Men Finally Got It! Rhotic Assibilation in Mexican Spanish in Chihuahua - MDPI
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Article
Men Finally Got It! Rhotic Assibilation in Mexican
Spanish in Chihuahua
Natalia Mazzaro * and Raquel González de Anda
Department of Languages and Linguistics, University of Texas at El Paso, El Paso, TX 79968, USA;
raquelg@utep.edu
* Correspondence: nmazzaro@utep.edu
Received: 17 August 2020; Accepted: 3 October 2020; Published: 14 October 2020
Abstract: Rhotic assibilation is a common sociolinguistic variable observed in different Spanish speaking
countries such as Argentina, Ecuador, and México. Previous studies reported that rhotic assibilation
alternates with the flap and/or with the trill. In this study, we explore three aspects of rhotic assibilation in
the Spanish of the state of Chihuahua, Mexico/El Paso, TX, United States: (1) Its diachronic development;
(2) the linguistic and social factors that affect this variation and; (3) the possible effect of contact with
English in this variable. Fifty-eight participants, including Spanish monolingual and Spanish-English
bilingual subjects, performed one formal and two semi-informal speech production tasks. Acoustic and
perceptual analysis of the tokens showed that the variation is not binary (standard vs. non-standard
variant), but that it includes other rhotic variants with varying degrees of frication. Variation is restricted
to phrase-final position and heavily favored by preceding front vowels (/e/ and /i/). These effects have
a clear aerodynamic and articulatory motivation. Rhotic assibilation is not receding, as previously
reported. It continues to be a prestigious variable prevalent amongst females, but also present in male
speakers. The comparison between bilingual and monolingual speakers shows that contact with English
does not significantly affect the occurrence of assibilation.
Keywords: rhotic assibilation; sociolinguistics; sociophonetics; Mexican Spanish; variation
1. Introduction
Rhotic assibilation is a pervasive feature of most varieties of Spanish. It has been reported in
Argentina (Colantoni 2006); Bolivia (Morgan and Sessarego 2016); Costa Rica (Vásquez Carranza 2006);
Ecuador (Bradley 2004); Spain (Henriksen and Willis 2010); Dominican Republic (Willis 2007); and
Mexico (Amastae et al. 1998; Bradley and Willis 2012; Eller 2013; Lope Blanch 1967; Perissinotto 1972;
Rissel 1989). Although assibilation is a common feature in all these dialects, social and linguistic factors
seem to influence the phonological feature in unique ways. In this study, we focus on rhotic assibilation
in the Spanish of the state of Chihuahua, Mexico/El Paso, TX, United States. We explore three aspects of
rhotic assibilation: (i) The development of this feature more than two decades after the first (and only)
study was conducted in this same dialect (Amastae et al. 1998); (ii) the linguistic and social factors that
affect this variation; and (iii) whether contact with English affects the variable in bilinguals.
The rest of the paper is organized as follows: Section 1 reviews the phonetic and phonological
characteristics of rhotics, the sociolinguistic literature on rhotic assibilation in Mexico City and Ciudad
Juárez, Chihuahua. Section 2 details the methodology for the study. Section 3 introduces the results,
and Section 4 answers the research questions and relates the findings of the present study with the
literature reviewed. Finally, we conclude and discuss the future directions of this research.
Languages 2020, 5, 38; doi:10.3390/languages5040038 www.mdpi.com/journal/languages
Languages 2020, 5,
Languages
x FOR
Languages PEER
2020, 5, 2020,REVIEW
38 5, x FOR PEER REVIEW 2 of 21 2 of 21
1.1. Phonological,
1.1. Articulatory,
Phonological, and
Articulatory,
Acoustic Characteristics
and Acoustic Characteristics
of Spanish Rhotics
of Spanish Rhotics
Languages 2020, 5, x1.1.
FOR Phonological,
PEER REVIEW Articulatory, and Acoustic Characteristics of Spanish Rhotics 2 of 21
REVIEW With regard to
With
rhotic
regard
distribution,
to rhotic there
distribution,
is a clear
there
distinction
is a clear
2 between
of distinction
21 the syllabic
between positions
the syllabic
With regard to rhotic distribution, there is a clear distinction between the syllabic positions that thatposition
can be occupied
1.1. Phonological, can can
Articulatory,
be by
occupiedbe tapsoccupied
and
by and
taps trills.
Acousticby trills.
and taps Taps and/ /ɾtrills.
Characteristics
Taps /,/,asas inTaps
in ofcaro
caro /ká/ ɾo/
Spanish /káɾo/
/,‘expensive’,
asRhotics
in‘expensive’,
caroand /káɾo/trillsand /r̄/, astrills
‘expensive’, in carro /r̄/,/kár̄o/
and
as intrills carro /r̄/, as in
ory, and /kár̄Acoustic
o/ ‘car’, Characteristics
‘car’, contrast
contrast
/kár̄ o/ ‘car’,
in of SpanishinRhotics
in word-internal
word-internal
contrast intervocalic
word-internal
intervocalic Languages
position position (Hualde
intervocalic 2020, 5,
2005).
(Hualde x FOR
position In PEER
word-initial
2005). REVIEW
(Hualde position
In word-initial 2005). and after
Inposition
word-initial and position
x FORWith PEER REVIEW regard a to rhoticindistribution,
consonant a different thereonly
syllable, is a the clear trill distinction
occurs: Rosa between
/r̄ósa/ ‘rose’theand syllabic positions
of 21 /isr̄aél/.
2Israel The that
tap
after a consonant
distribution, there after ina consonant
a different in
syllable,
a different only syllable,
the trill occurs:
only theRosa trillthat /r̄
occurs:
ósa/ ‘rose’ Rosaand /r̄ósa/ Israel‘rose’ /isr̄andaél/.Israel
The /isr̄aél/
can be occupied by istaps
occurs ina onset
clear distinction
andclusters:
trills. Taps Prosabetween / ɾósa/
/p /, as‘prose’the
in syllabic
caro and/káɾo/
1.1. positions
Phonological,
in ‘expensive’,
word-final Articulatory,
position and
before trills
aand /r̄Acoustic
vowel: /, asSerin carro
amigosCharacteristics of Sp
tap occurs/ ɾin/,tap onset occurs clusters:in onset Prosa clusters:
/pɾósa/Prosa ‘prose’ /pɾósa/
and in
,‘prose’
asword-final and inposition word-final before positiona vowel: before Ser a vowe
and
/kár̄ otrills.
