Paths of diversification: Land use, livelihood strategies and social learning along the aging of a land reform settlement in Acre, Bra
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Paths o diversification: Land u livelihood strategies a social learning along aging of a land reform settlement in Acr 330 Amazônica 1 (2): 330-367, 2009
ofPaths of
use,diversification: Land use,
andlivelihood strategies and
social learning along the
theaging of a land reform
re, Brasettlement in Acre, Brazil
THOMAS LUDEWIGS
Universidade de Brasília, Brasília, Brasil
E D U A R D O S. B R O N D I Z I O
Indiana University, BLOOMINGTON, USA
Amazônica 1 (2): 330-367, 2009 331Ludewigs, T. | Brondizio E. S.
Abstract
This paper explores the story of settlers overcoming challenges
common to the environment of expanding agricultural frontiers,
and how this is reflected on the land-use and livelihood choic-
es that unfold with the aging of settlements. The study site is a
land reform project in the State of Acre, Brazil. We found that
most families seek to diversify their livelihood strategies and take
advantage of new opportunities as a way to cope with income
uncertainties largely present on the frontier setting. As in other
parts of the Amazon, cattle-ranching is the single most important
activity to secure income, but complementary activities such as
agroforestry and fish breeding are key for economic security and
improvements.
Key words: land-use, Acre, Amazonia.
Resumo
Este artigo explora a história de colonos que enfrentam os desa-
fios de fronteiras agrícolas em expansão, e de como estes desafios
se refletem nas escolhas de uso da terra e nas estratégias econômi-
cas que se desdobram ao longo da vida dos assentamentos. A área
de estudo é um projeto de reforma agrária no Estado do Acre,
Brasil. Os resultados indicam que a maior parte das famílias busca
a diversificação das estratégias de sustento, e se aproveitam de
novas oportunidades como forma de se proteger contra incerte-
zas relacionadas à renda familiar comuns às regiões de fronteiras
agrícolas. Tal como em outras partes da Amazônia, a pecuária é
a atividade mais importante para assegurar a renda familiar, mas
atividades complementares como sistemas agroflorestais e cria-
ção de peixes são fundamentais para a melhoria e a segurança das
condições econômicas.
Palavras-chave: uso da terra, Acre, Amazonia.
Resumen
Este manuscrito explora la estoria de asentados que pasan por
desafíos comunes al contexto de fronteras agrícolas en expansión,
y de como estos desafíos se reflejan en las opciones de uso de la
tierra y en las estratégias econômicas que se desdoblan con el de-
sarrollar de los asentamientos. El área de estudios es un proyecto
de reforma agraria en el Estado de Acre, Brasil. Los resultados
332 Amazônica 1 (2): 330-367, 2009The paths of diversification: Land use, livelihood strategies and social
learning along the aging of a land reform settlement in Acre, Brazil
indican que la mayor parte de las familias opta por la diversifi-
cación de las estrategias de se ganar la vida, y se benefician de las
oportunidades como forma de protección contra las incertidum-
bres relacionadas a la renta familiar. Así como en otras partes
de la Amazonía, la ganadería es la actividad más importante para
asegurar la renta familiar, pero actividades complementares como
sistemas agroforestales y el cultivo de pescados són clave para
mejorar las condiciones de seguridad y económicas.
Palabras-clave: uso de la tierra, Acre, Amazonía.
Amazônica 1 (2): 330-367, 2009 333Ludewigs, T. | Brondizio E. S.
INTRODUCTION tive economic performance of caboclo
The arrival of settlers from several parts households, when compared to colo-
of Brazil to the Transamazon coloniza- nist families, including higher crop
tion scheme in the early 1970s has been yields, better nutrition standards, hous-
marked by rich patterns of social inter- ing arrangements better adapted to the
actions among newcomers and between heat and humidity of the Amazonian
them and long-term residents, caboclos, a climate, and less dependence on the
process explored in detail by Moran’s personnel of INCRA, the Brazilian
‘Developing the Amazon’ (1981). As agency responsible for colonization
opportunities and challenges of the and land reform. Perhaps more im-
new agricultural frontier were being viv- portantly, it was observed that fami-
idly experienced in almost every aspect lies with more flexibility to engage in
of everyday life, migrant settlers have a diversified set of economic alterna-
learned important adaptive strategies tives, were also the families with higher
from local culture. From fishing and chances of hiring external labor and
hunting to selection of optimal sites for owning businesses, and more likely to
agriculture; from knowledge of herbal succeed economically in the frontier.
medicine against malaria and other dis- Subsistence and specialized farmers,
eases to detailed knowledge about nutri- however, were found to be the ones
tion and processing of native foods and with higher chances of abandoning
crops; and from the fabrication of tools their lots and moving either to the lo-
to architectural technologies adapted to cal urban center (Altamira, in Moran’s
the humid heat, incorporation of caboclo study), or further into the frontier1.
knowledge might have entailed the dif- This paper is part of a larger study
ference between survival and death for focusing on the story of settlers over-
many colonist families. A similar pro- coming challenges common to the en-
cess regarding the exchange of ethno- vironment of an expanding agricultural
botanical knowledge, in this case among frontier in the State of Acre (Ludewigs
rural communities (rubber-tappers and 2006). The central theme is the land re-
ribeirinhos) and indigenous groups was form puzzle in Brazil and particularly
described in the Southwestern Amazon in Amazônia: unassisted settlements,
(Campos and Ehringhaus 2003). The variable economic viability, different
study compared known palm uses by degrees of environmental impact, and
each group, and found that while indig- high rate of lot turnover and land re-
enous groups know significantly more concentration (e.g. Moran, 1990, Lena
about palm uses than folk communities, and Oliveira 1992, Schmink and Wood
both groups benefitted from the knowl- 1992, Teofilo and Garcia 2003, Browder
edge obtained from each other. et al 2008, Brondizio and Moran 2008,
According to Moran (1981), detailed Ludewigs et al 2009). After the pioneer
knowledge on local ecosystem condi- work of Frederick J. Turner (1920) in
tions was responsible for more effec- the late 19th century on the historic im-
334 Amazônica 1 (2): 330-367, 2009The paths of diversification: Land use, livelihood strategies and social
learning along the aging of a land reform settlement in Acre, Brazil
portance of frontier expansion to the entrepreneurship among stakeholders
formation of American society, fron- are strengthened by the wide range of
tiers have become the subject of intense economic opportunities that are pres-
study in the social sciences (McClintock ent in the frontier environment. On
1986). Turner’s assumptions have been the other hand, the lack of infrastruc-
largely debated. However, as pointed ture, limited access to markets, and
out by Richard Hofstadter’s (1968) “… competition for resources limit the
This mountain of Turner criticism is his ability of families to take advantage of
most certain monument,” it set the tone economic opportunities, although cre-
for substantial work on discussing ag- ating incentives for their engagement
ricultural frontier expansion worldwide with different forms of collective ac-
and its socio-economic and political im- tion (Muchagata 2002).
portance.
