 André Labarthe, Jacques Maritain and Denis Saurat, ‘Free France Speaks’, in Writers
in Freedom: A Symposium based on the XVII International Congress of the P.E.N. Club,
London, September 1941, ed. Herman Ould (London: Hutchinson, 1942), 38.
39 Louis MacNeice, ‘The Unoccupied Zone’, translation of poem ‘Zone-Libre’ by Louis
Aragon, broadcast as part of The Living Spirit of France, 14 July 1943, BBC Home
Service. Reprinted in Louis MacNeice: Collected Poems, ed. E.R. Dodds (London:
Faber & Faber, 1968), 556.
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publication of clandestine resistance texts was undertaken in London by an
outfit evocatively named Les Cahiers du Silence. Five cahiers were published
between 1943 and 1945 of texts selected mainly from the publications of
Les Éditions de Minuit, with whom Les Cahiers shared its objectives and
ideals.40 Minuit were heralded in a broadcast by Maurice Schumann for
their insolent determination to continue regardless of the Occupiers ‘d’être
un modèle en même temps qu’un miracle’ and through whose ‘audace et
grâce à la fois … l’ennemi reçoit un double souf f let deux fois signé par la
France’.41 Les Cahiers du Silence signalled their participation in the same
field of ideological opposition in a dedication that appeared in the first
of the cahiers ‘aux écrivains qui sur le sol de la France prisonnière livrent
le combat de l’esprit’.42 Debû-Bridel’s text is the most overtly anglophile
and Louis Parrot argues that its rapid dissemination worked to reassure
British opinion both of the favourable sentiments of French intellectuals
in relation to its ally and to reinforce the work of resistance undertaken in
literary circles.43 Debû-Bridel reiterates the trope of ‘esprit’ in a specifically
Anglo-French context:
40 The five cahiers comprised: Vercors, Le Silence de la mer with a preface by Maurice
Druon (London: 1943); Forez [François Mauriac], Le Cahier noir (London: 1944),
including additional essays by Charles Morgan, ‘Lettre à l’auteur du Cahier noir’
and Robert Speaight, ‘Le Christ dans la pensée française d’aujourd’hui’; Argonne
[ Jacques Debû-Bridel], Angleterre (D’Alcuin à Huxley) (London: 1944) prefaced
by Charles Morgan’s article ‘Du Génie français’; Minervois [Claude Aveline], Le
Temps mort (London: 1945) and Vercors, La Marche à l’étoile (London: 1945). The
activity of the publishing house is outlined by Ethel Tolansky, see ‘Les Cahiers du
silence’ in Vichy France and the Resistance: Culture and Ideology, ed. Roger Kedward
and Roger Austin (London: Croom Helm, 1985), 222–31 and on Minuit see, Jacques
Debû-Bridel, Les Éditions de minuit: Historique (Paris: Éditions de Minuit, 1945)
and Louis Parrot, L’Intelligence en guerre (Paris: Castor Astral, 1990), 177–86.
41 M. Schumann, La voix du couvre-feu: cent allocutions de celui qui fait le porte-parole
du Général de Gaulle (Paris: Plon, 1964), 268–70 (broadcast 28 November 1943).
42 Dedication in Les Cahiers du Silence 1, cited in Tolansky, ‘Les Cahiers du silence’,
230.
43 Louis Parrot, L’Intelligence en guerre (Paris: Castor Astral, 1990), 210–11.
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Deux royaumes, soit, mais presque un seul pays.
Il est des liens que ne peut rompre aucun coup d’épée: ceux de l’esprit.
L’histoire de la pensée et de la civilisation dépasse étrangement celle des batailles;
c’est elle qui fait les nations.44
Finding equivalence in the domain of ideas in a shared space of intellectual
sympathy underwrote several projects that sought to promote French cul-
ture in Britain. Publication of Denis Saurat’s series of BBC Home Service
talks and Roland Penrose’s assessment of French intellectual resistance
bookend the period of Occupation in their consideration of ‘The Spirit
of France’ in the former, and the ‘Service of the People’ in the latter.45 In
a specifically musical context, it was the principle of exchange that was
privileged in the planning by Edward Clark and Elisabeth Lutyens of their
Festival scheduled for June and July 1940 and in a series of Concerts de
Musique Française organised by the Free French in London.46
The Festival of English and French Music and Concerts de
Musique française
Composer, Elisabeth Lutyens and her husband, Edward Clark, who had pio-
neered so much of the ultra-modern programming at the BBC previously,
set about organising an ambitious Festival of English and French Music
under the auspices of the Association of British Musicians Ltd, the London
Philharmonic Orchestra and their commercial arm, Musical Culture Ltd,
44 Jacques Debû-Bridel [Argonne], Angleterre: d’Alcun à Huxley (Paris: Éditions de
Minuit, 1943), 24.