/ ‘car’,Taps
l, Articulatory, /sé amígos/
and
contrast asword-internal
Acoustic
in in‘to caro /káɾo/
Characteristics
be friends’. ‘expensive’,
of Spanish
A variable
intervocalic rhotic andRhotics
position trills
appears /r̄/coda
in
(Hualde in carro
position
2005). In(within
word-initial a word orposition across word and
rd-internal amigos /séɾ amíɡos/
amigos
boundaries)
intervocalic ‘to
/séɾ
followed
position beamíɡos/
friends’.
by a consonant
(Hualde ‘to A bevariable
2005). friends’.
orIn atrill rhotic
pause, Ai.e.,
word-initial variable
appears
With
when rhotic
in coda
regard
resyllabification
position appears
to position
and rhotic isandindistribution,
not coda
(within
possible. positiona word
While therea(within
orisacross
tap a word
a clear or a
distinc
after a
rd to rhotic consonant in a different syllable, only the occurs: Rosa /r̄ ó sa/ ‘rose’ Israel /isr̄ a él/. The
erent word distribution,
syllable, boundaries)
is more
only word
the
there
followed
frequently
trill boundaries)
occurs:
isfound
a clear
by
Rosaina distinction
followed
consonant
these
/r̄ósa/ contexts,by between
‘rose’ or
aan consonant
and aemphatic
can bethe
pause,
Israel
syllabic
i.e.,
occupiedoracan
trill
/isr̄ aél/.
whenpause,
by
also positions
The resyllabification
taps
occur i.e.,1and
e.g.,that
when arte resyllabification
trills. Taps
a[r̄]te isornot / ɾ]te
á[ possible.
/, as iniscaro not /káɾ
pos
tap occurs in onset clusters: Prosa
ɾ] /,oras /pɾósa/ ‘prose’ and in word-final position before a vowel: Ser
d by taps
ers: While
Prosa
and a tap
/pɾósa/
trills.
‘art’, amor
is
WhileTaps
more
‘prose’
amo[ /frequently
aandtap in
amo[r̄]
is in caro
more
word-final
‘love’.
found /káɾo/
frequentlyFollowing
in ‘expensive’,
these
position
Hualde
found contexts,
/kár̄
before oin and
/(2005),
these
‘car’, an
acoda
wetrillswill/r̄
emphatic
contexts,
contrast
vowel:
use/, the
asan in
symbol
trill
Serin word-internal can/r/also
carro
emphatic to represent
trill
occur can
intervocalic 1 the alsoarte
e.g., occur1 e.g.
position (H
amigos
ntrast in /séɾ amíɡos/ ‘to
non-distinct be friends’.
rhotic found A variable
in final rhotic
position appears
where there in
is no possible position (within
resyllabification. a word
We will or across
also use
friends’. a[r̄word-internal
]Atevariable
or á[ɾ]tea[r̄ ]intervocalic
‘art’,
rhotic te or amor á[ɾ]te
appears amo[ɾ] position
‘art’,
inrather
codaamor (Hualde
or position
amo[r̄ amo[ɾ] ] ‘love’. 2005).
orafter
(within amo[r̄ In
Following word-initial
] ‘love’.
aa refer
consonant
word or Hualde inposition
Following
across (2005),
a different and
Hualdewesyllable,
will (2005),
useonly thewethe symbol
will useoccurs:
trill the sy
word boundaries)
nt in a different the followed
neutral
syllable, term
only by
‘rhotic’a consonant
the trillthe occurs: than or
‘tap’ a
Rosafound pause,
and ‘trill’
/r̄ótap sa/ i.e.,
to
‘rose’ when
andto it. resyllabification
Israel is not possible.
ed by /r/ to represent
aa consonant /r/ atothe
orfrequently represent
pause, non-distinct
i.e., when non-distinct
rhotic
resyllabification 2 share rhotic
in
occurs
is final
found
not position
inpossible.
onset in /isr̄ final aél/.
where
clusters: The
position there where
Prosa is no there
/pɾósa/ possible
‘prose’ isand no inpos w
While tap is more Articulatorily, standard
found taps
in and trills
these contexts, the
an same
emphatic place and trillmannercan of articulation;
also occur 1 e.g.,they arte are
onset clusters:resyllabification. Prosa /pɾósa/
resyllabification.
Werealizedwill ‘prose’
also andthe
use
We will inneutral
word-final
also position before a‘to vowel: Ser
uently
a[r̄ ] te or found
á[ɾ]te both
in‘art’,
these usually
amor contexts, amo[ɾ] anas
or voiced
emphatic
amo[r̄ and
] trill use
alveolar
‘love’. can term
3 . the
Following
amigos
The
also ‘rhotic’
neutral
mainoccur /séɾ 1rather
term
amíɡos/
difference
Hualde
‘rhotic’
e.g.,(2005), than
between
arte ‘tap’
be
we
rather
taps and
friends’.
will and than
‘trill’
use
A‘tap’
trills theistothat
variablerefer
and
symbol
‘trill’
to it. to
tapsrhotic refer toi
appears
íɡos/ ‘to be Articulatorily,
friends’. A variable with rhotic
Articulatorily,
standard tapsappears
standard
andbetween in coda
trills taps
2 share position
and trills
the (within
same
2 share athe word or across
amo[ɾ]
/r/ to or amo[r̄
represent
are] produced
‘love’.
the Following
non-distinct
a single contact
Hualde
rhotic (2005),
found
the
we
in
word
tip
will
final
of the
use the place
boundaries)
tongue
position
towards
symbol where
andsame
followed
the manner place
alveolar
there is
aof
by ridge,and
no
articulation;
manner
consonant
while
possible
trillsor of athey
articulation;
pause, i.e.,
ies) followed
are both byareaproduced
usually consonant
are both
realized with or
usually as avoiced
several pause,
realized
(usually andi.e.,
as
two when
alveolar
voiced
or three) resyllabification
3and
. The
such
Whileisa tap alveolar
main
rapid difference
3. The
contacts
is is not
main
(Hualde possible.
betweendifference
2005).
more frequently found in these contexts, taps
Navarro between
and trills
Tomás taps
is that
and trills
anis
n-distinct
resyllabification. rhotic We found will in final
also use theposition
neutral where
term there
‘rhotic’ rather no than possible ‘tap’ and ‘trill’ to refer to it.
more taps frequently (Tomásfound 1970, pp.
inwith these 1, 116) gave
contexts, a more an detailed
emphatic description
trill can of the
also Spanish
occur trill
tip e.g.,
1 that specifies
arte the position
also use theare
Articulatorily,
produced
neutral
of the
taps
term
standard
tongue
are produced
‘rhotic’
tip, taps
a single
dorsum,rather
and
with
and
contact
than
trillsroot.