Diversification of land-use activities
Frontier is a controversial term which might be constrained by the environ-
carries plural meanings. By definition, ment, as for example the availability of
however, frontiers are considered plac- fertile soils, as observed in the same
es where formal, legal and governmen- Altamira site referred above (Moran
tal agencies are largely absent (Alston 2000, Moran et al 2002). Also, stud-
et al. 1998, 1999), or exerting force ies on household and land-use rela-
from a distance and where the pro- tionships showed that demographic
cess of occupation and transformation characteristics of households, such as
represents competing claims (Schmink composition and size, but also wage
and Wood 1992) and where land use labor, retirement, and access to tech-
and environmental change happens at nology were important on condition-
a fast pace (Rindfuss et al 2007). In the ing the range of land-use options and
absence of formal institutions, or the investments that were feasible at dif-
non-enforcement of the rule-of-law, ferent stages of farm-lot development
informal institutions or non-written (McCracken et al 1999, Brondizio et al
rules or norms are usually created to 2002, Futemma and Brondizio 2003,
deal with rights of access, usufruct and Moran et al 2005, Caldas et al 2007).
transferability of resources needed for For instance, larger households with
economic activity (E. Ostrom 1990). more individuals engaged on produc-
Enforcement of formal and informal tion activities allow for a wider scope
institutions is, however, uncertain on on potential land-use options to be ex-
most agricultural frontiers. Under such plored, when compared to smaller and
circumstances, opportunistic behavior, younger households (Perz 2000, 2001).
such as free-riding and rent seeking is In an agricultural frontier in the Ecua-
expected to rise among stakeholders dorian Amazon, longitudinal studies
(Margolis 1973, 1977). Likewise, as have shown the importance of house-
asserted by the Turner hypothesis of hold demography and background,
frontier expansion, individualism and technology adoption determinants, and
Amazônica 1 (2): 330-367, 2009 335Ludewigs, T. | Brondizio E. S.
market forces to the understanding of this context, diversification of land
land-use and land-cover change (Pichón uses comprises a strategy that is im-
et al 2002). As in the Brazilian Amazon, portant both to reduce risks and to
diversification of livelihood strategies attend household consumption needs
appeared as an important strategy to (Brondizio 2004, Pinedo-Vasquez et al
cope with the challenges and uncertain- 2002, Smith et al 1996).
ties typical of frontier contexts (Pichón In this paper, we investigate livelihood
et al 2001). Household life cycles and options and land-use trajectories in an
land-use combinations have been also aging land reform settlement in the State
studied in other fronts of the Transa- of Acre of the Brazilian Amazon2. The
mazon colonization scheme, such as settlement is P.C. Humaitá and is lo-
in the Uruará region, by incorporating cated in the municipality of Porto Acre,
market forces and decision-making un- at some 38 km of Rio Branco, Acre´s
der risk in the discussion of possible capital (Figure 1). Some of the guiding
Land Use and Cover Change scenarios questions of this study include: What
(Walker et al 2002). Other comparative kinds of economic systems (e.g. land-use, fish-
studies (TransAmazon-Altamira and eries, off-farm employment) do farmers adopt
BR-163-Santarém) examining the life during their life in a settlement? How do these
course of families and the life course systems change? What patterns emerge? How
of their lots in colonization settlements do farmers decide to specialize and/or diversify
found that the number of times a lot their economic portfolio?
has been turned over is important to
explain their resulting land use strategy To approach these questions, we de-
and land cover characteristics (Vanwey scribe some of the experiences of
et al 2007, Ludewigs et al 2009). P.C. Humaitá residents, which have
been divided into three social groups
Land-use decision-making frequently for analytical purposes: (i) local rubber
involves multiple dimensions with tappers – previous residents in the site,
multiple goals (Chibnik 1994, Ozório many of whom changed their main
de Almeida and Campari 1995, Tonio- livelihood to agropastoral activities af-
lo and Uhl 1995). For instance, it was ter settlement was officially instituted3;
observed in the Peruvian floodplains (ii) colonist farmers – farming families
that the lack of knowledge about the beneficiaries of the land reform pro-
biophysical environment frequently in- gram that migrated to Porto Acre from
creases the risk associated to the use several parts of Brazil; (iii) land inves-
of agricultural credit (i.e, related to tors – not originally beneficiaries of
the capacity of repayment). Credit use land reform, they bought one or more
is related also to several other factors lots from original settlers4. The sur-
such as social organization, family size vey (n=63 households) explored how
and land tenure, and plays considerable Humaitá residents responded to chal-
influence on determining crop alloca- lenges during their life in the region,
tion and field size (Chibnik 1994). In such as the lack of access to markets
336 Amazônica 1 (2): 330-367, 2009The paths of diversification: Land use, livelihood strategies and social
learning along the aging of a land reform settlement in Acre, Brazil
Figure 1 - Study site
and to basic public services (education as the settlement ages, and on the so-
and health) and are learning to live in cial learning processes that are both a
an environment often harsh to new- driver and an outcome of such strat-
comers. Ethnographic, participatory egies. This discussion is important to
fieldwork provided a basis from which understand farmers’ land-use options
to contextualize household surveys as an experiential process affecting fu-
and land use and cover change analy- ture choices on livelihood strategies,
sis of the whole settlement. We pres- and how these options are related to
ent and discuss changes in economic structural factors observed at the set-
strategies and land use using data from tlement level in land reform projects
the sampled population and a spa- (Brondizio 2004).
tial estimation of fish farming ponds
from 1986 to 2003. We present short Specifically, we look into the range
“life-story” narratives for three Porto of land-use activities and livelihood
Acre residents/landowners, which are, choices that had been evolving since
we believe, illustrative of each social farmers first arrived in the frontier, by
group. The life-stories are focused on exploring the following working hy-
the livelihood strategies that take place pothesis: Households diversify their econom-
Amazônica 1 (2): 330-367, 2009 337Ludewigs, T. | Brondizio E. S.
