Modelling Change in the Plastic Footprint of Agriculture - Evidence from the Çukurova Region of Turkey - GIZ
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Modelling Change in the Plastic Footprint of Agriculture Evidence from the Çukurova Region of Turkey
Published by: Deutsche Gesellschaft für Internationale Zusammenarbeit (GIZ) GmbH Registered offices: Bonn and Eschborn Address: GIZ Office Ankara Aziziye Mah., Pak Sk. No. 1/101, 06680 Çankaya/Ankara, Turkey T +90 312 466 70 80 F +90 312 467 7275 Programme: PEP- Promotion of Economic Prospects for Refugees and the Host Community in Turkey The programme is a part of the Partnership for Prospects (P4P) special initiative of the German Federal Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development (BMZ), which is implemented in countries affected by the Syrian crisis (Jordan, Lebanon, Turkey, Iraq and Syria). Programme Responsible: Alberto Vega-Exposito Authors and contributors (in alphabetical order): Ecem Yıldız Eyyüp Göreke Leyla Özer Özgür Çetinkaya Rezan Gündoğdu Umut Kuruüzüm Copy Editor Sera Lightfoot 2
URL references: This publication contains references to external Internet pages. Responsibility for the content of external websites linked in this publication always lies with their respective publishers. GIZ expressly dissociates itself from such content. On behalf of German Federal Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development (BMZ) This study was commissioned by GIZ. The study may reflect the personal views of the author, which may not necessarily be shared by BMZ and GIZ, and BMZ and GIZ may not be held responsible for any use that may be made of the information contained therein. Ankara, Turkey 2022 3
About PEP Programme The PEP-Promotion of Economic Prospects Programme is financed by the German Federal Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development (BMZ) and implemented by the Deutsche Gesellschaft für Internationale Zusammenarbeit (GIZ) GmbH. The PEP- Promotion of Economic Prospects Programme’s main pillar is strengthening the resilience of Syrian refugees and the host community. Programme measures are designed to enhance economic prospects to foster systemic and community resilience to national and local stresses. Through focus areas such as green economy, public- private dialogue (PPD) structures and digital transformation, PEP targets increased employability, protecting, and creating employment, enhancing public sector support systems, improving the conditions for MSMEs and the business environment in urban and rural areas. To achieve its goals, PEP collaborates with local and international partners. Our approach at PEP involves a series of such measures as the provision of vocational training and skills development, supporting decent employment measures in private and municipal sectors, assisting entrepreneurs and start-ups, formalizing unregistered businesses, developing capacities of key business development service providers, and facilitating synergies between public and private sector stakeholders. One of the primary objectives in the PEP Programme is fostering access to formal employment for beneficiaries. Labour market-oriented measures enable the target group to find decent and formal employment, maintaining alignment with the supply and demand of Turkish labour market. All PEP interventions are based on a comprehensive and integrated approach to increase the economic prospects of households. As such, the programme aims at easing household financial stress through a regular income. Jobs do not only provide the necessary financial means to actively participate in socio-economic life, but also foster resilience, dignity, and renewed self-esteem. It is in the workplace that Syrians and Turkish people interact, cooperate, and communicate in order to get a job done. Thus, access to decent employment is the most effective measure to cultivate social cohesion and foster peaceful interaction between Turkish citizens and Syrians. All PEP measures targeting Syrians Under Temporary Protection (SuTP) have a Turkish language-training component, believing that learning Turkish is crucial for Syrians in the context of resilience. As supportive measures, participants receive conditional financial and nonfinancial support during Turkish and vocational training courses and are offered trainings on work ethics, legal counselling, and occupational health and safety. As part of this additional support to promote gender equality, PEP provides day-care for children to ease single parents’ and especially women’s access to employment-oriented skills development activities including Turkish language classes. 4
Acronyms APE Agricultural Plastics Europe APRG Agricultural Plastics Recycling Group BBP Butyl Benzyl Phthalate BIPOC Black, Indigenous, People of Colour BPA Bisphenol A DBP Dibutyl Phthalate DEHP Bis (2-ethylhexyl) Phthalate DEP Diethyl Phthalate DMP Dimethyl Phthalate DNOP Di-N-Octyl Phthalate EU European Union EVA Ethylene-Vinyl Acetate Copolymer FINILOOP Financial Inclusion and Improved Livelihoods Out of Plastics GDP Gross Domestic Product GIS Geographical Information System HA Hectare IEMS The Informal Economy Monitoring Study ILO International Labour Organisation MSWM Municipal Solid Waste Management MT Metric Tonnes NGOs Non-Governmental Organisations OECD Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development PAE Phthalate Esters PAES Phthalic Acid Esters PBDE Polybrominated Diphenyl Ethers PC Polycarbonate PE Polyethylene PET Polyethylene Terephthalate PMMA Polymethyl Methacrylate POL Polyolefin PP Polypropylene PVC Polyvinyl Chloride SEWA Self-Employed Women’s Association TUIK Turkish Statistical Institute UNDP United Nations Development Programme WWF World Wildlife Fund for Nature 5
Contents Overview 1. Introduction 2. Objectives of the Study 3. Methodology 3.1. Study Design 3.2. Data Collection 3.3. Limitations 4. Literature Review 4.1. Rising Plastic Waste and Plasticulture 4.2. Governing Plastic Waste 4.3. Plastic Waste, Livelihood, and Risks 5. Evidence from the Çukurova Region of Turkey 5.1. Plastification of Agriculture 5.1.1. Types of Commonly Applied Agro-Plastics 5.1.2. Costs of Commonly Applied Agro-Plastics 5.2. Work, Livelihood, and Toxicity Along Agro-Waste Recycling Chain 5.2.1. Expanding Waste Economies and Livelihood 5.2.2. Expanding Toxic Risks to Vulnerable Populations 5.2.3. Expanding Plastic Emissions and Ecological Stress 6. Concluding Insights and Recommendations 7. Bibliography 6