a single
2 ‘tap’
share
He
betweenand
stated
contact
the
a[r̄ ]the
‘trill’
same
that
te or
the tobetween
tip of
á[ɾ]te
refer
place
tip of
the
the to
and
the
‘art’,tongue
it.
tongue
amor
manner
oftowards
bends
the
amo[ɾ]
of
tongue ortheamo[r̄
articulation;
upwards to
alveolar
towards
touch
] ‘love’.
they
the
ridge,
the Following
alveolar r
‘art’, amor while amo[ɾ] are or amo[r̄ ] ‘love’. Following Hualde (2005), we willtwo use orthe symbol
ard
are taps
both andtrills
usually trills 2 while
share
realized
upper-most
produced trills
thevoiced
as
part
are
same
of
with produced
the alveolarplace
and
several and with
alveolar
ridge,
(usually
manner
the3. The
several
tongue
/r/oftwo
main
to (usually
or
articulation;
root
three)
represent
difference
retracts towards
such
theythe
between
rapid
three)
non-distinct
the back taps
contacts
such rapid
of the and oraltrills
(Hualde
rhotic
cavity, is
contacts
found
that
and
2005). (Hualde
in final 2
nt theNavarro non-distinct Tomás rhotic
Navarro 3([1918]
found
Tomás 1970,difference in final position where there isWeno possible
as voiced
taps are and alveolar
produced the tongue
with . The
body
a main
singleadopts a([1918]
contact
pp.
hollow 1, 116) 1970,
or
between betweengave
concave pp.shape.
the
a1,
taps
tip
more
116)
resyllabification.
of and gave
detailed
the trills a more
tongue isdescription
that detailed
will
towards
alsoofdescription
the
use thethe
alveolar
Spanish
neutral of trill
ridge,
the
term Spanish
that
‘rhotic’tril ra
n. We specifies
will also the useposition
the
specifies neutral
The realization of
the term
the position ‘rhotic’
tongue of tip, rather
the dorsum,
tongue than and‘tap’
tip, and
dorsum,
root.
Articulatorily,He‘trill’and
stated to refer
root. that
standard He tothe it.
stated
tip
taps of that
the the
trills share the sameb
tongue
andtongue-tip tip2 of
bends
the tongue
singletrills
while contact are between
produced the with tipofseveral
oftrillstherequires
tongue
(usually
a complex
towardstwo
combination
or the three) alveolar of articulatory
such ridge,
rapid
movements
contacts
of the
(Hualde 2005). 3
rily, standard
upwards taps
to touch
and and the
upwards
aerodynamic trills 2 share
upper-most
to touch
forces the
(Soléthe same
part
upper-most
2002). of
Due place
the to their and
alveolar
part
are manner
ofridge,
both
articulatory theusually of
thearticulation;
alveolar
complexity, tongue ridge,
realized trills root asthey
the
are retracts
tongueand
voiced
mastered towards
root
late retracts
inalveolar
the L1 the back.towards
The main thed
with
Navarro several
Tomás (usually
([1918] two
1970, or pp.three) 1, such
116) gave rapid a morecontacts detailed (Hualde description 2005). of the Spanish trill that
y realized of the asoralvoiced ofand
acquisition
cavity, the andalveolar
andoral are
the not
cavity, 3 .present
tongue The and main
inthe
body difference
thetongue
babblinga
adopts stage.
body between
hollow
taps Not
are only
adopts or taps
ado
concave
produced andwith
native
hollow trills
speakers
shape. aissingle
or concave that
find trills shape.
contactchallenging,between the tip of
970,
specifies pp. 1,
the 116) butgave
position L2 a more
of
learners the maydetailed
tongue also tip,
find description
dorsum,
them and
difficult ofto the
root.acquire Spanish
He stated
and trill
some that that
may thenever tip of
succeedthe tongue
in rolling bends
their
ced with aThe single contact
realization The ofbetween
realization
trills the of
requires tiptrills
a of the
complex
requires tongue combination
whilea towards
complex trills of the
combination
arebends alveolar
articulatory ofridge,
movements
produced with several (usuallyarticulatory of movements
the tongue- two of orthethre
ton
he tongue
upwards tip,
to dorsum,
touch [r]s the(Solé and
upper-most root.
2002). Because He part stated
theofproduction
the that the
alveolar tip
mechanism of
ridge, the thetongue
tongue
of trills is quite root retracts
complex andtowards
requiresthe back
precise
produced tippart and with several
aerodynamic tip andand (usually
aerodynamic
forces two or
(Solé 2002).
forcesthree) Due(Solésuch to2002). rapid
their
Navarro contacts
articulatory
Due to the
Tomás their (Hualde
complexity,
articulatory
([1918] 1970,2005). trills
complexity,
pp. 1,are 116) mastered trillsaare
gave late
more mastered
detai
er-most
of the oral of
cavity, theand alveolar
articulatory the ridge,
tongue aerodynamic the
body tongue conditions,
adopts root
a retracts
hollowsmall or towards
changes concave in their shape. back
production can lead to perceptible
s ([1918] in body 1970,
the L1adopts pp.
acoustic 1,
acquisition
in athe 116)
differences. gave
L1and acquisition
are a
These more
notsmall detailed
present
and areinnot
changes description
the
in present
thebabbling
specifies
production of
in stage.
the the
theofbabbling Spanish
Notwhich
position
trills, only trill
stage.
of do native
the
could that
Not
tongue
be due only speakers
tip, dodorsum,
native findspeakers
trills
and root. find
He
tongue
osition The of realization
the tongue oftip,
hollow
trills dorsum,
or
requires concave
and a complex
root.
shape.
He combination
stated that the of tiparticulatory
of the tongue movements bends ofto the contextual
tongue-
ls requires challenging,
a complex but
challenging,
or prosodic L2features,
combination learners but
createmay
of L2 learners
also find
a favorable
articulatory maythem
environment
movements also difficult
upwards find
for the
ofthemto
to acquire
touch
instability
the difficult
tongue- theofand tosound
some
upper-most
this acquire may
and and
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part some
of the
creation succeed
may
ofalveolarnever
in ridge,succe th
uchtip andupper-most
the aerodynamic new part forces
variants. of the
In
(Soléalveolar
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2002).
the rich
Due
ridge,literature
to their
the tongue
on
articulatory
rhotic root
variationretracts complexity,
in towards
different
trills
the
dialects back are
of
mastered
Spanish provides
late
es the
(Solé rolling
2002). their
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rolling
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2002). [r]sBecause
articulatory (Solécomplexity,
2002).