ic strategies overtime. As households mature religious encounters, or group hunts)
in the frontier, they engage in an increasingly plays a key role in enhancing adaptive
larger number of economic activities, aiming strategies used by farmers (Chamley
at diversifying income and minimizing risks. 2003), especially in frontier areas, where
access to information related to land-
The survey instrument was based in an
open-ended questionnaire that followed use decisions might be very limited,
the methodology developed in McCrack- more than in non-frontier areas. In the
en et al (1999), Brondizio et al (2002) and Amazon frontier, social learning may
Moran et al (2002) and described in de- be important to cope with factors that
tail in Ludewigs (2006). It included ques- contribute to uncertainty in the payoff
tions on land-use strategies, agropastoral structure of investments, such as harsh
production and commercialization, both environmental conditions (e.g., exces-
by the time of arrival at Porto Acre and sive rains, poor soil fertility), lack of in-
by the time of the interview. It included frastructure and markets for agricultural
also questions on economic strategies for products, and overall absence of formal
both time periods, including employment, institutions, as implied from in-depth
retirement, subsistence strategies (hunt- studies carried out in the region (Moran
ing, fishing, gathering) and remittance of 1981, Osório de Almeida and Campari
money by relatives. The quantitative anal- 1995, Alston et al 1999, Pichón et al
ysis focuses on the importance and range 2001, Brondizio et al 2002, Muchagata
of livelihood strategies between the time 2002, Campos 2006a, Ludewigs 2006).
settlers first arrived in Porto Acre and By interacting with neighbors and
during fieldwork (2003/2004). Our dis- observing their behavior and the out-
cussion focuses on issues relevant to the comes of their behavior, farmers com-
livelihood strategies in the region such as plement and reconsider the knowledge
construction of ponds, rural producers’ obtained from their own experiences
associations and agricultural credit, and in important ways. Here, we want to
the relationship between environmen- briefly discuss the meaning of ‘social
tal legislation, demand for pastures and learning’ used in this article within a
increase in land prices The discussion is wider theoretical perspective, since
also based on the concept of social learn- the literature offers different interpre-
ing, given its importance to understand tations of this concept. Also, we will
the development of social and economic discuss some situations where social
networks in the frontier setting. learning and other forms of social in-
teractions takes place, and why these
SOCIAL LEARNING AND LAND-USE are important for increasing the wel-
DECISIONS IN THE CONTEXT OF fare of households and communities.
SETTLEMENT PROJECTS The theoretical basis of social learn-
Social learning, as a learning process ing is rooted in experiential learn-
that takes place in arenas of social inter- ing (Kolb 1984) and on participatory
action (such as work meetings, markets, decision-making. Its conceptual body
338 Amazônica 1 (2): 330-367, 2009The paths of diversification: Land use, livelihood strategies and social
learning along the aging of a land reform settlement in Acre, Brazil
is still scattered throughout the social dividuals would fail, according to neo-
sciences and needs to be better defined classic economic assumptions, to act as
(Goodin 1996, Pahl-Wostl 2002). Nev- rational agents; however, under broad-
ertheless, it has been gaining strength er assumptions of bounded rationality,
in the study of human-environment ‘herd behavior’ has been shown to be
systems, particularly in the fields of more efficient in achieving productiv-
adaptive management and integrated ity goals than individualistic decision-
assessment, and in discourses involv- making processes in several contexts
ing questions of sustainable develop- (Chamley 2003). This is the case with
ment within the framework of human the adoption of new technologies by
dimensions of environmental change farmers, as uncertainty about possible
(Gunderson et al. 1995, Pahl-Wostl outcomes often frequently plays an
2005). Some of the main attributes of important role in explaining the spatial
processes of social learning include and temporal patterns observed in ru-
the build-up of a shared perception of ral areas (Brondizio and Moran 2008).
problems among actors, build-up of By observing outcomes of adoption
trust as a base for critical self-reflec- of new technology by neighbors, farm-
tion, recognition of mutual dependen- ers make better informed decisions on
cies and interactions, and engagement whether to adopt a new technology.
in collective decision and learning Social learning processes based on
processes (Pahl-Wostl 2002). A broad rules of thumb that favor adoption of
definition of the role of social learning more popular agricultural technologies
on the composition of human behav- tend to lead to fairly efficient decisions
ior and knowledge is: (effective incorporation of technolo-
gies into the production system in the
Learning would be exceedingly la- long run), but adjustment can be slow
borious, not to mention hazardous, when new technologies are first intro-
if people had to rely solely on the duced (Ellison and Fudenberg 1993).
effects of their own actions to inform
them what to do. Fortunately, most Social interactions with neighbors and
human behavior is learned observa- social learning processes play an im-
tionally through modeling: from ob- portant role on increasing farmers’
chances of making productive use of
serving others one forms an idea of
the changing opportunities that are
how new behaviors are performed,
available in colonization areas, as sug-
and on later occasions this coded
gested by Moran’s study (1981) men-
information serves as a guide for ac-
tioned above. More recently, it has
tion.” (Bandura 1971: 22).
been found that social networks in
Within the social and political sciences, the Santarém region (fieldwork data,
there is a wide range of applications in- ACT-IU5) are important to minimize
volving the concept of social learning. risks and uncertainties related to rain-
For instance, ‘herd behavior’ models fall distribution (e.g., by following agri-
were used to study situations where in- culture calendars used by locals and by
Amazônica 1 (2): 330-367, 2009 339Ludewigs, T. | Brondizio E. S.
using popular/ecological indicators of (MDTX) developed a pioneer proposal
weather variation such as behavior of that included the creation of two con-
animals) (Moran et al 2006, Brondizio servation units in the so-called ‘Terra
and Moran 2008). As Amazonian settle- do Meio’ region in the State of Pará.
