Narrative of superstition and 'scientific temper' in India - historical perspective.

Narrative of superstition and ‘scientific temper’ in India – historical
                                  perspective.

                                       T.V.Venkateswaran,
                                           Vigyan Prasar,
                                    New Delhi, tvv123@gmail.com

Abstract

           Popularization of modern science was instituted in India under the tutelage of colonial
  administrators and as a missionary project. Indian society was seen steeped in obscurantism, and
  ‘native culture’ lacking rational thought and ‘superstitions’ were seen as the main cause of
  underdevelopment. Thus for India to attain ‘development’, eradication of superstition was seen
  as paramount task. The narratives of superstition seamlessly were appropriated by the new elites
  who came to control the independent Indian nation and ‘eradication of superstition’ became a
  national ethos. Using the Tamil region as an exemplar, this paper traces the early efforts in
  public communication of modern science in India and examines the role ‘science’ played in the
  emergence of the modern Indian state and shaping of the Nehruvian legacy of ‘scientific temper’;
  a unique Indian notion that is enshrined in its constitution as a ‘fundamental duty’ of every
  citizen along with ‘humanism, sprit of enquiry and reform’.

  Introduction

           Just like the concept ‘scientific habits of mind’ often used in the educational literature in US,
  ‘scientific temper’ is a peculiarly usage frequently found in Indian discourse. Even a cursory analysis
  of the use of the term in the periodical Current Science, journal published by the Indian Academy of
  Sciences, shows the varied and diverse interpretation that this term is being subjected to.

           One commentator says that “what we commonly understand by this term [is] the spirit of
  enquiry and curiosity”1 and goes on to lament that the deplorable state of ‘scientific temper can be
  gauged from “how the students could answer very well if asked direct questions, but could not derive
  anything by themselves; how they were unable to solve problems; how they were learning everything
  by heart; how other teachers dictated notes in class and how all the students religiously copied them;
  how asking questions was discouraged in class as waste of time”. Another warn that scientific temper
  is nose diving2 and opines that “the coveted place that science and the people associated with it have
  enjoyed and still continue to enjoy in our society, is now somewhat dwindling. The awe and respect
  that scientists, science students and science teachers earlier used to command, is fast becoming a thing
  of the past. ..The apathy of the public at large towards science is due mainly to the failure of
  government organizations like CSIR, universities, and officials entrusted with the job of popularizing
  science. The scientific community is becoming increasingly indifferent and lacklustre in its approach
  and attitude.” Lavakare, who had been a senior bureaucrat in scientific department, observes that “It is
  this concern for development of science and the use of technology that is reflected in the popular
  cliché of developing a ‘scientific temper’ which is to that extent, the essence of the SPR (Scientific

policy Resoustion) document.” 3 A chief minister of a provincial state bemoaned that “people can
recognize artists but not scientists” opined that there is a need for “developing a scientific temper and
also an atmosphere where science and scientists become a source of inspiration for people to take up
science as a profession”4 . According to educationalist P. C. Vyas,5 “science communication should
ideally enhance the level of awareness about the science behind events and natural phenomena around
us, and provide the public with information on latest developments. In India, Jawaharlal Nehru’s
concern with ‘scientific temper’ was critical to the nation’s culture led to it being enshrined in the
Constitution.”

          In contemporary times in the dominant narratives, the term ‘scientific temper’ immediately
evokes one of the three axiomatic associations. For some the term implies the need to combat the
‘irrational’ and ‘superstitious’ behaviour of the ‘masses’ and for some it denotes the urge felt by Nehru
for establishing a wide network of scientific institutions. While for another group it implies radical
shift in the way science is being taught, especially in schools. Scientific community, administrators
and science communicators often attribute these canonical functional definitions to the term ‘scientific
temper’. News papers reports even now obscurantist practices such as children being buried alive to
appease gods, destitute women being branded as witches, mothers harassed for giving birth to ‘girl’
child and beliefs of caste run deep in the society. The acts of cruelty that is perpetrated results in great
harm to women and people of disadvantaged sections. Astrology, vasthu (construction based
superstition), tantric and many such obscurantist practices are rampant. Villages of India, largely
illiterate, we are told, are the breading ground of blind belief and superstitious practices that hold back
India. Spread of scientific temper, it is posited, will illuminate and remove the darkness of superstition
and aid India progress6.