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Because ofthe
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trillsthe
and is quite
tongue ofcomplex
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body is quiteand complex
adopts requires
a hollow andorreq co
in L1the
ty, andprecise acquisition
tongue evidence body for are
the
adopts not present
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a hollow of in
trills
or the
and, babbling
concave most stage.
importantly,
shape. Notthe onlylate
methodologicaldo native speakers
challenges they find presenttrills
are not present articulatory
inL2 the precise
babbling and
articulatory
aerodynamic
stage. and aerodynamic
conditions, small
conditions,
The changes
realization small in their
of trills changes production
requires in their
a complex canproduction
lead to can lea
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challenging,
ation of trills but in
requires their learners
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a complex (see alsoNot
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articulatory to movements
acquire find and trills
ofsomethe may never succeed in
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ers may perceptible
also [r]s find(Solé acoustic
themperceptible differences.
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differences. small changes
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the changes
production in forces
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trills,
(Soléwhich 2002). ofcould
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Due tobe which duecould
their articula be
rolling their Acoustically,
2002). theto
Because tap acquire
and
the the and
trill
production some
share the may never
same characteristics:
mechanism ofsucceed
trills in
Aislowered
quite complex third formant and(Colantoni
requires
namictoforces contextual (Solé
2001)to
2002).
or contextual
prosodic Due to their
features,
orofprosodic articulatory
create complexity, trills are mastered late
2). Because
precise the production
articulatory and
and brief periods
mechanism
aerodynamic trillsfeatures,
occlusion,
ofconditions, isaquite
one favorable
occlusion create
in the
complex
small for environment
a favorable
L1
the
changes
acquisition
tap
and and inmore
requires environment
forthan
their
the one
and instability
arefor
production
not for
the the
presentof this
trill. instability
canHowever,
insound
lead to
of
the babblingand this soundstage
sition and are
the creation not present
taps of the
andnew in
creation the
variants.
differ of babblingnew Induration
fact, stage.
variants. Not only do native speakers find trills
aerodynamic
perceptible conditions,
acoustic
trills
differences. small in
These
the
changes small in the of the
their
changes
rich
Inproduction
fact,
literature
segment,
in the
the
challenging, with richon
tapsliterature
can
production
rhotic
but being
lead L2shorter
oftovariation
on than
learners
trills,
rhotic
may
which
in different
trills.variation
also
Quilis find
could be due
dialects
(1993)in
them differentof dialec
difficult to a
ut L2 learners
Spanish may
provides also
Spanish find
evidencethem
provides difficult
for evidence to
the instability acquire and some may never succeed in
offor the of instability
trillstheir and,[r]s ofmost trills importantly,
and,
2002).most importantly,
the the methodological the methodolo
reported an average of 20 ms. for taps and 60 ms.
rolling for trills. The length
(Solé of the trill
Because is affected by the
production mechanis
rences. These or small changes in the create production trills, which could be due
sto(Solé
contextual 2002).
challenges
prosodic
following
Because they the
challenges
present
features,
vowel:
production It
in
theyis shorter
their
a favorable
before
mechanism
presentanalysis in [i] andof environment
longer
trills is before
quite [a] for
(Solé
complex the instability
2002).and requires of this sound and
eatures,
the creation create of anewfavorable variants.
Assibilated environment
and Instandard
fact,small the for thetheir
rich
rhotics
(see Methodanalysis
4 instability
literature
tend toin
precise
alternate ofsection).
on
(see
this
rhotic
Method
articulatory
sound
synchronically variationand section).
and aerodynamic conditions, small ch
andin different
diachronically dialects
(Solé 1992). of
atory and Acoustically,
aerodynamic conditions,
Acoustically,
the taponand the
the variation
tap changes
trill and share the the their
trill
perceptiblesame production
share characteristics:
the same
acoustic can lead
characteristics:
differences. A loweredto These third
A lowered
small formant
changes thirdin theforp
ants.
Spanish In fact, the
provides These rich
Synchronically,literature
evidence forchanges
apical rhotic
the instability
trills exhibit in
of trills and,
non-trilled different
variants, dialects
mostwhich
taps, importantly,
approximants, of and the methodological
fricatives. Solé (2002)
ustic differences. small in the production of trills, could be due
ce for(Colantoni
the instability 2001)
theyperformed
(Colantoni
ofand atrillsbrief
study 2001)
and,
to periods and brief
most
replicate of
theocclusion,
periodsto
importantly,
phonological of
one occlusion,
occlusion
contextual
the methodological
variation or
between onefor occlusion
the
prosodicvoiced taptrills and for
features, andmore
the tapthan
create
fricatives. and
aone Her morefor the
favorable than one fo
environm
rchallenges
prosodic features, present create in a their
favorable analysis (see
environment Method for section).
the instability of this sound and
their trill.
analysis However, results
(see trill.
taps
showed
Method However,
and thattrills
section). taps
trills differ
may and intrills
become the duration
differthe
fricatives in (orof
the the
creationduration
segment,
assibilated) of new ofthe
if the
with segment,
taps
variants.
finely being
controlledInwith shorter
fact, taps
the being
articulatory than literature
rich trills.
shorter than on
newAcoustically,
variants. In the
fact, tap
the and
rich the
literature trill share on the same
rhotic variation characteristics:
in different Adialects
lowered of third formant
and Quilis (1993) Quilis
reported
the (1993) an average
reportedfor ofan 20average
ms. forSpanish
oftaps 20suggesting
and
ms. for
60formant
provides ms.
taps forand
evidence trills.
60 involve
ms.
The
for for length
the trills. ofThe
instability thelength
trill is of and,
of trills the t
or aerodynamic requirements trills are not met, that fricatives a less complex
p(Colantoni the trill 2001) share
and brief same
periods characteristics:
of occlusion, A
onelowered occlusion thirdfor the the tap and more than one for the
des evidence affected for the
articulation
by affected instability
following and allow
by the ofa
vowel: trills
wider
following It theand,
range
is shorter ofmost
vowel: importantly,
oropharyngeal
before
It challenges
is shorter[i] pressure
andone before
longer
they methodological
variation
[i]before
present and inthan longer
[a] trills.
their(Solé Thus,
before 2002).
analysis assibilated
[a](see(Solé 2002). section
Method
f periods of occlusion, andone occlusion infor tap and ofmore than for the
ytrill. However,
present taps
inAssibilated
their analysis and
trills
(see
Assibilated
differ
Method
standard and
the
rhotics
duration
section).
standard 4 tendbeing
the segment,
rhotics
to alternate 4 tendthan
Acoustically,
with
synchronically
to alternate
taps
the tap
being shorter than trills.
synchronically
and the diachronically
trill and sharediachronically
(Solésame ch
the
ills differ
Quilis (1993) in the duration
reported anofshare the
average segment, ofsame20 withms. taps
for taps andshorter 60 ms. for trills.