Overview The Çukurova Region of Turkey, located on the delta of the Seyhan and Ceyhan rivers, is one of the world’s most fertile plains, abundantly producing nearly all types of agricultural products and generating an agricultural industry worth roughly $8 billion. In recent years, agricultural operations in the delta have been inextricably linked with plastic use, as part of a larger trend of plastification in our lives. According to the WWF (June 2019, 10-11) this fertile delta, today, hosts the highest plastic waste concentration in the Mediterranean with over 31 kg of debris per kilometre. This report aims to document the recent trend in plastic agro-waste together with policy recommendations to bring about change in the agro-waste footprint of agriculture and plastic emissions, in the Çukurova Region of Turkey. More than 80 in-depth interviews have been conducted with farmers, waste collectors, waste intermediaries, employees from recycling companies, public officials, as well as civil sector experts and academics from universities and NGOs between July and December 2021. The report underlines that the current level of plastic agro-waste emissions in the region is not only harming the ecosystem, reducing soil fertility and biodiversity, and contaminating irrigation canals and aquatic bionetworks in the eastern Mediterranean Sea, but it also poses a threat to the well-being of humans living in such areas, with potential negative consequences for future generations. Seasonal agricultural workers, many of whom are Syrian and represent one of the most vulnerable socioeconomic strata in the region, engage in agro-waste recycling, sorting, and burning leftover agro- plastics for heating and cooking purposes in and around tents, where they are currently exposed to toxicity combined with chronic poverty. In order to identify and minimize the plastic footprint of agriculture, which contaminates the biome and threatens the survival of human and non-human species particularly in plasticised settings, increasing awareness of plastic agro-waste and capacity for management is critical. While the issue appears to be manageable today, this initiative in Turkey aims to raise awareness and foster cross-sectoral and international collaboration in order to find a path for reducing agriculture's plastic footprint, in light of Turkey's recent ratification of the Paris Agreement and Europe's Green Deal to achieve the net-zero emission target in the near future. 7
1. Introduction Plastics have become an indispensable component of our modern economies and societies' material foundations. Because they are inexpensive, lightweight, resilient, and versatile in ways that many alternatives are not, their footprint has risen considerably in tandem with their broader applications. Plastics have changed our material culture over the last few decades, to the point where our contemporary epoch within the Anthropocene has been labelled ‘the plastic age.’ As a result, they have become a growing source of worry that must be addressed, as they have been discovered to cause toxicity, contamination, soil, air, and water pollution, as well as contribute to the global climate crisis, ocean plastification, and biodiversity loss. Primary microplastics (less than 5 mm), such as microbeads in cosmetics or microfibers shed from synthetic clothing and other textiles, and secondary microplastics, which are formed by the physicochemical and mechanical breakdown of larger plastics, do not dissolve in soil or water and can last for hundreds of years on the earth's surface. With a predicted life expectancy of nearly half a millennium, it can be assumed that every plastic bag we have ever used, with an average lifespan of 12 minutes, can be found somewhere on the earth in one or another form. The ubiquity of microplastics is such that according to a recent WWF (June 2019) analysis, the average person consumes five grams of plastic every week, which is the equivalent weight of a credit card. Given their massive material use, most industrialised countries see ‘recycling’ as one solution for dealing with plastic debris. However, recycling does not completely alleviate the stress caused by plastic waste on the environment since not all forms of plastic are easily recyclable, and only a few recycling factories can handle all types of plastic. Interpol (August 2020,19-20) recently highlighted the rise of criminal networks in tandem with legitimate pollution management businesses, which are used as a cover for illegal waste trade and disposal, particularly to low-income countries. Plastic waste exports have been re-routed towards the eastern Mediterranean and South-East Asian destination countries since China's waste import restrictions went into effect in early 2018. Though millions of tonnes of plastic are recycled every year, millions more end up in landfills or oceans, or illegally dumped, and burned through opportunistic criminal tricks, generating material and gas emissions into our already impoverished atmosphere, sea, and soil. Plastics have recently been widely incorporated into modern agricultural operations, known as 'plasticulture,' and as a result end up as debris at the end of each agricultural product cycle, known as plastic 'agro-waste.' They can be found at every stage of crop production, from fertiliser containers to mulch covering the soil, pipes irrigating the fields, and the packaging of the finished agricultural products. Because of their single- 8
use nature, agro-plastics emissions are continuous throughout the year, while rapidly degrading and transforming into microplastics under the direct influence of sunlight and winds, and being carried to the sea via drainage canals. In the wake of anthropogenic crises, of which plastification is only one among several causes, experienced in the form of climate crisis, biodiversity loss, acidification of oceans, desertification, deforestation and eruptions of infectious diseases, such as swine flu, ebolavirus, and recently the COVID-19 pandemic; humans, to some extent, reacted and attempted to take collaborative action. For the first time in its 15-year history, the UNDP Human Development Report 2020 adopted a new definition for sustainable development and planetary metrics in evaluating countries' progress in terms of the pressure placed on the earth while registering economic growth. The European Green Deal set EU countries on a path to becoming a carbon-free economy and society, while also issuing a carbon price on imports of a specific set of products to ensure that ambitious climate action in Europe does not result in 'carbon leakage.' More recently, the United Nations COP26 Climate Change Conference in 2021, gathered people around the world who are disproportionately affected by anthropogenic stresses; acknowledged plastic as a key contributor to global warming; and called for the elimination of single-use plastics, which would reduce oil consumption and carbon emissions (Plastic and Climate, May 2019). To date, little action has been taken to address the growing amount of plastic agro- waste in our ecosystems, let alone monitoring, documenting, and mitigating the negative impact on the soil, which threatens our livelihood, food security, and, ultimately, our survival on Earth. This report outlines the increasing sets of plastic use in agriculture, the social and conservational concerns associated with plastic debris, and finally evidence-based policy recommendations for a path forward in acknowledging and addressing the extremely alarming issue in order to contribute to further global cooperation and collaborative action. 9