Narrative of superstition- colonial beginnings

         The colonial administrators, saw a great scope in the narrative of superstition; famines,
diseases and massive deprivations that marked the colonial rule could be pinned on the irrational
native culture – colonial administration could be absolve itself of its responsibility. Thus the usage of
the term ‘superstition’ became widespread in India during the nineteenth century. The early extensive
usage could be seen in the writings of the colonial administrators who while disparaging the magical
and mythological assumptions of the native society, particularly in the Hindu purans, used this term.
Then emerging modern science in Europe with deistic interpretation was seen as an antidote to the
‘native’ superstition.

         During the colonial era, it was normal for colonial official to characterise reaction of the
‘natives’ to the European effort for smallpox prevention as “resistance” and an expression of
irrationality and superstition of the indigenous society. 7 This notion became widespread in spite of the
fact that variolation had stronger roots in India than in Europe and moreover Europeans had actually
adopted the practice from Asians in the first place. In like manner, the cholera8 outbreak was seen to
be a result of the pilgrims natives, both Hindu and Muslim, undertake. At that time germ theory had
not been in vogue, and the miasma theory of contagious diseases favoured by experts in Colonial
Government in India. It was posited that as the pilgrim move from one place to another and
conglomerate into large gatherings the air turns bad; these pilgrims take this ‘mal-air’ from one place
to another; leading to outbreaks of contagious diseases . The superstitious of ‘pilgrimage’ was seen as
the cause; not the absence of civic amenities.

         While the East India Company as such was not keen on the spread of education among its
colonial subjects 9 authorities like Sir Thamas Munro, Governor of Madras presidency, took keen
interest to promote learning, and as part of the efforts science popularisation. Inspired by the
proclaimed aim of the public instruction under the colonial government was ‘improved European

literature and sciences’, Sir Thomas Munro, established the Madras School Book Society in 1920s.
This society translated “Joyce’s Dialogue on Sciences” in Tamil, and published various works such as
Hall’s ‘Outline of Astronomy’, Edited by Rev TS Pratt, ‘Brief and Familiar Sketch of Europe’ giving
information on the history of Europe, on inventions, institutions and natural phenomena of Europe. It
is to be noted that even these efforts by the colonial government in early period in the Madras
Presidency were essentially a missionary affair, with most of the compliers and authors of textbooks
being European missionaries.

        European missionaries posited that 10 ‘mother tongues are the moulding instruments of all
communities’, and were committed to mass education, in particular vernacular languages 11 .
‘Evangelical belief in the transformation of human character through education and the conviction that
conversion to Christianity required some amount of learning, promoted the cause of modern education
in India’12. The propagation PCST during this era was essentially limited to publication of books and
delivery of lectures. Given the fact that the literacy levels were low and most people could not read or
write, there were also attempts to read aloud the books in public places 13 . Missionary Tamil
publications on science during the early nineteenth century highlighted the 'superstitions' of the natives
purported to wean away the heathen brethren from the path of ignorance and to lead them to the true
knowledge. At the same time it was also an effort to establish a "connection made by reason, between
Christian truths and empirical knowledge"14. No wonder that it was the missionaries who took lead in
propagating modern science in Tamil15.

         Rudimentary science, in the guise of ‘natural philosophy’ was taught in these schools. In 1854,
South Indian Christian Textbook Society was formed to prepare textbooks with Christian elements.
Latter in 1858 this society was merged with the Madras Branch of the Christian Vernacular Education
Society (CVES). Many of the vernacular books issued by this society were chiefly for the purpose of
consumption by public. Books on various topics on modern were published by these societies 16.

         The dissemination of modern science by the missionaries had a close relationship with their
spiritual mission of spreading the word of Gospel and was closely linked to the mundane colonial
project of ‘civilizing the natives’. John Murdoch remarks17 “… the aims of education are 1) to promote
the temporal well-being of the people of India 2) to elevate them intellectually 3) to raise their moral
character…”. Treating ‘literature, philosophy and science as aspects of the one morally informed
source of authentic knowledge’ 18 was a strategy of missionaries ‘to ground morality and social
behaviour in an analytical appreciation of institution, obligation and law’19.