ments age, social learning helps farm- The MDTX main points leading to the
ers to maximize the use of opportuni- proposal are: a) widespread deforesta-
ties related to public services6 such as tion might put agricultural production
health services6, public transportation, at risk since it affects regional rain-
education, identification of better lines fall distribution; and b) conservation
of agricultural credit and organizing for units might provide a buffer zone that
the maintenance of better road condi- blocks the advance of large-scale agri-
tions (Ludewigs 2006). Social learning is cultural businesses, thus slowing down
also critical on enhancing farmers` abil- social tension related to land conflicts
ity to negotiate better commercial deals with smallholders. The proposal was
when selling their agricultural produce, adopted by the Brazilian federal gov-
bargaining discounts in agricultural re- ernment, who later started the process
tail stores, or dealing with loggers and of establishing the proposed conser-
politicians on pond construction proj- vation units (Campos and Nepstad
ects (as discussed further). Thus, social 2006). Transamazon settlers’ activism
learning might be seen as a product of has been successful also on contribut-
intercommunications and sharing of ex- ing to establishing some other impor-
periences within a forming community. tant benchmarks, such as the creation
It allows farmers to make more effective of FNO especial agricultural credit
use of information, and guides farmers line (Tura and Costa 2000), on pro-
in taking advantage of their neighbors’ moting participatory research agendas
that include a wide range of environ-
experiences, reducing uncertainties that
mental, socio-economic and political
limit farmers’ use of economic oppor-
considerations in the treatment of
tunities in frontier settings. Moreover, it
development problems (Castellanet
helps farmers’ on acquiring the knowl-
and Jordan 2002); and the Proambi-
edge that is necessary to diversify their
ente7 program (Mattos 2004, Campos
economic portfolio.
2006a). Hence, smallholder settlers
Social networks among settlers in the who had been historically connected to
Amazon may offer also key elements Amazonian deforestation either as vil-
for effective rainforest conservation lains or victims (Hecht and Cockburn
strategies in the region (Muchagata 1989, Schmink and Wood 1992), are
2002, Campos, 2006a and 2006b, Cam- now being increasingly recognized for
pos and Nepstad 2006). By articulating taking an active stake in proposing and
political representation among several accomplishing ‘conservation strategies
farmers’ unions along the Transam- that strive to go beyond the establish-
azon, the Movement for the Develop- ment of parks and biological reserves’
ment of the Transamazon and Xingu (Campos 2006b).
340 Amazônica 1 (2): 330-367, 2009The paths of diversification: Land use, livelihood strategies and social
learning along the aging of a land reform settlement in Acre, Brazil
DIVERSIFYING LIVELIHOOD OPTIONS vey was conducted, farmers were asked
AS A SETTLEMENT AGES to rank their livelihood options accord-
Before presenting richer and more de- ing to its economic importance at each
tailed life-stories of local farmers, this of these two moments. The economic
section compares the range of liveli- importance of each livelihood option
hood options explored by Porto Acre includes both market value and non-
farmers when they first arrived in the market value (as for example options
settlement with the range of livelihood used for household consumption, such
options explored in 2003/2004. When as game or fishing). The results are
the land-use and socio-economic sur- presented on Table 1.
Table 1 - Relative importance of livelihood options in Porto Acre (%):
Arrival at the Settlement8 2003-2004
Livelihood options 1st
2nd
3 rd
1st
2nd 3rd
Annual crops 34.9 17.5 3.2 11.1 17.5 11.1
Perennial crops 6.3 12.7 3.2 1.6 4.8 7.9
Agroforestry9 - - - 1.6 6.3 1.6
Wage labor 1.6 4.8 - 1.6 - 1.6
Salaries 7.9 1.6 - 9.5 9.5 -
Dairy 3.2 7.9 6.3 15.9 12.7 4.8
Beef 12.7 12.7 6.3 33.3 23.8 6.3
Fish breeding 1.6 - - 4.8 1.6 1.6
Hunting 1.6 3.2 11.1 - - 4.8
Fishing - 1.6 7.9 1.6 1.6 3.2
Non-Forest Timber
9.5 3.2 - - 3.2 -
Products (NFTP)
Timber/coal - 7.9 4.8 1.6 1.6 -
Commerce 3.2 - 1.6 4.8 3.2 6.3
Agro-industry - 1.6 - 1.6 - -
Pension - - - 11.1 7.9 9.5
Others 6.3 1.6 1.6 - 1.6 7.9
Missing or no opinion 11.2 23.8 54.0 - 4.8 33.3
Total 100 100 100 100 100 100
Cattle-ranching for beef is the lead- as the most important activity; 11.1%
ing economic activity among farmers considered annual crops and other
in 2003/2004, or the one that 33.3% 11.1% considered pension as the most
of the interviewed farmers considered important economic source. For the
the most important as a livelihood op- second most important economic op-
tion for maintaining their households; tion, beef is again the most frequently
15.9% of the farmers considered dairy listed, with 23.8% of the preferences,
Amazônica 1 (2): 330-367, 2009 341Ludewigs, T. | Brondizio E. S.
followed by annual crops and by dairy. Figure 2 shows a comparison on the
As for the third most important eco- number of economic options explored
nomic option, annual crops are men- by farmers when they first arrived in
tioned first, followed by perennial Porto Acre and in 2003/2004. The fre-
crops and by beef. Note, however, that quency of citations of four economic
33.3% of the farmers did not mention options12 by farmers in 2003/2004 is
a third most important option (referred 44% higher than the frequency of cita-
as missing, which seems to limit their tions of four economic options when
activities to ranching and agriculture). farmers arrived, and the frequency
for 5 economic options is one and a
When asked about the first most im-
half times higher than when farmers
portant economic option when they
arrived, which points to a pattern of
arrived, 34.9% of the farmers an-
diversification in livelihood strategies
swered that it was annual crops, while
occurring trough the studied period.
other 12.7% responded it was cattle-
ranching10 and 9.5% responded non-
LIVELIHOOD STRATEGIES AS
timber forest products (NTFP), which
PERCEIVED BY COLONIST FARMERS,
includes rubber-tapping and Brazil-
RUBBER-TAPPERS AND LAND
nuts11. For the second most important
INVESTORS
option, annual crops comes again as
the most frequently cited (17.5%), fol- The information is organized in a
lowed by perennial crops and beef in way to allow the visualization of the
the second place and dairy and timber socio-economic, cultural and bio-
in the fourth place. For the third most physical diversity within the study area
important option, hunting is the most and through time. Three distinct life-
important, followed by fishing and by stories were picked from household-
beef and dairy. heads interviewed during fieldwork,
highlighting their adaptation strategies
as a function of changing individual
preferences as well as environmental,
infra-structure and labor/capital con-
straints as households mature. These
life-stories were selected based on the
richness of details about factors shap-
ing livelihood choices, and on how
they illustrate the opportunities avail-
able to similar groups of farmers along
settlement aging. Some of the factors
affecting these strategies include the
availability of labor and capital, sub-
Figure 2 – Number of economic options by the time
of arrival and in 2003/2004.