45 Denis Saurat, The Spirit of France (London: Dent, 1940), and Roland Penrose, In the
Service of the People (Au service du peuple en armes) (London: Heinemann, 1945).
46 See Nigel Simeone, French Music in Wartime London: The Festival of English and
French Music and the Concerts de musique française (Bangor: Bangor Monographs
in Musicology, 2005), also M. and S. Hughes, A Pilgrim Soul: The Life and Work of
Elisabeth Lutyens (London: Michael Joseph, 1989).
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in collaboration with the Association française d’action artistique; with the
French Ambassador, Duf f Cooper, as the festival’s distinguished patron.
Four concerts were scheduled at the Queen’s Hall on Tuesdays and six
chamber concerts at the National Gallery on Wednesdays and Fridays
from 18 June to 9 July 1940.
The Association of British Musicians had been established as a non-
profit making Society in January 1939, chaired by William Walton, and its
stated aims were to promote ventures that would provide employment for
British musicians and give the music-loving public greater opportunity to
enjoy concerts. Seeking out, in part, a niche in the London music-making
scene as well as reacting to the political situation, the Council considered
that a ‘Festival of English and French Music, expressing the rapproche-
ment of English and French musicians, [met] such a need at the present
time’.47 The venture had been proposed as one of the initial projects for
the Association of British Musicians Ltd at their second meeting on 23
February 1940.48 Advice was sought from T.J. Guéritte, the founder of
the Anglo-French Music Society, and the company sought to obtain addi-
tional support from the BBC through them broadcasting as many concerts
as possible. By the sixth meeting on 18 April 1940 draft programmes had
been prepared for four orchestral concerts at the Queen’s Hall and six
chamber concerts at the National Gallery. Joining forces with the London
Philharmonic Orchestra as promoters secured the orchestra sole right
to perform in the four orchestral concerts and conducting, in the spirit
of the event, was to be shared by two dif ferent English conductors and
two French ones.49 Of course the mythical significance of 18 June 1940
was unforeseen, and the Festival opened nevertheless, minus its French
47 Programme for ‘A Festival of English & French Music 1940’, papers of the Edward
Clark archive, Northwestern University Music Library. Thanks to Jenny Doctor for
providing me with copies of this material.
48 ABM Minutes of the Second Meeting of the Members of the Council, London,
23 February 1940, chair William Walton. Edward Clark Archive, Northwestern
University Music Library.
49 ABM Minutes of 4 April 1940, 18 April 1940 and 7 May 1940. Edward Clark Archive,
Northwestern University Music Library.
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conductor, Philippe Gaubert and pianist, Marguerite Long replaced at
short notice by Basil Cameron and Clif ford Curzon. The Prime Minister’s
afternoon speech concerning France was replayed to the audience during
the interval. The festival lasted for just two more concerts at the National
Gallery on 19 and 21 June before being abandoned altogether.50 Edward
Dent’s programme note which accompanied the last concert, featuring
Maggie Teyte singing Berlioz’s Les Nuits d’Eté and songs by Duparc with
Constant Lambert conducting emphasised less the role of the festival as
a manifestation of political solidarity, which he deemed ‘superf luous’, but
on correcting the lack of ‘public recognition and admiration’ that French
music is due in England:
We belated barbarians on the outer edge of Europe had successively turned from
France to the Netherlands, thence to Italy and again to Germany as the central source
of music; we know now that it is our duty to go back and sit at the feet of France
again, to learn not only gaiety – as Stanford used to send his most serious pupils to
study Délibes – but clarity, style and craftsmanship from ‘our lively neighbours’ as
Dickens called them. Yet France has far more to teach us than that; for it is the France
of Rameau, Berlioz, D’Indy, Ravel and Roussel that has set before us the greatest
examples of austerity, dignity and nobility.51
Dent’s remarks were picked up by Wagner scholar, Ernest Newman, writing
in the Sunday Times following the termination of the festival, expressed in
the somewhat modified terms of ‘getting the plain man’ to realise things
– in particular, that ‘even the German masterpieces do not exhaust the
possibilities of music’.52 Although, no one was to ‘be foolish enough to
imagine that it is his patriotic duty to try to admire French music or English
music in general more than he used to do merely because we are at war
with Germany’. Indeed, the plain man once more, ‘however hypnotised he
50 Programmes were to have included the British premiere of Roussel’s Bacchus et Ariane
suite (scheduled for 9 July 1940) and the world premiere of Milhaud’s arrangement
of Scaramouche for Saxophone and Orchestra.