         Rev E Sargent in his popular science book Thattuva Sastram (Natural Philosophy), drawn
largely from the Dr Arnott, provides a brief account of 20"atomic concept, physical forces of nature
(attraction, repulsion and inertia) , mechanics, explanations of natural phenomena, hydrostatics,
pneumatics, hydraulics, acoustics, heat or caloric, light or optics, electricity (galvanism), magnetism
(electric telegraphy), weightless matter" and so on. In the work he asserts that 21“unlike humans,
inferior animals have no natural capacity to learn. The ‘nature’ here implies the inclination of God.
However humans have innate capacity to learn from their parents and gather knowledge through life
experience and by exerting oneself". The author states that 22 “During earlier days, prior to the proper
pursuit of Natural Philosophy, deception was galore. People were misled and deceived by blending
astronomy with astrology, chemistry with alchemy. When various principles of natural philosophy
became known in (the western) countries, superstition was eradicated". And further he contends that
the study of natural philosophy is 23"not only for material progress but also for spiritual progress- one
who acutely studies natural philosophy will realize the greatness, intellect and kindness of the creator
(God)".

Rev Fish Green, an American missionary who established a medical mission at Jaffna in the
early nineteenth century observes 24 “ ...omen, black-magic and such non-existent ‘sasthras’ had their
sway over people unchecked and they caused havoc. We publish this book with the desire and intent to
establish, Chemistry, the technique of classifying elemental matter instead of Rasayana, Astronomy
instead of Jothista (astrology), True knowledge instead of ‘false education’, and eradicate
‘superstition’ in individuals as well as ‘in society’….”. He refuses to even consider ‘Rasayana’ as an
equivalent and admissible term in Tamil for ‘chemistry’ instead coins a new word ‘Chemistham’ 25.
The Bhoomi Sasthram, by Rev Rhenius, considered to be the first science publication in Tamil, states
"to enlighten (native) Tamil" 26 as its object of publication. The condescending tone is hard to miss.
The missionary Murdoch was blunt but forthright, when he wrote to his family at distant Glasgow,
27
  “.....You ask about the telescope that you sent me. It answers the purpose tolerably. I may mention
that it had considerable effect on the minds of youth in causing him to disbelieve Buddhism, as it
showed the mountains of the moon and the satellites of Jupiter. This may, perhaps, surprise you. I have
however only room to mention that the religion of the people is quite opposed to European geography
and astronomy, and, consequently, if the latter are true, the former is false....” . The missionaries saw
the task of teaching natural philosophy as a way to civilize the natives.

         Murdoch advocated inclusion of fair share of science in the school scheme of studies and
argued for substantial place for science in the school readers. He contended that”‘the Hindus of the
South India at the present day are completely ruled by astrological superstitions [and] great mischief is
done by the people being guided in their understanding by ignorant astrologers. The importance of
some knowledge of the heavenly bodies will thus be apparent. Simple explanations of natural
phenomena would also be of value” 28. Also in the Readers, school textbooks, he suggested that
scientific information on “The laws of health, Botany and Natural history, Astronomy and Physical
geography, Remarkable Inventions’ may be given and ‘some account should be given of the telescope
and microscope, the steam engine, railroads the electric telegraphy &c.- inventions which have
increased the boundaries of human knowledge or revolutionized means of communication” 29.

         Thus science was seen as a factor that would remedy the deficit in the character. Also, in the
hands of missionaries, the modern science was yet another instrument for civilizing mission and for
mental and moral progress of the ‘natives’. Thus, one notes endless tracts and books on the supposed
defect of the traditional knowledge system steeped in superstitions, which results in the natives’
immorality. The remedy, for missionaries is moral progress through appropriate education and science;
in particular the natural philosophy came in handy. Murdoch, the chief educational evangelist directed
the missionary teachers to ‘draw moral lessons where appropriate’ and further that such moral lessons
‘should be short and naturally suggested by the subject’. He also cautioned that ‘every lesson on
natural object must not wind up with the wisdom and goodness of God. If so, it will lose its force’.
And advocated that ‘scripture texts may occasionally be introduced with advantage’30.