sistence resources, road conditions
and commercialization of agropastoral
products, household size and compo-
342 Amazônica 1 (2): 330-367, 2009The paths of diversification: Land use, livelihood strategies and social
learning along the aging of a land reform settlement in Acre, Brazil
sition, and governmental policies such had plenty of productive rubber-trees,
as agricultural credit, technical assis- Brazil nuts and game. After INCRA’s
tance and research initiatives. implementation of the land reform,
Seu Claudenor13: a local rubber- he was assigned an area of 66 hectares
tapper engaged in cooperative net- around his house and lost user rights to
works the rest of his colocação. While this gave
“Camarada acostumado na floresta him secure property rights to this piece
sente muito a cidade grande. Ser- of land15, it represented also a turning
ingueiro, quando vira colono, tenta point in his life, since he no longer
se acostumar com roçado e gado; mas could live from rubber-tapping and
depois vê que o ramo dele é andar had to change instead to agriculture
mata mesmo...” and cattle16. The same drastic change
“The fellow who is used to the for- in livelihood means occurred for 265
est feels it hard in the city. When a other rubber-tapper families living in
rubber-tapper turns into a settler, he Porto Acre area since 1981 (INCRA
tries to get used to agriculture and 1990).
cattle; but sees later that his business Seu Claudenor met his wife Dona
is in fact to walk the forest…” Doralice in his first colocação in Seringal
‘Seu’ Claudenor, 6/9/2004 Panorama. As they moved to Bujari,
Seu Claudenor used to be a rubber-tap- her brothers came along and a kin-
per until 1981, when INCRA arrived based cooperative network was soon
and implemented the land reform. He established. Since commercialization
was born in Plácido de Castro, Acre, in of agricultural produce was almost
1948, and migrated to Seringal Panora- impossible due to the lack of passable
ma (rubber-farm Panorama) in 1976, roads (Bujari road is still one of the
to an area that corresponds to the ac- most problematic in the settlement),
tual Mutum road of Porto Acre settle- an exchange economy including ex-
ment, where he acquired informally tractive products from the forest (in-
a colocação (household unit of rubber cluding game) and annual agriculture
extraction14) with seven estradas de ser- was established through the family net-
inga (roads of rubber-trees), which was work. Today, Claudenor and Doralice
equivalent to approximately six IN- have 12 sons/daughters, three of them
CRA lots or around 360 hectares. But living in the lot, seven in Vila do V (lo-
he soon found out this colocação was cated about nine kilometers from the
not as productive as he expected it to lot, along Bujari road) and two in the
be, and exchanged it later for another recently established Porto Acre settle-
one located near what is now known as ment17. The three sons and daughters
Ramal Bujari (Bujari road, not existent living on the lot are responsible for
though when he arrived), and where he the agricultural production, which is
and his family still live today. The main shared among the whole family. The
reason he chose this colocação was that it ones living in Vila do V are either
Amazônica 1 (2): 330-367, 2009 343Ludewigs, T. | Brondizio E. S.
studying or employed; the ones em- he has been the president of the local
ployed and Seu Claudenor, who is also producers’ association for the past 8
employed as a security guard with the years. Associação São Bento currently
local school, help the ones living in the has 69 associates along Bujari road, and
lot financially. One son is employed is considered one of the few ‘success-
in the local sawmill, another as a peão ful’ producers’ associations in Porto
de boiadeiro (cowboy), one daughter as Acre in the long term, given the rate of
a social assistant and another son as a approval of agricultural loans, projects,
teacher in the local school. While the and overall attendance of associates to
three sons/daughters living in the lot meetings. Despite commercialization
did not finish elementary school, three difficulties, Seu Claudenor believes in
of the other siblings did finish the 8th the potential of agricultural crops to
grade, three finished high-school and develop the region, and is fighting for
the other three are still studying. The the approval of a big loan with BASA.
family owns a small cottage in Vila do More on this loan is discussed below
V, where they stay during most of the (rural producer’s associations). Seu
week. Dona Doralice, who is also em- Claudenor was going to run for the
ployed in the local school as a cook, and city council of Porto Acre (vereador) in
Seu Claudenor are constantly moving the 2004 elections and assured locals
back and forth from Vila do V to their he would be willing to continue work-
lot, where they supervise agricultural ing with São Bento if he wins.
activity. They own a motorcycle and a
Seu Claudenor took two agricultural
bicycle, which comprise their means of
credit loans through FNO from 1998
main transportation. They also use col-
to 2004, and could be considered a
lective cabs (peruas) that often drive the
risk-taker for his willingness to invest
Bujari road route up to Dois Irmãos
on agricultural crops18. However, he
road, in Projeto Porto Acre, during
and his family have adopted a liveli-
the dry season. Transportation dur-
hood strategy which is clearly based on
ing the rainy season is very problem-
the diversification of income sources
atic, when most Bujari residents often
and of other subsistence means. For
have to walk their way to schools and/
instance, the agricultural credit loans
or jobs in Vila do V. Some have horses
were invested in cattle, infrastructure
and others have motorcycles adapted
(fences, corral, pond construction),
to muddy roads. Only land investors
equipment (a manual weed cutter and
owning ranches in Porto Acre can af-
a domestic manioc flour mill engine),
ford four wheel-drive vehicles.
and in a small coffee plantation. Be-
Everybody in Vila do V and in Bujari sides owning 34 cattle heads for both
road knows Seu Claudenor. He is a dairy and beef, maintaining a diverse
very kind person with friends every- home-garden with several species and
where he goes. Talkative, making jokes working with annual and perennial crops
and ready to help neighbors in need, for both domestic use and commercial
344 Amazônica 1 (2): 330-367, 2009The paths of diversification: Land use, livelihood strategies and social
learning along the aging of a land reform settlement in Acre, Brazil
sale, Claudenor and Doralice’s house- hados, mas não valeu a pena; terra
hold maintains a diversified set of animal ruim, madeira dura, cheio de mos-
husbandry activities (fowl, pork, horses quito, malária, nos lascamos...a
and fish). Fish production in 2003 was terra foi abandonada para quem
of around 1,000 curimatãs (popular specie quisesse. Naquele tempo, não tinha
of Amazonian fish) in two ponds, from Incra, pegava ‘o tanto de terra que
which 600 kg were sold, and another os olhos dava’...”