51 Edward Dent, ‘The Festival of English and French Music’ programme note 21 June
1940, 4, Edward Clark Archive, Northwestern University Music Library.
52 Ernest Newman, ‘Anglo-French Festival’, The Sunday Times (23 June 1940), [n.p.].
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may have been in the past by the great German spellbinders, should real-
ise that he himself contributed to that hypnotism by taking far too much
for granted in his too facile admirations’.53 Even though the festival had
ground to a halt – financial support withered to an extent that continu-
ing without the collaboration of French musicians was impossible – its
ambition brought Anglo-French musical discourse into unusually open
forum. While the commentators played down the festival’s role in fostering
political solidarity with France as they did the model of setting up French
music in direct contrast to that of Germany, imparting, in Newman’s case,
some of the blame on the ‘plain man’ and not the critic, there was clearly
an ideological subtext operating in the conception of the festival in which
cultural solidarity was central.
In the absence of any possibility of overt exchange between French and
British musicians, cultural solidarity in a musical form was maintained by
those who remained in or had escaped to London during the war from 1942
onwards in an extensive series of Concerts de musique française. Organised
by Felix Aprahamian at the invitation of the Free French government in
collaboration with Tony Mayer, the series ran for 113 concerts finishing in
1967.54 The Concerts were mainly held at the Wigmore Hall and in spite
of low commercial success attracted some of the finest artists to participate
in them such as Maggie Teyte, Gerald Moore, Benjamin Britten, and horn
player Dennis Brain. An anecdote recounted by Aprahamian was of his
witnessing the elderly Princesse de Polignac, exiled in London, queuing to
hear performances of Fauré mélodies that she herself had commissioned
from the composer.55 Opening on the symbolic date of 18 June 1942, the
first two concerts presented parallel programmes of Ravel and Debussy
53 Ibid.
54 See Nigel Simeone, French Music in Wartime London: The Festival of English and
French Music and the Concerts de Musique française (Bangor: Bangor Monographs
in Musicology, 2005), 15.
55 The concert was on 20 September 1943 where Swiss soprano Sophie Wyss sang a selec-
tion of Fauré’s Mélodies de Venise, settings of Verlaine’s Ariettes oubliées. Winaretta
Singer, Princesse Edmond de Polignac (1865–1942), died just a few weeks after the
concert on 25 November 1942. Ibid., 17.
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on 25 June, the twin architects of French musical modernism. The two
concerts presented the respective string quartets, a selection of mélodies, a
solo work and a chamber sonata. Gaston Richer, a baritone at the Opéra-
Comique had arrived with the Dunkirk evacuation and Maggie Teyte
who had studied the role of Mélisande with Debussy in 1907 mirrored
each other’s programmes of French song. Although larger scale orchestral
concerts took place, the emphasis was predominantly on chamber works in
which works that set texts were particularly important. Indeed, the renewed
interest chamber music, which had long been erroneously associated with
unpopular modern music was cited by Edwin Evans as being an ‘événement
remarquable’, spurred on by the more famous and more numerous National
Gallery lunchtime concerts organised by Myra Hess.56 In supporting a con-
cert series, the Free French movement overtly demonstrated its commitment
to intellectual and cultural activity as an expression of the trope of spiritual
resistance. It involved constructing a form of cultural memory that, as we
shall see, was familiar to BBC programme makers in which the continu-
ity of the spirit of France framed the location of shared encounter. This
was an encounter that was distanced from the Nazi-compromised cultural
project of Pétainism through concentration on the cosmopolitan collabo-
rations between poets and musicians in concerts that concentrated on the
works of Ravel and Les Six, and Milhaud, in particular.57 Yet familiarity to
London audiences was maintained by showcasing contemporary French
music in a manner that reinforced the cultural links between France and
Britain particularly by engaging performers who had significant links to
France through training or experience. Since the concert season finished
before Bastille Day commemorations in July, there is no specific record
of how the symbolism of the day might have been marked in the context
of this chamber music programme series. However, the longevity of the
56 Edwin Evans, ‘La vie musicale en Angleterre pendant la guerre’ La France libre 9 (15
Jan. 1945), 198.