         Tamil publications on science, published under colonial tutelage, during the early nineteenth
century highlighted the 'superstitions' of the natives purported to wean away the heathen brethren from
the path of ignorance and to lead them to the true knowledge. At the same time it was also an effort to
establish a "connection made by reason, between Christian truths and empirical knowledge"31.It can be
evidently seen that, in the Tamil publications of the missionaries, the natural philosophy was so
construed as to challenge the traditional knowledge of the natives or to elucidate the alleged
corroboration of the newly revealed religion and the gospel by the truths of natural philosophy. Moved
by the self assumed role of ‘civilising’ the natives, these remarks were meant to provoke reform within
the native society. On the other hand it actually became a tool in the hand of colonial powers to ascribe
the notion of the defect and deficiency of the native society, thereby perpetuating and justifying the
colonial rule.

However it is important to recognise that ‘modern’ educational efforts during the colonial
period made possible social mobility to hitherto suppressed and depressed classes of people32. The
spread of ideas like democracy, scientific rationality, rationality and nationalism could be traced as a
worthy benefaction, perhaps unwittingly, ushered in by the ‘modernization’ 33 drive of the colonial
masters.

Native’s take on “superstition of the masses”

         If the colonial masters and missionaries attempted to locate the deficiencies native culture as a
whole, now the educated natives, largely drawn from elite classes, could shift the burden of
superstition to depressed classes. But, by the middle nineteenth century, the English educated native
elites had gathered resources to take the role of "mental and moral improvement" of the natives of
"numerous class" onto themselves, albeit, on their own terms34.

         Naturally, the colonial use of rationality was not self reflective and self critical, that while
being perfectly at ease with mythological and magical assumptions of their own cultures such as
resurrection and transubstantiation, it mocked ideas such as ‘rahu-ketu’ theories of eclipses. The irony
was not lost to the educated natives of those times, mostly coming from the elite classes and castes.
Soon by mid-nineteenth century the educated native elites revolted against the colonial cultural
superiority and the ethnocentric arrogance35. In 1847 Madras Upayukta Granda Karna Sabha (society
for production of useful books) was established by educated natives to publish vernacular textbooks.
In these works, the educated ‘native’ elites fabricated a counter-narrative that set their culture as ‘high
culture’, and articulated a picture of the ‘grand Indian tradition’ as sophisticated, philosophical and
well developed. In contrast, in this narrative, the common ‘masses’ were unsympathetically pictured as
simpletons and dull, who mistakenly treat the allusion of puranic myths as literal. The elites garnered
for themselves the Vedantic Hinduism and portrayed themselves cut above the rest and ascribed
primitive and unrefined notions of worldview to ‘masses’.

         If the European missionaries disparaged the puranic myths associated with the traditional
astronomical knowledge of natives, the native elites argued that the puranic myths truly belonged to
the lore of ‘lay public’ and not to the expositions of erudite native sages. Thus, while imagining their
past, native elites were also co-constructing its own ‘public’, and the publication efforts in the
vernacular could be ‘read’ in this context. The native elites could force their argument that even the
Committee for Textbook revision of 1874 observed that “it is not correct to attribute the popular
superstition about eclipses to Hindu astronomical science”36 (Report of the Committee 1874, p.64) and
even a missionary publication of 1891, Pagaola Sasthramum Jothisha Sasthramum, had to qualify its
criticism of the native astronomical knowledge by stating that native astronomers with knowledge of
the world were exception, while in general the traditional Hindu astronomical ideas were mythical far
removed from any truth37.

Discussion: - Trap of superstition

         The Indian State that emerged subsequent to Indian Independence was ‘developmentalist’ in
its orientation 38 . In spite of efforts development was elusive. Poverty, illiteracy, malnourishment,
morbidity were rampant. In the dominant development theories of those times, in spite of
overwhelming evidence to the contrary, underdevelopment was attributed to ‘traditional’ ways of
thinking and ‘outmoded practices’ of the masses. In this paradigm, the route to modernization was
seen as transforming the ‘people’ by implanting new values and beliefs. These theories
overemphasised the role of factors internal to societies such as ‘fatalistic’ and ‘traditional’ culture of
the people and underplayed the role of external factors such as imperialism or the iniquitous social
system in engendering and sustaining underdevelopment. Importance of external constraints on a

nation’s development such as international terms of trade, the economic imperialism of international
      corporations, and the vulnerability and dependence of the recipients of technical assistance programs
      played a significant role. So do, internal systemic factors such as caste hierarchy, lack of social capital,
      poor entitlements and so on. While Indian State warmed up to the external hand of ‘imperialism’ as an
      impediment to the development it maintained conspicuous silence as regards the internal social
      systems and economic arrangements that were stifling. Imperialist West and ‘superstitious’ villagers
      were to be blamed for India crawling towards achieving developmental goals39.