2. Objectives of the Study This study aims to explore and document the categories of plastic use and recycling practises in agricultural operations in Turkey's Çukurova Region, from an empirical perspective. Field research has been carried out to trace the afterlife of agro-waste along the chain of recycling, starting with farmers' use of agro-plastics and progressing to waste workers and intermediaries, and finally, recycling companies along with public and civil sector experts who oversee the process. The study's objectives can be broken down into four research areas: ▪ Outlining globally available interdisciplinary knowledge, policy implementations, and alternative solutions proposed in relation to agro-waste in distinct geographies of the world; ▪ reporting on the categories of use and recycling practises of plastic materials in agriculture, as evidenced in the Çukurova Region of Turkey; ▪ identifying and documenting risks to humans and the ecosystem, as well as potential economic development alternatives, knowledge gaps and institutional arrangements; ▪ providing evidence-based policy recommendations and pathways towards creating change in dealing with the ever-increasing plastic emission in the Çukurova Region of Turkey, while targeting sustainable employment for nationals and non-nationals, including refugees who are actively engaged in the chain of waste recycling. 10
3. Methodology 3.1. Study Design The empirical approach adopted covers a range of primary data collection methods, including face to face, semi-structured in-depth interviews, structured questionnaire surveys, and participant observation. For the first-hand empirical data collection, two field studies were designed: the first focused on the proliferation of agro-plastics and plastic debris. While the second concentrated on prospective routes for change in reducing the plastic footprint of agricultural products. Farmers, garbage collectors, and waste middlemen along the recycling value chain, as well as public officials, experts from NGOs, academics, and recycling company executives, were interviewed. During the interviews, a holistic and relational analysis was applied to reveal the combined inter-relationality of rising agro-waste, emissions, and risks to human and non-human species. The report's findings and insights were enhanced by participant observation during field research, which provided additional individual views and reflexivity. Secondary literature and research data from earlier studies on agricultural waste trends, as well as policy and regulatory frameworks influencing agricultural waste management at the national, regional, and municipal levels, were also reviewed. The literature review particularly focused on three interrelated areas, including (1) the growth of plastic waste, particularly the rise of plastic use and plastic emissions in agriculture (2) how the problem of rising plastic waste is being managed globally; (3) and what kinds of economic capacities and livelihood opportunities have been made available with the recycling of plastic waste. Secondary literature assisted us in constructing the problem in different geographical contexts and informed us about practices and working solutions. 3.2. Data Collection Due to the fluidity of the research population, pre-planned sampling of the agro-waste workers and intermediaries was not viable. Instead, the research team determined that the sample should be selected from those available and willing to participate. The intention was not to select a representative sample, rather to choose interviewees whose participation likelihood was high and who are involved in the agricultural plastic waste value chain in the Çukurova Region of Turkey. 11
A standard interview script was written to provide background information for respondents about the study and the process. In-depth interviews required the development of four separate templates for the following groups: (1) waste pickers and intermediaries, (2) farmers, (3) employees of recycling companies, (4) agro-plastics suppliers and wholesalers. The researchers collected both numerical and text-based information concurrently. Responses were handwritten by interviewers and then collated digitally onto spreadsheets – one for each group of interviewees to facilitate analysis. The results and analysis are shown in sections 5.1 and 5.2. In the first field study, a total of 44 face to face in-depth interviews were conducted to capture specific views on major agricultural waste-related problems, existing policies, and their implementation, as well as the livelihood initiatives of informal waste workers, and their contribution to the greater waste management system. Interviews were conducted within the span of eight days during the first fieldwork assignment, including 40 men and four women (see Table 3.1). Figure 3.1. Discussing the potential solutions to agro-plastics pollution with farmers in Silifke, Mersin Source: @GIZ/Umut Kuruüzüm The second fieldwork assignment was oriented towards identifying directions for the proposed model for change in managing the growing problem of agro-waste. It was also designed with the aim of increasing cooperation towards sustainable employment creation in plastic recycling. During this phase, a total of 36 semi-structured in-depth interviews were conducted with farmers, waste intermediaries, public and civil sector experts, businesspeople from recycling companies in the Çukurova region, as well as with NGO experts and academics. Additionally, questionnaire surveys on agro-waste 12
were administered to 52 farmers in Çukurova. Survey responses were recorded, tabulated, and tracked. Quantitative results, such as the amount of plastics generated on farms each year, were calculated utilising software and verified using multiple summation approaches (see Table 5.8 and 5.9). Table 3.1. Categorisation of stakeholders interviewed Source: The Authors Survey type Stakeholder # of Participants Gender Distribution Male Female Face-to-face in-depth Waste Pickers 19 16 3 interviews Waste 3 3 - Intermediaries Farmers 9 9 - Fieldwork I Recycling 3 3 - Companies Public/Civil Sector 10 9 1 Experts Total 44 40 4 face-to-face, in-depth interviews Face-to-face in-depth Waste Pickers - - - interviews Waste 1 1 - Intermediaries Recycling 5 5 - Companies Fieldwork II Plastic Suppliers 2 2 - Public/Civil Sector 28 17 11 Experts Questionnaire Farmers 52 52 - Surveys Total 36 25 11 face-to-face, in-depth interviews Total 80 65 15 Face to face, in-depth interviews 13
Interviews were transcribed, and data from the quantitative and qualitative instruments were cross confirmed for validation. The open-ended answers were analysed using thematic coding, which was organised, categorised, and summed. The thematic codes were developed by reviewing the responses and using keyword searches to evaluate the prevalence of identified themes, sub-themes, and patterns that emerged. Codes were manually generated in accordance with the research questions asked, which allowed researchers to provide direct and indirect information, including descriptions and quotes, to support various themes and patterns. There were four main codes generated into a codebook, including ‘types of commonly used agro-plastics,’ ‘financial cycle of commonly used agro-plastics,’ ‘risk to humans,’ and ‘risks to non-human ecosystems’. These themes represented data that characterised the everyday experiences of waste pickers, waste intermediaries, and farmers in addition to the experiences of other stakeholders along the agro-plastics waste value chain. Observations and reflections from the fieldworkers provided contextual data, adding to the depth and richness of the study. 