substantial quantity was either consumed “When I arrived in Acre (1976),
among household members or given I received an invitation from a
to neighbors. The household maintains cattle-rancher to go to the State of
some 12 hectares of forest cover in the Amazonas to put down trees. I went
lot (or 18%), from which açaí fruit, Bra- with my brothers-in-law, but it did
zil-nut and timber are explored for do- not pay off; poor soils, hard timber,
mestic consumption. Game is no longer lots of mosquitoes, malaria, we went
available, but was an important source of broke…the land was then aban-
protein in the past. doned to whoever was willing to take
The household cooperative system it. During that time, there was no
seems to work reasonably well, though Incra, and anyone could ‘take’ land
only Seu Claudenor was interviewed. ‘as far as your eyes could see’…”
We don’t know how his sons and Seu Sebastião, 5/9/2004
daughters, particularly those living in Seu Sebastião was born in the state of
the lot, feel about it, or his wife. This Minas Gerais, Southeast region of Bra-
kind of household cooperation net- zil, in 1946. He used to work on clear-
work is not uncommon in Porto Acre, ing forests for third parties, and he
and plays a significant role on eliminat- married Dona Neusa when both were
ing risks otherwise significant in non- still teenagers. They then migrated to-
cooperative livelihood settings. House- gether to the State of Mato Grosso
hold and kin cooperation networks are (south of the Amazon Basin), and lat-
probably much more important at the er to Mato Grosso do Sul. Neither Seu
settlement level than the ones observed Sebastião nor Dona Neusa received
in producers’ associations. Moreover, much formal education. He attended
household size plays a key role in this only to two years of school, while she
setting, and so does the leadership role is illiterate. In 1976, they made their
of Seu Claudenor on maintaining the third migration to the municipality of
system operating. Xapuri, Acre, where Seu Sebastião was
Seu Sebastião, a colonist farmer hired by a logging company. In Xapuri,
specialized on making cheese they joined the 7th Day Adventist
“No ano em que cheguei no Acre church, and formed a united religious
(1976), recebi um convite de um group that moved to nearby Capixaba
fazendeiro para ir fazer derrubada municipality where they were settled in
no Amazonas. Fui com meus cun- the agricultural production unit (Pólo
Amazônica 1 (2): 330-367, 2009 345Ludewigs, T. | Brondizio E. S.
Hortigranjeiro) of the Alcobrás19 proj- ‘bonanza’ and made some significant
ect area. By that time, Alcobrás was profits from commercialization of pa-
already doomed to failure due to a big paya, manioc and manioc flour. The
corruption scandal from the misuse key factor for the ‘bonanza’ was that
of public funds. Seu Sebastião and the produce could be transported to
colleagues enlisted as settlement ben- Vila do V by the association’s tractor.
eficiaries in P.C. Humaitá, where they Seu Sebastião and his family had also
were granted lots by INCRA in 1982. significant economic outputs from
In 1983 Seu Sebastião, Dona Neusa, selling chickens, and there was always
their four children and their group of “something to sell” during difficult
approximately 60 members of an Ad- times. The tractor however did not
ventist church moved together to the survive much longer, and the associa-
Concórdia road. tion disappeared due to out-migration
of residents. From the initial 60 mem-
When they arrived, the Concórdia road ber group, only four families remained
was still a trail in the forest, and their in the area by 2003; all others moved
belongings had to be carried in several either to Rio Branco, to new settle-
trips ‘on their backs’. With their son ment fronts, or to neighbor villages
and three daughters20, they cleared and Vila do V or Vila do Incra. These were
cultivated an average of five hectares replaced by land investors who consol-
per year with rice, beans and corn. This idated lots into larger properties.
area was usually planted with grass in
the second year. Pasture establish- Seu Sebastião and Dona Neusa’s main
ment has often been problematic due land-use option in their 63 hectare lot
to poor burns of agricultural fallows, today is pasture for dairy (1st income
and re-planting of grass has been com- source) and beef (2nd income source)
mon throughout following years. As production. They don’t sell milk be-
fluctuation in annual crop prices and cause of problematic road access and
poor road conditions cut down profits make cheese instead, which is sold
once a week in Rio Branco’s central
of agricultural activity, they gradually
market for US$ 0.90 for a 650-gram
begun to replace part of the recently
piece. Given that milk production var-
cleared areas with pastures, instead of
ies seasonally, cheese production is of
planting annual crops, up to the point
170 kg/month during the dry season
they stopped completely with annual
and 80 kg/month during the rainy sea-
crops, which happened in 1998.
son, totaling an average of 1,500 kg/
The Concórdia road once had an as- year or US$2,150/year. In 2003, how-
sociation of rural producers that in- ever, they were forced to sell most of
cluded the Adventist families and oth- their cattle because a big fire burned
er residents; this association owned a most of their pasture, and made some
tractor donated by a governor in the US$ 5,300 which was used to remodel
past. During that time, according to their house. Another important source
Seu Sebastião, he had an agricultural of income is Dona Neusa’s retirement
346 Amazônica 1 (2): 330-367, 2009The paths of diversification: Land use, livelihood strategies and social
learning along the aging of a land reform settlement in Acre, Brazil
pension of one minimum wage salary school. She works in commerce in Rio
(about US$ 80/month in 2003), and Branco. The oldest son attended only
another equal amount received for the to the second school year and knows
disability of their daughter. how to write, but not much, as it is the
According to Seu Sebastião, the fire case of his two other sisters. He used to
that decimated their pasture resulted work in a timber sawmill in Rio Branco
from a neighbor burning a slashed fal- but is now unemployed. None of Seu
low under inappropriate conditions. It Sebastião and Dona Neusa’s son or
spread throughout 600 hectares of for- daughters has ever helped them finan-
est, secondary vegetation and pastures cially, after leaving the household.