trills. The length of the trill is
lly, the 1992).tap and the
Synchronically,
1992). trill Synchronically,
apical the trills exhibit
apicalcharacteristics:
non-trilled
trills exhibit
(Colantoni A
variants,lowered
non-trilled taps, third
variants, formant
approximants, taps, approximants,
and fricatives.and Solé fricatives
average
affected by ofthe 20 1following
ms. Thefor taps
distribution vowel: and
of trills 60
It isms.
and shorter
taps is forfurthertrills.
before
discussedThe[i]inand length
Hualde longer of 2001)
(2005). thebefore trilland is brief
[a] (Solé
periods
2002).
of occlusion, one occlusio
1) and(2002) brief periods
performed of
(2002) occlusion,
a isstudy
performed one occlusion for the tap and more than one for the
andto replicate
a study thetoof[a]
phonological
replicate trill. the phonological
variation
However, when wetaps between variation
and voiced
trills between
differ trills
wein and
thevoiced fricatives.
duration trillsofand thefrica
segm
2 Since there variation affecting the system rhotics (Hualde 2005), refer to ‘standard’ variants mean prestige
vowel: It is shorter before [i] longer 4 before (Solé 2002).
taps Assibilated
and
Her trills
results
4 3tend
and
differforms standard
Her in
showed
used in careful rhotics
the duration
results
andthat
speech, prescribed
showed
trills of themay
tend byto
segment,
thatbecome
schools
trills
alternate
and used by
with
may taps
fricatives
Quilis
synchronically
become
newscasters.
being
(1993) shorter
(orreported
fricatives
assibilated)
and
thanan
diachronically
trills.
(oraverage
ifassibilated)
the finely
of 20 ms.
(Solé
ifofcontrolled
thefor finely
taps and contr60
ndard rhotics
1992). Synchronically, Lipski to(1994)alternate
apical Hualde
trills synchronically
(2005) discussed
exhibit non-trilled other and diachronically
(non-standard)
variants, realizations
taps, (Solédorsalization
including
approximants, and and pre-aspiration
fricatives. the
Solé
eported an
articulatory average or
trill, of
articulatory20
aerodynamic
neutralization,ms. for taps
or aerodynamic
retroflexion, and
requirements 60
strengthening ms. of for
requirements
for trills
rhotics trills.
in
affected codas The
arefricatives.
not
forthe
and
by length
met,
trills
onset of
suggesting
are not met,
clusters.
following the trill
vowel: thatis
suggesting
Itfricatives
is shorter that
involvefricatives
before a[i] and involo
cal
(2002)trills exhibit4non-trilled
performed aItstudy
Solé to
(1992) actually variants, refers totaps,
replicate theand
word-final approximants,
phonological
rhotics as “trills”variation and
but, between
as stated earlier, we Solé voiced
prefer trills and
to use Hualde’s (2005)fricatives.
neutral term
following less complexvowel: is
less
“rhotic”. shorter
articulation
complex before
Solé also refers and [i]
articulation
allow
to assibilated longer
avariants
wider
andvoiced as before
allow
range
“fricatives”. [a]
a wider
of (Solé
oropharyngeal
Assibilated range2002). of oropharyngeal
and pressure rhotics
standard variationpressure
4 tend than variation
totrills.
alternate thansy
to replicate
Her the phonological variation between trills and fricatives.
d andresults standard showed rhotics that 4 tend trills to may alternate become fricatives
synchronically (or and assibilated)
diachronically if the(Solé finely controlled
t trillsThus,
articulatory mayassibilated
become Thus, rhotics
assibilated
fricatives occur (or rhotics
when
assibilated) the
occur vibratingwhen 1992).
trillsif approximants,
the the
tongue-tip
finelyvibrating
Synchronically,
met, controlled
failstongue-tip
to make apical fails
contact
trills to exhibit
make
with the contact palate,
non-trilled with orvariants
the pala
nically, apicalortrills aerodynamic
exhibit non-trilled requirements variants, for taps, are
(2002)
not
performed
suggesting
and fricatives.
a study
that fricatives
Solé involve a
to replicate the phonological variat
micless requirements for trills and are not met, suggesting that fricatives involve a
ed a complex
study to replicate articulation the phonological allow a widervariation range of oropharyngeal
between Her voiced
resultsthan trills
showed
pressure
and variation than trills.
fricatives.
that trills may become fricatives (o
and allow
Thus, assibilated a wider range of oropharyngeal pressure variation trills.
howed that trillsrhotics may become occur when the vibrating
fricatives (or assibilated)tongue-tip if
articulatory
fails theorto finely
make contact
aerodynamic controlled with the palate, or
requirements for trills are not m
ccur when the vibrating tongue-tip fails to make contact with the palate, or
aerodynamic1 The distribution 1
requirements The of distribution
trills
forand trills taps of is
are trills
further
not and
met,tapsdiscussed isless
suggesting further in Hualde
discussed
that (2005).
fricatives
complex articulation and allow in Hualde involve (2005). a a wider range of oroph
Languages 2020, 5, 38 3 of 21
rhotics occur when the vibrating tongue-tip fails to make contact with the palate, or when apical
vibration fails, allowing the high velocity air to flow continually through the aperture generating
frication (Solé 2002). She further stated that assibilated rhotics in phrase-final position result from the
difficulty of sustaining trilling with the lowered decreased subglottal pressure that occurs at the end of
a statement.
Since this is a natural phenomenon, Solé (2002) argued that the co-occurrence of trilling and
frication (or standard and assibilated rhotics) should be a common cross-linguistic pattern. In fact,
rhotic assibilation (mainly in phrase-final position) has been reported in many dialects of Spanish
(Blecua and Cicres 2019; Canfield 1981; Quilis 1981), in other Romance and non-Romance languages
such as Brazilian Portuguese (Silva 1996), Czech (Howson et al. 2014), and in Farsi (Ladefoged and
Maddieson 1996). Solé (2002) replicated in the laboratory the variation observed in different languages.
1.2. Sociolinguistic Literature on Rhotic Assibilation in Mexico City
Assibilated taps and trills were first studied in Mexico City by Lope Blanch (1967). The author
(Lope Blanch 1967) argued that assibilation was a recent phenomenon that appeared after the 1950s
in the speech of women. He suggested that assibilation might have been imported from Spain,
because it had been observed there and in several other Latin-American countries. Lope Blanch (1967)
proposed that rhotic assibilation is a natural process in the evolution of the phonological system of
languages. Unfortunately, this last point was not developed further, but it is explored in the laboratory
by Solé (2002), summarized above.