3.3. Limitations There were two major constraints to overcome. To begin, given the COVID-19 epidemic, field research required weighing the risks—to the researchers and, perhaps more importantly, to research participants—against the larger benefits of the study. For the safety of all parties involved, all interviews were held with masks and outdoors as much as possible. While the fieldwork was planned to be carried out by three researchers, only two were able to step into the field, due to the rising COVID-19 infection risks in the region. Furthermore, two colleagues of the research team contracted the coronavirus in their second fieldwork visit, which resulted in loss of time and delays with the reporting. Secondly, the general absence of awareness, cooperation, and secondary data on plastic wastes and agro plastics, placed another limitation on this study. Neither the metropolitan nor district municipalities could provide official statistical data upon inquiry, which narrowed our research to only primary data, thereby reducing the richness that secondary data would have added to the study. Data retrieved from the websites of the Ministry of Agriculture and Forestry, as well as the Ministry of Environment, Urbanisation, and Climate Change was also limited, which raises concerns regarding the level of awareness at an institutional level about the growing plastic agro-waste problem in Turkey. 14
4. Literature Review This section provides an overview of the literature relevant to the research presented in this study. The literature review is divided into three interconnected areas for ease of understanding: (1) plastic waste growth, particularly the intensification of plastic use and plastic emissions in agricultural operations; (2) how the problem of rising plastic waste is being managed globally; and (3) what kinds of livelihood opportunities for people have been made available in the recycling and recovery process of discarded plastics in general. 4.1. Rising Plastic Waste and Plasticulture The term plastic is derived from the Greek word ‘plastikos’, which refers to formability. That is, they are materials that can be moulded, pressed, or extruded into various shapes and then turned into products in the form of foil, fibre, plates, tubes, bottles, cans, and more. Plastics are made of a wide variety of synthetic or semi-synthetic materials, including raw materials such as cellulose, coal, natural gas, salt and crude oil and are used for various purposes. They can be found in many areas of our lives, mainly due to their affordability and easily-shapeable nature. In fact, 242 million tonnes of plastic waste were generated in 2016 across the globe, making up 12 percent of the total waste generated globally in the same year (Kaza et. al, 2018). Studies have shown that plastic consumption per capita is rapidly growing on a global scale (Ritchie and Roser, 2018). The convenience plastics offer, however, led to a throw-away culture that reveals the material’s dark side: today, single-use plastics account for 40 percent of the plastic produced every year (Chen et. al, 2021). Many of these products, such as plastic bags and food wrappers, have a lifespan of mere minutes to hours, yet they will persist in the environment for hundreds of years. According to a recently published report, between 2010 and 2020 global plastic waste production has steadily increased by 10 million metric tonnes every year, reaching almost 360 million metric tonnes per year in 2018 (Interpol August 2020; Statista 2019). Based on long term projections of population and Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per country, it has been estimated that the global plastic waste generation could reach 300 million tonnes annually by 2040, and 380 million tonnes by 2060 (Lebreton and Andrady, 2019). When the proportional distribution of the produced plastic is examined according to production areas, estimates indicate that the most common use is the packaging industry, which accounts for 46 percent of plastic waste generated globally in 2018 (Statista, 2021). While the agricultural sector is not the largest user of plastics, the Food and Agriculture Organisation of the United Nations (FAO) reports that a massive 12.5 million tonnes of plastic were used globally in plant and animal production in 2019 15
(FAO, 2021). Given the numbers, it is obvious that the rapid plastification of farming all over the world is turning into a pollution concern, particularly in developing countries where plastic use and disposal are less regulated (Maraveas, 2020). The term ‘plasticulture’ has been widely accepted in the literature of horticulture, waste management and sustainability studies as the practice of using plastic materials in agricultural applications, while the plastic materials themselves are often and broadly referred to as ‘agro-plastics’ (Lamont, 1996; Garnaud, 2000; Mormile, Stahl and Malinconico, 2017; Bhattacharya, Das and Saha, 2018). Agro-plastics is most often used to describe all kinds of plastic plant/soil coverings, including coverings ranging from plastic mulch film, high and low tunnels, to plastic greenhouses. Plastics can help to deter pests, control weeds with reduced reliance on chemicals, and save fuel through lighting equipment and containers. Thus, farmers have the opportunity to grow vegetables regardless of the season and at the same time faster and more frequently than open-field cultivation. In addition, plasticulture applications have brought an increase in the water transfer capability, while allowing irrigated agriculture even in waterless areas, with the opportunity to use drip, sprinkler and similar saving irrigation methods. Researchers estimated that the application of plastic mulch increases crop yields by a third (Liu et. al, 2014), and enables harvest 10 to 30 days earlier than usual (Chang et. al, 2013), which significantly increases market advantage and the prices farmers receive. Yet more than unsightly, discarded agro-plastics can damage farmland and cause harm to humans and wildlife alike, making their celebrated durability long-term pollution and public health worry (Cassou, Jaffee and Ru, 2018). Hence, the question of whether the short-term benefits of employing plastic-based agricultural operations to increase efficiency exceed the potential long-term risks to both human and non-human ecosystems is a fundamental argument. In terms of the historical development of plasticulture activities, previous studies have documented that the first plastic-covered greenhouse was known to be applied in 1955 in England (Orzolek, 2017; Berghage, 2017). Then, Russia, southern Europe, and Asia saw an increase in the construction of plastic-covered greenhouses in the late 1960s and early 1970s. Meanwhile, Israel had covered large areas of high-value horticultural crops with plastic tunnels and mulches, paralleling the creation and usage of drip or trickle irrigation to increase crop productivity (Orzolek, 2017; Berghage, 2017). From the early 1970s onwards, the Mediterranean and Middle Eastern countries of Spain, Italy, Greece, Portugal, Turkey, Algeria, Jordan, and those countries in the Arabian Gulf became renowned in the building of plastic greenhouses, as well as in the production and sale of high-value greenhouse-grown crops. Prior research generally confirms that the use of plastics for covering greenhouses was an attempt to produce 16