affecting around 10 lots. Fortunately, it Seu Sebastião life-story in Porto Acre
could not cross the strip of forest that illustrates a pattern of livelihood strate-
separates Concórdia lots from Bujari gies that is common in areas with poor
lots. According to Seu Sebastião, the access to markets and in households
frequency of fire incidents like this that cannot count anymore on the la-
one has been increasing along with the bor force they once had. Seu Sebastião
increase in deforested areas. Another and Dona Neusa once had a more
environmental problem affecting most diversified set of economic activities,
of the lots along Concórdia and Mu- including commercial agriculture and
tum roads is the ‘death of the pastures’, mixed husbandry. Roads conditions
which affects some 10% of the pasture have been always poor, but with the as-
area along these road. The alternative sociation’s tractor (which was provided
recommended by Embrapa-Acre and by a local politician) no produce was
being used in the area has been to re- lost in the field. But as many neighbors
place Brachiaria brizantha grass by B. started selling their lots to land inves-
humidicola, which is less vulnerable to tors, the association became weak and
death of the roots by asphyxiation. died. By the same token, after four of
This is however an expensive measure their sons and daughters left the lot21,
and farmers have been experiment- their range of options on land-use ac-
ing this in small patches only. Seu Se- tivities became constrained, and Seu
bastião, for instance, has been unable Sebastião specialized into the cheese
to do anything about this problem by business.
the time of interviews, since his focus
has been on helping pastures to recov- Seu Henrique, a land investor with
er from the fire. a diversified portfolio
Their other three daughters and son “Com a venda do gado, faço mais
have all formed families and are pres- açudes; o relevo ajuda, e só no lote
ently living in Rio Branco, with one 31 há 8 vertentes. Minha previsão
daughter living in a settlement in the para 2004 é de 2000 kg de peixe
Senador Guiomard municipality. Only em cada um dos 12 açudes, a R$ 3
one daughter finished elementary mil / tonelada, dá R$ 72 mil...”
Amazônica 1 (2): 330-367, 2009 347Ludewigs, T. | Brondizio E. S.
“By selling the cattle, I make more was very concerned at the time with
ponds; the topography helps, and escalating interest rates on that loan,
just in lot 31 there are 8 water especially because of the rising infla-
springs. My forecast for 2004 is of tion rates. By the end of 1987, howev-
2000 kg of fish for each of the 12 er, and according to Seu Henrique, the
ponds, at R$ 3,000 (US$ 940) per government announced that due to the
ton, results in R$ 72,000 (US$ inflationary storm in Brazilian curren-
22,500)” cy, all bank debts up to CrN$ 100,000
Seu Henrique, 3/16/2004 were cleared, so he did not have to pay
anything back to the bank (!).
Seu Henrique was born in Cruzeiro do
Sul, State of Acre, in 1961, in a family The formation of these 50 hectares of
that used to make a living from agri- pasture was very difficult, according
culture. As a teenager, he migrated to to Seu Henrique, because of the poor
Rio Branco where he took the military burns and the high incidence of snakes,
service, went to college, and later got and secondary re-growth occurred in
a graduate degree. Currently working part of the area. In 2002, 20 hectares
as a public agent for the government, of secondary forest were manually con-
he comes every weekend to his farm in verted to pasture, by contracting daily
Linha 3 road. The first two lots were workers. Today, each lot is 77% formed
bought in 1984, from a rubber-tapper with pasture, the remaining 23% cov-
and his daughter, who were both will- ered with forest. Each lot also has 6
ing to move to Rio Branco. According ponds, which are used both to supply
to Seu Henrique, he had to choose, by cattle with water and to breed fish. Seu
that time, between buying a new car Henrique bought two additional lots in
and buying these two neighboring lots, 1999 also connected to each other, but
of 64 hectares each. He does not re- connected only through Linha 3 road
gret his choice, since as he puts it, land to the other two lots that are around 1
was initially bought with the intention kilometer away. The size of the lots ac-
to use it as a hedge against inflation, quired in 1999 is of 71 hectares and 69
but he figured out soon that substantial hectares, both of them about 50% de-
money could be made out of cattle- forested at the time, with another 15%
ranching. Recently, he found out fish and 20% in secondary succession and
breeding is even more lucrative. the remaining in pasture. Each of these
lots is about 85% formed with pasture
Both lots were entirely covered in for-
today, with the remaining 15% still cov-
est when Seu Henrique bought them in
ered with forest. In 2004, the acquisi-
1984. In 1987, he took a CrN$ 100,000
tion of a fifth lot of 65 hectares across
(in Cruzados Novos, the Brazilian cur-
Linha 3 road was being negotiated.
rency at the time22) loan from a Acre
State bank which was used to convert Connection among lots is an important
50 hectares of forest to pasture, and to issue to land investors, as it facilitates
build a corral and a house in the lot. He cattle and pasture management and re-
348 Amazônica 1 (2): 330-367, 2009The paths of diversification: Land use, livelihood strategies and social
learning along the aging of a land reform settlement in Acre, Brazil
duces transaction costs. The same im- land has been reaching a peak. One
portance of connectivity among lots has settler from Minas Gerais recently sold
been observed in consolidated soybean his 70 hectare lot in Porto Acre to buy
plantations in Santarém, (Ludewigs et al a 250 hectare farm in Sena Madureira
2009), which contributes to the increase for a lower price. Others are buying
in land prices observed in the region23. land in Boca do Acre, State of Amazo-
Yet, in Porto Acre, demand for pasture nas, (connected through some 150 km
instead of demand for potential soy- of dirt-road BR-317 to Rio Branco),
bean fields is what drives land prices up. where the local government has been
Indeed, Seu Henrique mentioned land receiving cattle-ranchers ‘with open
valorization rates of 100% a year along arms’, and where enforcement of for-
Linha 3 road24. Valorization on land pric- est legislation has been ignored.
es has been also observed along paved
While many land investors in Porto
roads or where infra-structure invest-
Acre conduct cattle-ranching exten-
ments, such as ponds, corrals, fences,
sively, meaning that investments on
and electricity have already been high.
increasing cattle-ranching productivity
Linha 3 is not paved, and was consid-
are kept moderate to low, Seu Hen-
ered in very bad shape until 2003, when
rique has been investing heavily on
Seu Henrique asked Acre’s government
technology. With technical support
to reform the road. His request was ap-
from Embrapa-Acre, he has been ro-
proved and Linha 3 was one of the best
tating pastures, using electric fences,
unpaved roads of Porto Acre in 2004.