57 On 7 February 1943, there was a concert entitled ‘Baudelaire et la musique française’
and on 13 and 20 September 1943, concerts oriented about Verlaine. The concert of
24 September 1942 was devoted to Les Six. See listings in Simeone, French Music in
Wartime London.
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series and its eventual role of renewing contact with French culture once
normal service was resumed following the liberation, both attest to the
cultural significance of music within the political discourses of the Free
French movement in London and the desire of that movement to make
its presence felt in the musical activity of its hosting capital.
So, having mapped some of the ways in which Anglo-French cultural
memory was being constructed through music in the concert hall and
examined in some detail the nature of the Feature programme as a genre,
we can now turn to the BBC’s programming on 14 July. A comparison
of the dif ferences between Bastille Day as commemorated in Occupied
France and the messages conveyed by the BBC’s broadcasts into France
leads us then to look at the Home Service presentation of the same enact-
ing a cultural encounter in its diverse means of translation.
Le Quatorze Juillet
Bastille Day is simultaneously the commemoration of the storming of the
prison in 1789 and the first ceremonial marking of the event at the fête de la
Fédération that took place on the Champs de mars on 14 July 1790. It was
only established as a national holiday from 1880 onwards. Marked typically
by two forms of celebration, the day combines the of ficial military parades
of the morning and the relaxing entertainment of ‘distractions populaires’
in the afternoon. Christian Almavi outlines the dif fering interpretations
of the event through the years as a lieu de mémoire defined on the one
hand by a historical aspect – the foundation myth of the storming of the
Bastille ‘qui dramatise la traditionnelle légende noire d’une Bastille truf fée
de cachots et d’ef froyables instruments de torture réservés au peuple’ –
and, on the other, a symbolic one: ‘l’aurore de la liberté’.58 The dif ferent
claims on Bastille Day, from the Front populaire in 1936, the sombre 150th
58 Amalvi, ‘Le 14-Juillet, du Dies iræ à Jour de fête’, 430.
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anniversary of the Revolution in 1939, the hiatus of metropolitan com-
memoration during the Occupation through to the Gaullist reclaim of 1945
are in dif ferent ways expressed according to these two poles of historical
myth and abstract symbolism dependent often on which might achieve
the greatest unity.
Attempting to celebrate liberté and the reclaim of power by the people
in the context of Nazi occupation was always going to involve some com-
promises. The decision by interior minister, Adrien Marquet in 1940 to
reframe the commemorations but not to ignore them altogether trans-
formed Bastille Day into a period of ref lection more in keeping with the
ceremonial activity of the now prohibited Armistice Day: the tricolore
f lew at half-mast, there was a minute’s silence, the death knell tolled during
the sombre parades where the fallen, ‘dignes successeurs des héros de la
Grande Guerre’ would be remembered.59 Until 1942, the Fête nationale
in its new guise as a day of mourning ef fectively prohibited any of the
divertissement and spectacle that had traditionally formed part of the
Bastille Day commemorations and in a surprising move, the church also
began to be involved. Almavi showed how at the initial version of the Fête
national on 14 July 1880, participants in the banquet de Mont, in the Loir
et Cher, incanted strange republican ‘prayers’ glossing the Pater noster with
an evocation of the ‘trinité démocratique’; that substituted ‘liberté’ for
Mary in the Ave Maria: ‘je vous salue, ô Liberté chérie’. For an intrinsically
secular event to appropriate or even parody religious texts in the evoca-
tion of Republican principles is one thing, but to incorporate a religious
ceremony into a state day actively contradicted foundation principles and
marked the full transition of the 14 Juillet from a festive national holiday
to a sombre mass for the dead. Nazi culture chief, Rosenberg, was quoted
in The Times on 15 July 1940, as saying: ‘the French Revolution of 1789 has
been buried in Vichy by the French themselves. Whatever the motives,
the present decision of the French parliament means the collapse of the
59 Rosamonde Sanson, Les 14 Juillet (1789–1975): Fête et conscience nationale (Paris:
Flammarion, 1976), 127. Marquet was named interior minister from 27 June 1940
and replaced on 6 Sept. 1940 by Marcel Peyrouton.