fruits and vegetables 12 months of the year under extreme environmental conditions (Janke, Almami and Khan, 2017). To provide some precise data on the global use of plastics in agriculture, in 2010, approximately 265 million tonnes of plastic were manufactured worldwide, with agro- plastics accounting for 2 percent of this total (Briassoulis et al., 2013; Picuno, 2014). Over the years, plastics have been increasingly replacing the usage of greenhouse glass coverings or paper for mulching (Scarascia-Mugnozza et al., 2012). While Asia is the largest user of agricultural plastic products, accounting for almost 70 percent of the global use of mulch films (Jansen, Henskens and Hiemstra, 2019; Le Moine and Ferry, 2018; PlasticsEurope, 2019), demand for agricultural plastics was estimated at around 3.4 percent of overall plastics demand, which was equivalent to 1.6 million tonnes in 2015 in the EU (Cassou, 2018; World Bank, 2018). As for the country-specific numbers, Turkey produced over 9.5 million tonnes of plastic in 2020 and of this, 382,000 tonnes were used for agricultural purposes, which accounts for approximately 4 percent of the total plastics produced (PAGEV, 2021). While Turkey ranks in the top four in the world in greenhouse cultivation, it ranks second in Europe after Spain. In fact, Turkey's total greenhouse area has reached almost 80,000 hectares in 2018, indicating a 42 percent increase from 2008 (Tüzel et al., 2020).1 More specifically, the increase in plastic greenhouses, high and low tunnel areas were documented to be 74.1 percent, 70.6 percent and 16.5 percent, respectively (Tüzel et al., 2020). Given these figures, it is clear that plastic materials have been playing a significant role in agricultural production in Turkey. Against this backdrop, it is not very surprising that discussions regarding the growing problem of agricultural plastic waste have dominated research in recent years, particularly in the European agricultural hubs of Spain and Italy (Castillo-Diaz et. al, 2021; Aznar-Sánchez et. al, 2020; Pazienza and de Lucia, 2020; Sayadi-Gmada et. al, 2019; Briassoulis et. al, 2013; Scarascia-Mugnozza, Sica and Picuno, 2012). A recent study conducted by Castillo-Diaz and his colleagues (2021) shows that the volume of plastic waste from intensive agriculture in the province of Almeria in Spain is constantly increasing, whereas the current waste management system does not meet the needs of the sector. Syadi-Gmada et. al (2019) also reports that the rapid growth of greenhouse applications has brought sustainability problems such as pollution, water overuse, or inadequate waste management in Almeria. More remarkably, Zhang et. al (2020) report that agricultural plastic film usage in China was over 2.5 million tonnes in 2017, making the country world’s largest user of this type of agro-plastics as well as one of the biggest sources of agricultural plastic pollution worldwide. Similar concerns 1 10,000 hectare equals 100 square kilometres. 17
have also been raised for countries such as Vietnam, the Philippines, and the United States (Cassou, Jaffee and Ru, 2018; Hemphill, 1993). Several studies on agricultural plastic waste in Turkey have also been identified in the literature (Atılgan et. al. 2014; Güzey ve Atılgan, 2015; Boyacı and Kartal, 2019). One of these studies focuses on the environmental effects of pollutant factors such as plastic cover films, pesticide and chemical fertiliser containers, and drip irrigation laterals that are widely utilised in the greenhouse enterprises in the Kumluca district of Antalya (Boyacı ve Kartal, 2019). The result of this study suggests that almost 98 percent of the greenhouse enterprises in Kumluca use polietilen (PE) plastics in their agricultural operations, while about 83 percent of the pesticide containers were disposed of in the waste bins nearby or burned in the fields. Another study conducted by Güzey ve Atılgan (2015) found out that 70 percent of the greenhouse enterprises surveyed in the province of Denizli leave their agricultural plastic wastes in the field. Given the pervasiveness of plastics in agriculture, it may be reassuring that their toxicity varies and that their downsides are mostly determined by how they are produced, designed, used, and removed (Cassou, 2018). According to a recently published report by FAO (2021), agro-plastic residues are not only poisoning soils and food systems, but also threatening human health and the environment. Evidence from studies shows that the regular release of microplastics is leading to a significant accumulation in soil (Corradini et al., 2019; van den Berg et al., 2020). It is evidenced that microplastics included in the soil affect the water holding capacity of the soil agglomeration, the performance and composition of the soil microbial community, physical, chemical and biological properties such as soil biodiversity (de Machado et al., 2018; Lehmann et al., 2019; Rillig et al., 2019; Büks et al., 2020; Fei et al., 2020). Although the number of studies on the presence of microplastics in soil environments has increased in the last decade, information and knowledge pertaining to presence and effects of microplastics in this environment remains very scarce. Overall, there is a substantial body of literature confirming that the current intensification of the use of plastic materials in agriculture, which although has significantly increased productivity, is generating growing adverse effects on the environment of the agro-ecosystem (Andrady, 2015; Awet et. al, 2018; Beriot et. al, 2021; Cox et. al, 2019; Dahl et. al, 2021). Agriculture is responsible for massive use of plastic materials, in addition to energy and water inputs, chemical fertiliser and pesticides. Besides the pollution generated during the manufacture, at the end of their lifetime plastic materials used for crop covering, soil mulching, packaging, containers, pots, irrigation and drainage pipes, are become a pollution source when improperly disposed of, left on the ground or burned. Instead, the agricultural plastic waste, if correctly collected, can be used as a new secondary raw material or as an energy 18
source. An integrated agricultural plastic waste management offers the potential for mitigating some of the worst effects of plastic debris while preventing economic losses and environmental damage. 4.2. Governing Plastic Waste It has been established in the literature of environmental studies that an integrated waste management system should cover activities that aim at preventing the formation of waste, reducing it at its source, reusing, sorting according to its characteristics and type, accumulating, collecting, in addition to temporary storage, transportation, intermediate storage, recycling, recovery, disposal, monitoring, control and inspection after disposal processes (Turner and Powell, 1991; UNEP, 1996; Seadon, 2006). The hierarchy of these activities is oftentimes illustrated with a pyramid that consists of prevention, reduction, reuse, recycling, energy recovery and disposal. While prevention is ranked first in the order of priority, disposal is considered as the least preferred method of waste management (see Figure 4.1). Figure 4.1. Integrated waste management hierarchy Source: © GIZ 19