The first synchronic sociolinguistic analysis of rhotic assibilation in Mexico City was published by
Perissinotto (1972). The study was based on 110 h of recorded conversation (the number of participants
was not stated) collected between 1963 and 1969. His results showed a high overall percentage of
assibilation (68.2%). Female speakers had a higher rate of the assibilated rhotic [ř] compared to their
standard variant [r] ([ř] 81.8% vs. [r] 18.2%) while male speakers had a reverted pattern of variation:
A higher percentage of the standard variant compared to the assibilated one ([r] 61.1% vs. [ř] 38.9%).
By comparing the distribution of the assibilated variant across age and socio-economic status, Perissinotto
(1972) found that assibilation was more common in the younger age group and in the high and middle
socio-economic levels. In other words, assibilation was a prestigious innovative variant adopted by
women of the higher classes.
More than three decades after the first study, Martín Butragueño (2006) performed an analysis
of rhotic assibilation in 54 native speakers of Mexico City. The overall percentage of assibilation in
absolute final position was 27%, compared to the 68.1% reported by Perissinotto (1972). A multivariate
analysis of rhotic assibilation showed a number of linguistic and social factors that favored assibilation:
(1) Absolute final position; (2) formal style; (3) mid and high education; (4) older generation; and (5)
females. Martín Butragueño (2006) claimed that given the lower percentage of assibilation found in his
study, as compared to Perissinotto’s (1972), rhotic assibilation seemed to be a receding case of language
change. This conclusion was reinforced by the fact that assibilation was more frequent in older women,
followed by the adult and younger groups (36%, 32%, and 17%, respectively). This is a tendency in
the other direction of what Perissinotto (1972) had found with assibilation being more frequent in
younger speakers, followed by adults and older speakers (73.5%, 64.5%, and 31.3%, respectively).
The comparison of assibilation found by Perissinotto (1972) and Martín Butragueño (2006) seems to
indicate that rhotic assibilation was a short-lived fashion in Mexico City.
Martín Butragueño’s (2014) second study analyzed the speech of 54 interviews and reading tasks
from the Sociolinguistic Corpus of Mexico City. The subjects were distributed along the different
social categories of age, sex, and education level. The study took into consideration all rhotic positions
including coda, onset and consonant cluster, word final, and absolute final. A multivariate analysis
confirmed what had been reported previously for rhotic assibilation. Presented in order of importance,
assibilation was favored by: (1) Phrase-final position; (2) interview (as opposed to reading); (3)
consonant clusters (especially /tr/); (4) people with medium level of instruction (10–12 years); (5) female
Languages 2020, 5, 38 4 of 21
speakers; and (6) older speakers (55+ years old). Other coda positions were not selected as significant
by the multivariate analysis and the author reported very few cases of assibilation in positions other
than absolute final and in consonant cluster /tr/.
Languages 2020, 5, x FOR PEER REVIEW 4 of 21
Martín Butragueño (2014) presented some spectrograms of trill and taps to illustrate the different
types of rhotics found in Mexico
selected City Spanish.
as significant by the Besides the standard
multivariate analysis variants,
and the author he alsoreported
found approximant
very few cases of
assibilation in positions other than absolute final and in consonant
variants, which the author defined as weakened versions of standard rhotics, and assibilated rhotics. cluster /tr/.
He proposed that rhotic Martín Butragueño
assibilation be (2014) presented
described some spectrograms
as change of trill and taps
from an approximant to atofricative
illustratesound.
the different
types of rhotics found in Mexico City Spanish. Besides the standard variants, he also found
According to theLanguages
author, this becomes
2020, 5, xvariants,
evident in the cases where the rhotic starts as an approximant4 of 21
FOR PEER which
REVIEWthe author defined as weakened versions of standard rhotics,
approximant and
(with a clear sonority bar and no noise) and continues as a fricative with high frequency noise and an
assibilated rhotics. He proposed that rhotic assibilation be described as change from an approximant
almost inexistent F0.
selected
to However,
a fricative as demonstrated
as significant
sound. According to theby
by the multivariate Soléanalysis
author, (2002) in
and
this becomes thethe
laboratory,
author
evident there
reported
in the isvery
cases where compelling
fewrhotic
the casesstarts
of
assibilation
cross-linguistic evidence in positions
suggesting(with
as an approximant other than
that atrills absolute
clearalternate final
withand
sonority bar and in consonant
fricatives
no noise) (orand cluster
assibilated /tr/.
continuesvariants),
as a fricativeso itwith
is high
Martín
plausible that assibilated
frequency Butragueño
rhotics
noise result (2014)
and anfrom presented
“a failure
almost some spectrograms
of sustaining
inexistent F0. However, of
as trill
trilling withandthetapslowered
demonstrated to illustrate the
decreased
by Solé different
(2002) in the
types of rhotics
laboratory, thereatfound
isthe in Mexico
compelling City Spanish. Besides the standard variants, hewith
alsofricatives
found
subglottal pressure that occurs end of across-linguistic
statement” evidence
(Solé 2002).suggesting that trills alternate
approximant
(or assibilated variants,
variants), whichso it the author defined
is plausible as weakened
that assibilated rhoticsversions
result from of standard
“a failure rhotics,
of sustaining and
assibilated
1.3. Sociolinguistictrilling
Literature rhotics.
with on theRhoticHe
lowered proposed
Assibilation that
decreased in rhotic assibilation
the Statepressure
subglottal be
of Chihuahua, described
that occurs Mexicoas change from an
at the end of a statement” (Soléapproximant
to2002).
a fricative sound. According to the author, this becomes evident in the cases where the rhotic starts
Rhotic assibilation reached the
as an approximant (with northa clear of sonority
Mexico after bar and theno1960s,
noise)with the first study
and continues conducted
as a fricative with high
in Ciudad Juárez1.3.frequency noise
inSociolinguistic
1998 (Amastae and an
Literature almost
et al.on1998). inexistent F0.