providing plenty of mineral salt to
Another important factor determining cattle, and even experimenting with ar-
sharp increase in lot prices relates to the tificial insemination of cows. Soil fer-
recent decrease in rates of approval of tilization is not necessary since all his
clearing licenses emitted by IBAMA in lots are located in rich Alfisols. Good
Porto Acre and elsewhere in Acre. As harvests of corn have been obtained
cattle herd sizes tend to increase, lead- during the first year of forest con-
ing to a corresponding increase in the version to pasture, by intercropping
demand for new pasture areas, prices grass in corn rows. Corn production
of lots formed with pasture tend to in 2003 was of 5,600 kg and was used
rise in a higher rate than prices of for- to feed commercial husbandry (cattle
ested lots, since restrictions to convert and fish) and animals for local use/
forests to pasture are stronger today consumption (horses, pigs, chickens)
than ever before in Porto Acre. Thus, of Seu Henrique’s family and families
we observed in 2003/04 that one hect- of the two cowboys working for him.
are of land covered with well-formed After feeding 44 cows and 55 oxen
pasture costs as much as six to eight with grass and corn, these were sold in
hectares of land covered with mature 2003 for US$ 19,800. Other 688 cattle
forest. As a consequence, the tempta- heads maintained on his 210 hectares
tion faced by colonist farmers to sell of pasture represent a grazing pres-
Amazônica 1 (2): 330-367, 2009 349Ludewigs, T. | Brondizio E. S.
sure of 3.27 cattle heads/hectare25, ated with individual families. It is also
which is considered high for both Acre important to point out that while seek-
and Brazil standards, and probably the ing diversification, most households
highest rate in Porto Acre. As may be have one or two economic activities
noticed from the introductory note which anchor a significant portion of
about Seu Henrique, he is a strong be- their income. A number of additional
liever and supporter of fish breeding. reasons motivating this general trend
In 2003, he sold 5 tons of curimatã, ma- towards diversification are clear in this
trinxã and piau species all-together for a as in other settlements in the Amazon:
total of US$ 4,800, 30% of which was
• When 1st lot owners were settled by
considered by him as profit. A larger
INCRA between 1981 and 1986,
quantity, however, was stolen by neigh-
bors. According to him, fish stealing is they had to start agro-pastoral in-
the single most important factor that vestment in lots when most lots
kept him from investing more resourc- were still completely covered with
es into fish breeding. Another farmer forest. However, most families
shared his strategy to keep fish rob- faced substantial restrictions on
bers/stealers out of his ponds; being capital and labor force during that
also a cattle-rancher and a butcher, he time. Given that forest clearing re-
disposes of cattle carcasses around the quires considerable inputs of labor,
ponds, which keeps his several watch- and that cattle-ranching requires
dogs busy in these places and robbers larger areas of land to be cleared
away from it. (per financial unit of output) when
compared to annual and perennial
ARE FARMERS DIVERSIFYING crops, only few farmers were able
THEIR ECONOMIC PORTFOLIO? and/or willing to invest resources
Both quantitative and qualitative data in pasture formation from their
show Porto Acre households invest- very start in Porto Acre. Another
ing in a more diversified portfolio of reason not to invest promptly in
economic options today than when pastures is that most small farm-
farmers first arrived in the settlement. ers in the frontier context operate
However, one finds significant varia- with high discount rates (Schneider
tion in the ability of families to diver- 1995), which leads them to prefer
sify. The working hypothesis described land-use options that are capable
above “Households diversify their economic of offering financial return in the
and income strategies overtime. As households short term. Farmers arriving at
mature in the frontier, they engage in increas- later periods in the settlement (2nd
ingly larger number of economic activities, and nth lot owners), however, were
aiming at diversifying income and minimizing eventually able to buy land already
risks” is, therefore, accepted at the level partially cleared and with pastures,
of the settlement, but does not neces- which allowed them to include
sarily explain internal variations associ- cattle-ranching in their livelihood
350 Amazônica 1 (2): 330-367, 2009The paths of diversification: Land use, livelihood strategies and social
learning along the aging of a land reform settlement in Acre, Brazil
portfolio in Porto Acre from the PROCESSES AND POLICIES
beginning, as observed elsewhere INFLUENCING THE RANGE OF
in Amazonia (Vanwey et al 2007). LIVELIHOOD OPTIONS
• Labor markets are rarely available at This section discusses some processes
early stages of frontier development and policies that became salient during
(Sawyer 1984). Wage labor oppor- fieldwork and data analysis, and are be-
tunities in Porto Acre’s early stages lieved to influence the range of liveli-
were indeed limited, as shown in hood opportunities during the life of
Table 1. Also, many rubber-tappers this settlement.
and/or eventually colonist farm- a) Construction of ponds
ers receiving retirement pensions Ponds have multiple uses in Porto Acre,
by 1981 would be unlikely to be in- and their number across the settlement
cluded in our sample, since many of has been increasing considerably in re-
them were deceased by 2003/2004. cent years. Figure 3 shows the evolu-
• Given that practically all ponds in tion in the number of lots with pixels
Porto Acre were built after INCRA classified as water and in the total area
started settlement implementation, classified as water across the temporal
fish breeding and other forms of frame of the remotely sensed imagery
animal husbandry were harder to dataset26. It shows that the number
be conducted in 1981-1986 (see of lots with ponds has been increas-
discussion on Figure 3 below). ing faster than the total area of ponds.
• Most households arriving in the Field observations confirm the impor-
region were formed by young tance that farmers attribute to ponds:
couples. Given the household size ponds represent a cheap alternative
and composition relationship with to supply cattle with water, remain
land-use diversification, it is more full-charge (of water) throughout the
likely for young couples to manage dry season, and, most importantly, al-
more targeted land-use portfolios low for diversification in land-use and
when compared to older and larger economic options, since they serve a
households. diverse set of husbandry projects, es-
• On the other hand, there were some pecially fish breeding.
economic options during initial Interviews with farmers revealed that
stages of settlement, such as rubber- by the second half of the 1990s, fa-
tapping, Brazil-nut collection, high cilities to finance the construction of
valued timber exploration, hunt- ponds were provided by local govern-
ing and other forest extractive eco- ment agencies (including INCRA, Por-
nomic options that were un-available to Acre municipality and the State of
or less available to most farmers in Acre government). The main mecha-
2003/2004. nism of pond financing is connected
to road repair and maintenance opera-
tions, and works in the following way:
Amazônica 1 (2): 330-367, 2009 351You can also read