The growing plastic waste problem has become less of an issue of consumption and proper disposal, and more a problem of the fundamental nature of plastics (UNEP, 2021). When plastics are discarded, they do not break down and assimilate through biological processes. Instead, they release fillers, like plasticizers, as gas and contaminated liquid and break down into increasingly smaller pieces that retain many of their original properties (McDermott, 2016). This persistence allows plastics to accumulate, not only in sheer number and volume, but also as toxins and microplastics in the environment (Choy et al., 2019). In fact, according to UNEP (2021), common waste management processes that purport to truly eliminate plastics, such as incineration, generate toxic outputs and significant CO2 emissions, posing additional pollution and climate change challenges. Moreover, it has been widely reported that incinerators generate harmful pollution posing a risk to human health in nearby communities since burning plastic waste releases dioxin, furan, and mercury (Donahue, December 2018; Tait et al., 2020). Combined, these features make plastic waste pollution a considerably challenging problem, and one which goes beyond impacting the health of our lands and oceans – it impacts the health and rights of our communities every day. The ‘ideal’ scenario is often considered to be the recycling of plastics, which are broken down into their original constituents and used to form new plastic products. In this ideal scenario, the demand for raw materials and the need to manage plastic waste is minimised. However, in its current state, recycling does not prevent disposal; it merely delays it (Geyer, Jambeck and Law, 2017). It is difficult to quantify the extent to which recycling is actually alleviating pressure for primary plastic production, especially given that only about 9 percent of plastics produced since 1950 has been recycled at all (Geyer, Jambeck and Law, 2017). In fact, less than 10 percent of the total amount of plastics produced between 1950 and 2015 – estimated at 8.3 billion tonnes – has ever been recycled (only 600 million tonnes), resulting in near-permanent contamination on a planetary scale (Geyer, Jambeck and Law, 2017). In response to the growing challenges that have come along with growing plastic waste, both OECD and non-OECD countries have also put significant efforts into curbing waste generation and establishing integrated waste management systems. In most high-income developed countries, we observe policies that impose further taxes or bans on the use of plastics, promote the use of biodegradable alternatives, raise consumer awareness and responsibility around consuming single-use plastic materials, reduction of waste generation, and recycling practises.2 Regulations have 2While Canada has introduced a new strategy on Zero Plastic Waste, to be successfully implemented by 2030, the EU is taking legislative steps towards implementing a ban on selected single-use plastics. 20
also been put in place to encourage the recycling of plastic waste – with high recycling targets that scale up to 30 percent (OECD, September 2018). The recovery of waste through recycling, composting and incineration with energy recovery shows an encouraging increase since 2000 across the OECD area (OECD, 2021). According to a report published by the OECD, recycling rates in other high- income countries are typically around 10 percent (OECD, September 2018). Recycling rates in low- to middle-income countries are largely unknown but may be significant in situations where there is a well-established and effective informal sector. Data indicates that plastics recycling rates may be approaching 20-40 percent in some developing-country cities (Wilson et. al, 2009). Despite recent efforts, plastic recycling continues to be an economically marginal activity (Heinrich Böll Foundation, n.d.). Current recycling rates are thought to be 14-18 percent at the global level. Even if current recycling rates continue to grow linearly, 56 percent of the estimated plastic waste will still not be recycled in 2050 (Geyer et al, 2017). In terms of cumulative amounts, given that plastics production and waste generation follow their historical trends, then 65 percent of plastics ever produced will not be recycled by 2050 (UNEP, 2021). Higher waste collection and recycling rates are not without problems but have the twin advantages of allowing the continued realisation of the beneficial aspects of plastics use, while also addressing the associated adverse environmental side effects. A large number of life-cycle assessments have been carried out on the relative environmental impacts of various options for end-of-life plastics management. Several recent meta- analyses of this body of work unambiguously conclude that plastics recycling has a significantly smaller greenhouse gas footprint than plastics incineration or landfilling (Bernardo et. al, 2016). An added benefit is that higher recycling rates, to the extent that they are driven by the emergence of an economically sustainable recycled plastics industry, could also become a source of long-term job creation (WRAP, December 2015). When discussing the advantages of recycling, it is worth noting that recycled plastic is only useful if it is recycled into the same product. For instance, the recycling of agricultural plastic in the production of plastic materials used in other sectors, such as in construction, textile, or automotive will result in the use of original raw material in the re-production. As a result, judging recycling only on its own merits, independent of its intended use, may be misleading. More importantly, previous studies have documented that plastic pollution transcends national boundaries, making responsibilities and strategies for effective clean-up unclear (Vince and Hardesty, 2018). Once plastics are used, their disposal presents myriad problems, largely aggravated by global imbalances of power and inequality. 21
Countries in the ‘Global North’ often ship their waste to those in the ‘Global South’ under the premise of recyclability, fuelling industries that harm the health of local populations, such as incineration which is widely practised. Most waste management methods for recyclables have high labour costs, resulting in an economic incentive for retailing companies to export the pre-sorted waste to recycling companies in lower- income countries where labour and processing costs are cheaper. Waste exports have skyrocketed in recent decades, with shipments of recyclable materials from the EU increasing by more than 70 percent since the turn of the century (Statista, 2021). However, exported waste is not sufficiently monitored once they leave, and rather than being recycled, plastic debris is often incinerated or dumped illegally due to poor governance and waste infrastructures in low regulation countries. Figure 4.2. Coastal hotspots of plastic pollution in the Mediterranean Source: © WWF 22