               Ubiquitous association of the term ‘superstition’ with ‘illiteracy’ and ‘poverty’ can be traced
      back to this period. Superstition is ascribed to ‘rural areas’ and women and people belonging to under
      privileged sections are often portrayed as being under the sway of ‘superstition’ by the dominant
      caste/class elites. The animistic religious aspects of tribals and residual animistic animism present in
      the traditional cultural cosmos of underprivileged sections were pitted against the supposedly
      sophisticated and philosophical Vedantic Hinduism. Witchcraft, belief in omens and in traditions like
      Arya Samaj even idol worship were considered as superstitious behaviour of gullible masses. Thus in
      the new post colonial world the dominant narrative of superstition served the purpose to differentiate
      between the elites (those who govern) and the ‘masses’(those who are governed). Thus this elitist
      narrative of ‘superstitious masses’ constructed in the wake of post colonial society, once again was not
      self-reflective and critical; but it endures40.

1
    Anuradha Ravi, India’s contribution to science, Current Science, VOL. 89, NO. 2, 25 July 2005 pp.239.
2
 Kartikay Pandey, Nose-diving scientific temper: A clarion call for science enthusiasts, Current Science, VOL. 92, NO.
1, 10 January 2007, p.7.
3
    Lavakare P. J., Science and technology policy documents, Current Science, Vol. 82, No. 6, 25 March 2002,pp. 613-
4
4
    Narottam Sahoo, Science for school children, Current Science, VOL. 88, NO. 9, 10 MAY 2005, pp.1365-66
5
 Cited in Richa Malhotra, Public communication of science and technology, Current Science, VOL. 100, NO. 5, 10
MARCH 2011, pp.608-11
6
 See Yagneshwar Nigale (in English by Suman Oak) "Superstition - Rational Discourse", Lokbhumi Prakashan, Goa,
2012 for a strident descriptions of various kinds of extreme acts resulting from superstitious beliefs.
7
 Niels Brimnes , Variolation, Vaccination and Popular Resistance in Early Colonial South India, Med Hist. 2004 April
1; 48(2): 199–228
8
 Report regarding the control of Pilgrimages in Madras presidency, 1868; also see, David Arnold, Colonizing the
Body: State Medicine and Epidemic Disease in Nineteenth-Century India, University of California Press,1993, Esp
see the chapter on cholera.
9
 In the charter act of 1813, a provision was incorporated that made lawful but not obligatory on the part of the
East India Company to set aside funds for the revival and improvement of literature and encouragement of the
learned natives of India and for the promotion of knowledge of the sciences among the inhabitants of the British
territories in India. See CH Sharp (ed), Selections from the Educational Records 1781-1839; Part I Calcutta, 1920 (p.
22). But the efforts were taken earnestly only after a decade, in 1823.
10
  Long. Rev J, Selections from the Records of the Bengal Government No XXXII, Returns relating to Publications in
the Bengali Language in 1857 to which is added a list of native presses with the books printed at each, their price
and character with a notice of the past condition and future prospects of the vernacular press of Bengal and the