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entire position which France had won for herself in Europe in the politi-
cal and intellectual realm.’60 Similarly, the 14 Juillet was appropriated to
celebrate the revolution of the eighteenth century that paved the way for
the National Socialist revolution of the twentieth century.61 French voices
from London had also called for sombre and dignified ref lection on 14
July, but theirs was combined with a call for resistance reconfiguring the
commemoration as a day of promise.
In sharp contrast to Pétain’s sombre ‘messe de morts’, then, the BBC
broadcasts into France as early as 1940 demonstrated a refusal ‘de porter
ce deuil tromper’ (1).62 Concentrating on the presenter’s own member-
ship of an exiled community: ‘Nous sommes séparés de vous, séparés de
nos femmes, de nos enfants, de nos amis – de nos maisons et de nos routes
et de notre ciel de France’ (1), a thirty-minute feature recreated a typical
14 Juillet complete with descriptions of the parades, the banquets and the
‘discours of ficiels, qui parfois nous faisaient rire ou nous irritaient’ (4).
Evoking a shared sense of loss, the feature emphasised that although the
BBC voices from London were missing the commemorations because of
their geographical displacement, their listeners were also deprived of the
annual celebration because of the armistice.
At least a third of the programme was devoted to the re-creation of
the final scene of Romain Rolland’s œuvre populaire, Le 14 Juillet, as the
‘représentation populaire gratuite’ which according to the script tradi-
tionally took place in a theatre such as the Champs-Élysées or the Sarah
Bernhardt. In fact the evocation is of the celebrated 1936 performance at
the Alhambra, which had set design by Picasso and music for the play had
been provided through a collective effort by Auric, Ibert, Milhaud, Roussel,
60 BBC WAC R19/395 Entertainment/Fourteenth of July/1941–1945, press cutting,
The Times (15 July 1940).
61 A. Rapp ‘Le 14 juillet’, Parizer Zeiting (14 July 1941) quoted in Sanson, Les 14 Juillet,
128.
62 BBC WAC Overseas Scripts/French Scripts 14 July 1940, Jacques Duchesne ‘Quatorze
Juillet Feature Programme’ and subsequent references.
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Kœchlin, Honegger and Lazarus.63 The resurrection of Rolland’s piece had
been in the spirit of the Front populaire’s desire to make culture (and music)
simultaneously savante and populaire as well as appropriating revolutionary
imagery for its own political means.64 Its use by the BBC, here, concentrates
on the storming of the Bastille and sets up the République’s devise against
Vichy’s ‘mots froids qui ne sont portée par aucune inspiration’ (7) all the
while being assessed through the bewildered gaze of exile:
Sans y apporter d’esprit parti, on tâche de comprendre; on se dit: ‘Mais ceci ne se
passe pas dans mon pays. Ce n’est pas possible. Je sais que nous avions besoin de
remettre de la vie, de l’ordre dans les af faires de ce pays; il y avait de l’usure, il y avait
du relâchement et de l’instabilité. Nous savions qu’un changement était nécessaire,
nous le souhaitons ce changement.
Mais je suis certain que la majorité d’entre vous n’a pas souhaité ce changement-là
qu’on veut vous imposer maintenant. Sans vous demander votre avis! sans nous le
demander à nous les exilés volontaires.’ (7)
The BBC sought to avoid conf licting ideologies and political movements
by framing their interpretation of Bastille Day with the history of the
commemoration rather than concentrating upon its symbolism. Tracing
a line of continuity from 1789 and 1790 through to 1880 and 1919, in
tandem with a message from Anthony Eden, the programmes invoked
hope of triumph over oppression: ‘Le 14 juillet est l’anniversaire du jour
où la France se libérait des tyrannies du passé. Aujourd’hui, nous célébrons
cet anniversaire dans l’espoir et la certitude que la France se libérera des
tyrannies du présent.’65 It was the singing of the Marseillaise, in contrast
to the all-pervasive Vichy anthem, ‘Maréchal, nous voilà’ that along with
63 See Christopher Moore, ‘Le Quatorze Juillet: modernisme populaire sous le Front
populaire’, in Musique et Modernité en France, ed. Sylvain Caron, François de Médicis
and Michel Duchesneau (Montreal: Presses de l’Université de Montréal, 2006),
363–87.
64 Charles Kœchlin wrote an article about Le 14 Juillet entitled ‘Musique savante … et
populaire’, L’Humanité (6 Sept. 1936). See Robert Orledge, Charles Kœchlin (1867–
1950): His Life and Works (Chur: Harwood, 1989), 174–5.
65 Sanson, Les 14 Juillet, 136.
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