This studyinshowed
Rhotic Assibilation However, as
the State ofthat demonstrated
assibilation
Chihuahua, by Solé
Mexicowas present (2002) in the
laboratory, there is compelling cross-linguistic
in Ciudad Juárez, but with a lower frequency of overall occurrence than reported in Mexico City. evidence suggesting that trills alternate with fricatives
Rhotic assibilation reached the norththat of Mexico afterrhotics
the 1960s, with the“a first studyofconducted
sustainingin
The percentage (or of assibilated
assibilation
Ciudad Juárez
variants), so
in 1998
in all final it is plausible
positions
(Amastae et al. (including
1998).
assibilated
This word
study final
showed
result
andthat from
phrase-final) failure
assibilation was
was 6%,
present
trilling with the lowered decreased subglottal pressure that occurs at the end of a statement” (Soléin
while the percentage Ciudadof assibilation
Juaréz, but in absolute
with a lower final position
frequency of was 22%.
overall Compared
occurrence than to the 68.1%
reported in reported
Mexico City. The
2002).
by Perissinotto (1972),percentage assibilation
of assibilation was in much lesspositions
all final frequent in Ciudad
(including word Juárez.
final and Amastae
phrase-final) et al.was (1998)
6%, while
theSociolinguistic
conducted a multivariate
1.3. percentage analysisofLiterature
assibilation
on 72onspeakers in absolute
Rhotic and final
Assibilation position
found in thethat was
State of22%.
assibilationCompared
Chihuahua, was
Mexico to the 68.1%
affected by: reported
(1) by
Gender: Higher rate of assibilated rhotics in women (women 28% and men 16%); (2) social class:(1998)
Perissinotto (1972), assibilation was much less frequent in Ciudad Juárez. Amastae et al.
Rhotic assibilation
conducted a multivariate reached analysisthe northon 72ofspeakers
Mexico after and the found 1960s,
thatwith the first study
assibilation conducted
was affected in
Greater percentage of assibilation in the higher socio-economic class as compared to the middle class 5by: (1)
Ciudad Juárez in 1998 (Amastae et al. 1998). This study
Gender: Higher rate of assibilated rhotics in women (women 28% and men 16%); (2) social class: showed that assibilation was present in
(21% and 18%, respectively);
Ciudad Juaréz, (3)
but age:
with Adults
a lower (36–55
frequency years) of and older
overall participants
occurrence than (56+) showed
reported in Mexico higher
City. The
Greater percentage of assibilation in the higher socio-economic class as compared to the middle class5
rates of assibilation (31% and
percentage
(21% and 18%,
19%,
of assibilation respectively)
respectively); in all(3) final than
age:positions
younger
Adults (36–55 (including participants
years)word final(15%);
and older and and (4)
phrase-final)
participants
education:
(56+)was showed 6%, while
higher
Assibilation wasthe more percentage of assibilation in absolute final position
rates of assibilation (31% and 19%, respectively) than younger participants (15%); and (4) and
frequent in speakers with higher levels of was
formal 22%. Compared
education to the
(university 68.1% 23% reported
education: by
Perissinotto
high school 14%).Assibilation
All these effects(1972),
was more assibilation
suggested
frequentthat was much
assibilation
in speakers less frequent
withwas higher also in Ciudad
a prestigious
levels Juárez.
of formal education Amastae
variant in(universityet al.
Ciudad 23% (1998)
Juárez. Amastae conducted
et al.
and high a multivariate
(1998)
school argued
14%). All analysis
that on 72 suggested
assibilation
these effects speakers
in Ciudad and
that found
Juárez that
assibilation wasassibilation
a recent
was was affected
also a “change
prestigious from by: (1)in
variant
Gender:
Ciudad Higher rate
Juárez. Amastae of assibilated
et al. (1998) rhotics in women (women 28% and men 16%); (2) social class:
above” (Labov 1972) imported from Mexico City argued
by thethat higher assibilation
classesinand Ciudad Juárez was
transmitted bya women.
recent “change
Greater percentage
from(1972),
above”a (Labov of assibilation
1972) importedin the higher
from socio-economic
Mexico change City by that class as
the higher compared
classes to the middle
and transmitted class 5
by
According to Labov (21% and 18%,
change
respectively);
from above
(3) age:
is
Adults
a linguistic
(36–55from years)aboveand older
enters the language from
women. According to Labov (1972), a change is a participants (56+) showed higher
above the level of ratesconsciousness;
of assibilation that
(31% is,
and speakers
19%, are
respectively)generally than younger the linguistic
aware ofparticipants linguistic change
(15%); form and
that enters
and
(4) they the
education:
language from above the level of consciousness; that is, speakers are generally aware of the linguistic
manipulate its use depending
Assibilation was on more thefrequent
contextinand/or their interlocutors. The upper classes (university
use these 23%
form and they manipulate its usespeakers
depending with onhigher levels of
the context formal
and/or theireducation
interlocutors. The upper
new linguistic formsandclasses use these new linguistic forms in order to differentiate themselves from the classes
in
high order
school to differentiate
14%). All these themselves
effects suggested from the
that lower
assibilation classes,
was while
also a lower
prestigious lowervariant in
classes,
use these forms Ciudad
inwhile
order Juárez.
to soundAmastae more et al.
formal(1998) andargued
similar that toassibilation
the upper
lower classes use these forms in order to sound more formal and similar to the upper classes. in Ciudad
classes. Juárez was a recent “change
Twenty years fromafterabove”
Twenty (Labov
Amastae’s
years after 1972)
study, imported
Amastae’s Mazzaro from
study, and Mexico
González
Mazzaro CityGonzález
and by
dethe Anda higher(2019)
(2019) classes and transmitted
investigated
investigated the by
the relationship
women. According to Labov (1972), a change from above is a linguistic change that enters
relationship between between thethe perception
perceptionand and production
production ofofrhotic rhotic assibilation
assibilation [ř] and [ř] deaffrication
and deaffrication of the
of the voiceless
language from
post-alveolaraffricate above the level
affricate [[ ʃ ]] in of consciousness; that is, speakers are generally aware of the linguistic
the voiceless post-alveolar inthe theSpanish
Spanish of Chihuahua,
of Chihuahua, Mexico. Thirty-three
Mexico. native Spanish
Thirty-three native speakers
form
from and
the they
state manipulate
of Chihuahua its completed
use depending on the and
production context and/or tasks
perception their to interlocutors.
establish The upper
whether those
Spanish speakers from use
classes the these
state new of Chihuahua
linguistic completed production and perception tasks to establish
that produced the variants wereforms able to in perceive
order to them.
differentiate themselves
The production data from
werethe lowerby
elicited classes,
asking
whether those that while produced
lower classes theuse variants
these wereinable
forms ordertotoperceive
sound more them. formal Theandproduction
similar data were
participants to narrate the fairy tale Caperucita Roja ‘Little Red Riding Hood’ to and thebyupper
asking classes.
them to
elicited by asking participants
Twenty years toafter
narrate Amastae’s the fairy study, tale Caperucita
Mazzaro and Roja ‘Little
González (2019) Red Riding Hood’
investigated the and
relationship
talk about their favorite food. Results showed that the overall percentage of [ř] production was
by asking thembetween to talk about
greater than their
the perception
that of [ʃ]favorite
and production
(17.15% food. Results
and 11.83%, of rhotic showed
assibilation
respectively). that the
The[ř] overall
and
authors percentage
deaffrication
explained of the
that ofvoiceless
the [ř]
increased
production was post-alveolar
greater than affricate
that of [[ ʃ ]
] in the
(17.15% Spanish
and of Chihuahua,
11.83%, Mexico.