In fact, Turkey was the biggest importer of plastic waste from European countries in 2020, with 11.4 million tonnes of waste. The amount of plastic waste coming to Turkey from Europe has seen a 196-fold increase in the last 16 years.3 However, Turkey's mismanagement of plastic waste has developed in parallel with the increasing imports from the EU countries. According to the report by the International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN October 2020) an estimated 229,000 tonnes of plastic is leaking into the Mediterranean Sea every year, with Turkey contributing the highest share –16.8 percent– of European marine plastic pollution (Gündoğdu and Walker, 2021). The report states that the coastline of Cilicia in south-east Turkey has the highest plastic pollution in the Mediterranean with 31.3 kg of debris per kilometre (WWF, 2019). What is deeply concerning is that Turkey’s recycling rate was just 12 percent in 2018. In 2015, Science magazine ranked Turkey the 14th worst country in the world for mismanagement of plastic waste (Greenpeace, 2021). Although Turkey recently implemented restrictions on importing plastic waste, illegal dumping and burning are widely reported (Gündoğdu and Walker, 2021). Turkey’s Mediterranean province of Adana has become a hotspot for illegal dumping and burning of plastic wastes, not only due to the rising number of plastic wastes imported from overseas but also because of the large-scale plastics-reliant agricultural production in the region. A recently published report by FAO (2021) questions the sustainability of agricultural plastic products, while identifying alternatives and interventions to improve the circularity and management of agricultural plastics based on the 6R model, consisting of Refuse, Redesign, Reduce, Reuse, Recycle, and Recover. Based on research in Spain, Aznar-Sánchez et. al (2020) notes that it is necessary to replace the traditional model of ‘extract-use-consume-dispose’ with a model based on the principles of the circular economy, thus optimising the use of resources and minimising the generation of waste. In Italy and Greece, a Geographical Information System (GIS) at regional scale has been implemented, in order to contribute to the analysis of agricultural plastic waste production, flux, collection and disposal (Hiskakis, 2008; Scarascia-Mugnozza, Sica and Picuno, 2008; Pazienza and De Lucia, 2020; Galati and Scalenghe, 2021). In a recent study assessing the environmental and economic implications of plastics recycling within the Finnish context, Mayanti and Helo (2022) have found out that once a year collection of agro-plastics offers an economic saving of 27 percent and 36 percent less global warming potential than twice a year collection. In a wider context, Briassoulis et. al (2010) have proposed a labelling management scheme for agro- 3 Prior to the China ban, Turkey imported only about 261,000 tonnes of plastic waste per year, primarily from the United Kingdom, the EU, and the United States, but by the end of 2018, this had climbed dramatically to 437,000 tonnes (TUIK, 2021). 23
plastics that is technically feasible, economic and able to satisfy the geographic diversity and the various technical requirements of the major stakeholders throughout Europe, including farmers, plastics producers, recyclers and industrial facilities utilising alternative fuels for energy production. By the same token, Wang et. al (2021) also proposes an all-rounded tactic for the prevention and control of plastic pollution in China based on the life-cycle assessment of plastics. The findings of their research underline that, technically, waste plastic pollution should be prevented and controlled throughout the entire process covering plastic synthesis, processing, utilisation, and recycling (Wang et. al, 2021). More specifically, previous studies in China have proven that an integrated agro-plastics waste management should include design and processing of high-performance plastic products with prolonged service life. The development of innovative technologies offering efficient and large-scale capacity for recycling waste plastics, the safe disposal of the ultimate plastic wastes as well as developing new degradable raw materials and environmentally friendly alternatives are necessary (Liu, He and Yan, 2014; Wang et. al, 2021). In order to tackle the growing problem of plastic pollution in cropland farms and find a solution to the mismanagement of agro-plastics waste, those involved in the value chain including plastic suppliers, farmers, and recycling facilities have also started forming alliances. For instance, the Agricultural Plastics Recycling Group (APRG) in Canada gathered stakeholders for further discussion about a provincial solution for agro-plastics recycling because of concerns over the lack of options for the waste material, combined with the absence of a policy for a provincial agricultural plastics diversion program. In the United Kingdom and other parts of Europe, Agricultural Plastics Europe (APE) also provides a forum on non-packaging plastics products for agriculture for sustainable, profitable production, and for reliable agro-plastics waste management Meanwhile, Turkey's waste management system for preventing agricultural plastic pollution is lagging behind. Although the Zero Waste Regulation published in 2019 sets out the principles by which plastic wastes should be collected and sent to recycling and/or energy recovery facilities, there is currently very limited operational structure or awareness at the municipal level that can facilitate the integration of agricultural plastic waste into the municipal solid waste management system (Ministry of Environment, Urbanisation and Climate, n.d.). 4.3. Plastic Waste, Livelihood, and Risks The standard waste management system is characterised by the private formal sector, working in tandem with the state through contracts. Complimentary to this, the informal sector has begun to gain prominence in both academic and non-academic contexts. While a deficit lens of the informal sector defines informal work by what it lacks, we 24
recognise the popular knowledge and capacities of informal work. Most scholars have examined the informal waste sector’s participation in waste management in the global south (Nzeadibe and Anyadike, 2012; Gutberlet and Uddin, 2017; Velis, 2017) and a few in the global North (Wittmer and Parizeau, 2018), showing that informal workers contribute significantly to waste management by making up for the inefficiencies of the formal sector. The rapid improvements in technology coupled with the aim of creating a sustainable environment, has resulted in recyclables becoming products of economic value. As a consequence of the environmental awareness that has developed, waste recycling has become important, and the waste picking industry emerged as an informal area (Acar and Baykara Acar, 2008). This waste undoubtedly contains a good deal of economic value when properly sorted but the problem is determining who must do the sorting. It has been estimated that 15-20 million people globally work as waste pickers, where only 4 million of them are formally employed in the sector (ILO, 2012). Informal workers already contribute to the management of waste and prevention of pollution from plastic and even climate attenuation. In recent work, it has been noted that informal recycling had the potential of attenuating the climate change index by 10 percent for the solid waste system (Botello-Álvarez et al., 2018). Considering the magnitude of people involved in this sector informally, it is imperative to understand the role of waste pickers and who they are. Waste pickers are widely accepted as the