statistics of the Bombay and Madras vernacular press submitted to Government, John Gray Printers, Calcutta 1859.
(P.lxi)
11
  Often studied Missionary educationists such as Grant, Anderson favoured English education and at times class
education, however, most of the missionaries working at hinterland preferred vernacular education.
12
 Tejaswini Niranjana, Siting Translation, Orient Longman, New Delhi, 1992.
13
  Upanyasam, a traditional format of public communication is essentially reading a book a aloud with
paraphrasing.
14
  Gerald Studdert-Kennedy, Providence & Raj; Imperial mission and missionary imperialism, Sage, New Delhi, 1998.
(p. 64)
15
 For details see Meenakshisundaram K, The Contributions of European Scholars to Tamil, University of Madras,
Madras, 1974.
16
  See for an overview of the publications by various societies; T. V. Venkateswaran Science and Colonialism:
Content and Character of Natural Sciences in the Vernacular School Education in the Madras Presidency (1820–
1900), Science & Education, Volume 16, Number 1 (2007), PP. 87-114
17
 John Murdoch, Education in India: a Letter to Rippon, Christian Knowledge Society Press, Madras, 1881.
18
  Gerald Studdert-Kennedy, Providence & Raj; Imperial mission and missionary imperialism, Sage, New Delhi, 1998
(pp. 64-65).
19
  Gerald Studdert-Kennedy, Providence & Raj; Imperial mission and missionary imperialism, Sage, New Delhi, 1998
(pp. 64-65).
20
     Rev E Sargent, ‘Thathuva Sasthram’, Church Mission Press, Palayamcotta, 1874 (see p 16-17)
21
     Rev E Sargent, ‘Thathuva Sasthram’, Church Mission Press, Palayamcotta, 1874 (p1)
22
     Rev E Sargent, ‘Thathuva Sasthram’, Church Mission Press, Palayamcotta, 1874 (p3)
23
     Rev E Sargent, ‘Thathuva Sasthram’, Church Mission Press, Palayamcotta, 1874 (p11)
24
  in the preface to his book ‘Chemistham’; facsimile reproduced in Ambi, ‘Maruthuva Tamiz Munnoodi; Dr Green’,
The South Indian Saiva Siddhantha works, Madras, 1995 (p. 85).
25
  In the periodical ‘Udyatharagai’, Vol.I Issue .1 the equivalent term for ‘chemistry’ is left blank by Fish Green. He
articulates this view explicitly in his work ‘Chemistham’.
26
     Fr Rhenius, ‘Bhoomi Sasthram’, 1832
27
 Letter of 8th June 1847, reproduced in Henry Morris, The life of John Murdoch, Christian Literature Society,
Madras 1906 (p. 20)
28
 Murdoch John : 1881, Education in India: A letter to His Excellency the most Honorable the Marquis of Ripon KG
GMSI, Viceroy and Governor General of India, CKS Press, Vepery, Madras, p.48
29
     Ibid pp47-48
30
  Murdoch John : 1871, Hints on Education in India with Special Reference to Vernacular Schools (2nd Edition),
Christian Vernacular Education Society, Caleb Foster Press, Madras p. 102.
31
  Gerald Studdert-Kennedy, Providence & Raj; Imperial mission and missionary imperialism, Sage, New Delhi, 1998
(p. 64).
32
 See Robert Hardgrave, Nadars of Tamilnad, Los Angeles, University of California Press, 1969 for the impact of
education on caste structure. Specifically, the book takes the case study of how Nadars, a backward community,
acquired wealth and education and moved upwards in the caste hierarchy.

33
  Suresh Chandra Ghosh, The History of Education in Modern India, Orient Longman, 1995, representative of this
view.
34
  See Venkateswaran, T. V. “Representation of Natural World in the Popular Science Texts during Nineteenth
Century Tamil Nadu,” IJHS Vol 39 iss 3 (2004) pp. 279-306 for a discussion on ‘natives’ re-presentation.
35
  see Memorial from the British Indian Association to the Viceroy and governor general of India in Council, Naik JP,
Selections from educational Records Vol II, Development of University Education (1860-87) National archives of
India, New Delhi 1963 (p.6-28).
36
  Report of the Committee for the Revision of English, Telugu and Tamil School books in the Madras Presidency:
1874, Government Gazette Press, Madras. P.64.
37
     CVES: 1891, Pagaola Sasthramum Jothisha Sasthramum, (Astronomy and Astrology), , Madras, 1891, P.5
38
  Subir Sinha, ‘Lineages of the Developmentalist State: Transnationality and Village India, 1900-1965’,
Comparative Studies in Society and History, vol. 50, no. 1, 2008.
39
  See Hartmann, P., Patil, B.R. and Dighe, A. The Mass Media and Village Life: An Indian Study, Sage Publications
Pvt. Ltd, New Delhi, 1989 for a discussion on the dominant mass media policies adopted by Indian State.
40
  See Dhruv Raina, 'Science Commoditised or Science for Consumption', Economic and Political Weekly, 6th
October 1990, pp.2247-2245 and Dhruv Raina, 'Scientific Reflexivity: The Public Understanding of Science and why
Scientism beats a Retreat', Economic and Political Weekly, vol.XXVIII, no.42, October 16, 1993, pp.2258-2261 for a
discussion on the dominant trends in science popularisation in India.