individuals or groups of people who do recovery of materials from waste for purposes of reuse, for sale to recyclers, or for consumption (Gall et. al, 2020). Previous studies have documented that waste pickers are mostly made up of the marginal groups and migrants who constitute the urban poor, and waste recycling in developing countries is done mostly by informal waste pickers (Medina, 2008). It has been established that the basic reason that compels people to be involved in waste picking is economic.4 The informality of waste pickers in waste management is rooted in the unregistered, unlicensed, unrecognised, and non-tax-paying activities of waste pickers. The consensus has been that informal waste picking is also characterised by labour intensity, low pay, low technology, unrecorded and unregulated work (Wilson et al., 2009), where informal waste pickers are at the bottom of the waste commodity chain. At the top is the recyclable industry who deals directly with the intermediary waste buyers (Gall et. al, 2020). There are also middlemen who exploit informal waste 4 Waste picking can be lucrative and well-paying if exploitation is avoided. For instance, waste pickers earn above the national minimum wage in Brazil (Dias 2012; Dias and Samson, 2016). In Cairo, waste pickers earn an average of €4.30 per day or roughly €100 per month, waste pickers in Lima earn up to €135 per month. In Pune, they earn about $108 per month (Rocha Perrupato-Stahl, 2016). 25
pickers; this explains the low earnings of some informal waste pickers in the waste trade (Mumuni, 2016). Waste pickers are more frequently exposed to occupational hazards than their formally employed counterparts in the waste management sector. They often report the highest incidence of work-related injuries, such as cuts, though they may be less knowledgeable about indirect health effects of their work, such as respiratory illness and infection, than formal waste collectors (Ravidra, Kaur and Mor, 2016; Laitinen and Rantio, 2020).5 Waste materials can all be considered as sources of free or discounted materials that in resource-constrained and poor communities might be leveraged to generate income in the absence of employment. The Informal Economy Monitoring Study (IEMS), coordinated by WIEGO, which involved quantitative/qualitative research derived from 763 waste pickers in five cities in Africa, Asia, and Latin America, found out that waste picking provides crucial income for people and households. For 65 percent of the IEMS sample, earnings from waste picking were the main source of household income. Although waste picking as an income-generating activity has started to gain attention relatively recently as a topic of interest in academia, a large number of studies have been carried out by development scholars on how people make money out of waste- related activities such as picking, collecting, trading, and recycling, and how waste becomes a livelihood for the poor (Holt and Littlewood, 2017; Sasaki et. al, 2014). For instance, having explored key themes such as strategic dimensions, networks, and social capital through the conceptual lens of bricolage, Holt and Littlewood (2017) noted in their study that more than 25 informal economy micro-entrepreneurs in Kenya utilise waste materials to generate income, and create a livelihood model by improvisation, making do and the process of ‘fiddling’ or recombining resources. The findings also suggest that differing waste livelihoods have different rates of return, or profitability, and differing input requirements of capital, skills, and knowledge. Another study conducted by Sasaki et al. (2014) explored household income, living, and working conditions of dumpsite waste pickers at Bantar Gebang final disposal site for municipal solid waste generated in Jakarta. The study investigated the feasibility of integrating the informal sector into formal waste management in Indonesia. The study found that despite the social, health, and environmental problems attached to working at the dumpsite, they were attracted to the freedom of entering the informal recycling system in Bantar Gebang and withdrawing from the system, in which a lot of 5 One study found that 93 percent of waste pickers had experienced a work-related illness (Ravindra, Kaur and Mor, 2016). 26
opportunities were provided for the people having few marketable skills to obtain cash earnings. According to GIZ (January 2011), better integration and co-management with local authorities and industry are not only required for a more sustainable, efficient waste management; also, for improving the working and living conditions of the waste pickers who suffer from poverty in poor and/or developing countries. As it stands, these people are in urgent socio-economic need, as well as severe disease control and public health support. Establishing a well-functioning waste management system not only provides sustainability of the used materials and reduces the exploitation of resources through reuse or recycling, but it also fosters the economy. Regarding waste as a commodity also allows us to define waste pickers as ‘entrepreneurial actors’ in the economy, who are actively participating (Buch et. al, 2021). Yet, this entrepreneurial act remains in the informal economy when management and its regulations are not established and followed accordingly. Integration of the informal waste workers into the formal waste management system has been the policy proposal for many waste management scholars (Medina, 2007). The policy proposals for integration are justified based on the jobs generated for millions of urban poor. Furthermore, informal waste workers make numerous contributions for the efficient and sustainable use of materials through recovery and recycling (Gerdes and Gunsilius, 2010; Wilson et al., 2006; Mumuni, 2016). Waste picker inclusion into the formal waste management system recognizes the value these workers bring to the local economy, particularly waste collection and recycling sectors, and supports their right to health and safety so they can sustain their livelihoods. Inclusion of the informal sector in the development of infrastructure has many benefits; current workers are experts on the front lines of waste management and including them, with improved conditions, recognition, and respect, preserves thousands of people’s livelihoods. In this regard, Aparcana (2017) classified the formalisation of informal sectors into three categories: (1) informal waste workers organised in associations or co-operatives; (2) organised in community-based organisations or micro- and small enterprises; and (3) contracted as individual workers by the formal waste sector. In fact, waste-picker cooperatives, associations, and unions are on the rise around the world (Gutberlet et. al, 2017).6 From Argentina to Uruguay, India to South Africa, Indonesia to the Philippines, such groups are growing as they fight for bargaining 6 Latin American countries make up the largest position of countries with waste picker cooperatives that are members of the Global Alliance of Waste Pickers; these countries are Argentina, Brazil, Bolivia, Chile, Costa Rica, Colombia, Ecuador, Dominican Republic, Paraguay, Peru, Puerto Rico, Venezuela, Uruguay and Nicaragua. 27
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