respectively).
overall rate of [ř] might be due to assibilation only being investigated in absolute final position, which Thirty-three
The authors native Spanish
explained speakers
that
from
the increased overall is thethe
rate state
context of
of [ř] Chihuahua
might
where most beof completed
due theto production
assibilation
variation occurs.only andbeing
The perception
social tasks
investigated
factors that to establish
in absolute
turned out to whether
befinal those
significant
that produced the variants were able to perceive them. The production data were elicited by asking
position, which iswere the gender
contextand wheregeneration,
most of withthefemale
variation and younger
occurs.speakersThe social favoring
factors thethat
use of assibilation.
turned out The
participants to between narrate the fairy tale Caperucita Roja ‘Little Red Riding was Hood’ and subtle; by asking them to
to be significant relationship
were gender and generation, production and female
with perception andofyounger assibilation speakersvery favoring theoverall, use the
talk about their
perception of the favorite
variantfood. was Results
very lowshowed
(9.1%). that
Those the who overall
producedpercentage
assibilationof [ř] wereproductionnot thewas ones
of assibilation. Thegreater relationship
than that ofbetween [ʃ] (17.15% production
and 11.83%, and perception
respectively). Theof assibilation
authors explained was that verythe subtle;
increased
overall rate of [ř] might be due to assibilation only being investigated in absolute final position, which
is the context where most of the variation occurs. The social factors that turned out to be significant
5 were did
Amastae et al. (1998) gender and generation,
not analyze the speech with female and
of participants younger
of lower speakers favoring
socio-economic class. the use of assibilation. The
relationship
5 Amastae et between
al. (1998)production
did not analyze and theperception of assibilation
speech of participants of lowerwas very subtle;
socio-economic class.overall, the
perception of the variant was very low (9.1%). Those who produced assibilation were not the ones
5 Amastae et al. (1998) did not analyze the speech of participants of lower socio-economic class.
Languages 2020, 5, 38 5 of 21
overall, the perception of the variant was very low (9.1%). Those who produced assibilation were not
the ones that perceived it the most, which seemed to suggest that rhotic assibilation was below the
level of consciousness and social awareness (Labov 2001).
To the best of our knowledge, no other sociolinguistic studies have been done on rhotic assibilation
in this geographic area. The present research will further investigate the social and linguistic factors
that affect the production of this variable. We also add another layer of analysis to increase the accuracy
of coding of tokens, by supplying the auditory classification of tokens with a spectrographic analysis.
Acoustic information will allow us to identify if there are other variants that could also be alternating
with assibilated rhotics.
This study is designed to explore different aspects of the production of rhotic assibilation in the
state of Chihuahua/El Paso, TX speech community6 . Our specific questions are the following:
i. What is the current state of rhotic assibilation more than two decades after the first (and only)
study was done? In this study, we expect to find a lower frequency of rhotic assibilation, since
previous studies on this same dialect (Amastae et al. 1998) stated that this variable was receding.
ii. Which rhotic variants are found in Chihuahua Spanish? Given that Amastae et al. (1998) suggested
that assibilation is receding, we predict that we will find a much smaller percentage of rhotic
assibilation than he did in 1998, and a large percentage of standard variants (taps and trills). It is
possible that we could find other variants reported in other dialects of Mexican Spanish such as
approximants, retroflex, and fricatives (Martín Butragueño 2006).
iii. What are the most important linguistic and social correlates of rhotic assibilation? Gender is
expected to be one of the most significant factors that influence the variable under study. The
fact that female speakers favor assibilation has been consistently reported by Amastae et al.
(1998); Lope Blanch (1967); Martín Butragueño (2006); and Perissinotto (1972). Besides gender,
we anticipate older speakers to produce more assibilation than the other age groups, which is
due to the receding status of the variant (Amastae et al. 1998). The literature on rhotic assibilation
agree that the phrase-final position is the most favoring phonetic context for assibilated rhotics.
Thus, in this study, we focus on rhotic production in absolute final position. Finally, the preceding
vocalic context was found to be significant in our previous analysis of rhotic assibilation (Mazzaro
and González de Anda 2016), so we predict that with more data, this factor will show a clearer
and more robust effect.
iv. Does being a Spanish-English bilingual affect the use of this variable? Previous work (Dalola
and Bullock 2017) found that being bilingual affects the social perception and production rates of
variables in the L2. However, our participants are all L1 speakers of Spanish, so we do not expect
the L2 English to affect the rate of assibilation in bilingual compared to monolingual speakers.
v. What is the effect of the formality of the task (style): Reading vs. narrative vs. conversation on
the occurrence of assibilation? Given the prestige attached to assibilated rhotics (Amastae et al.
1998; Perissinotto 1972), we predict that tasks that are more formal would elicit higher instances
of assibilation. Therefore, the reading task will elicit a higher percentage of assibilation than
the narrative and the informal conversation. As the formality of the task decreases, so will the
frequency of assibilated rhotics.
vi. Does assibilation remain a prestigious feature of speech? We expect that rhotic assibilation will
continue to be a prestigious feature of speech. This is based on the vast amount of literature that
report the assibilated variant to be used in higher social classes and subjects with higher levels of
formal education (Amastae et al. 1998; Martín Butragueño 2006, 2014; Perissinotto 1972).
6 We consider El Paso, TX part of the state of Chihuahua’s Spanish-language speech community because of their geographic
proximity (separated only by the Rio Grande River). We are aware that there is lack of research that compares the Spanish of
the state of Chihuahua and that of El Paso, but we posit that they are one dialect, at least at the phonetic/phonological level.
Languages 2020, 5, 38 6 of 21
2. Materials and Methods
2.1. Speakers
Participants of this study are native Spanish speakers recruited in the El Paso, Texas—Ciudad
Juárez, Mexico border area. A total of 58 subjects participated in this study: 36 women and 22 men, with
an age range between 18 and 69 years. To compare our data with Amastae et al.’s (1998) generational
groups, the participants were divided into four groups: Generation 1: 56.
Participants were asked to complete an adult language background questionnaire that elicits
information about their place of birth, language(s) of schooling, and language use. The questionnaire
contained a section that asked for participants’ self-proficiency ratings in both Spanish and English,
and only those who reported to use mostly/only Spanish in their daily everyday interactions (at home,
at work, and in social situations) were selected to participate in the study. We considered bilingual
those participants who reported to know another language and self-assessed their English knowledge
as higher than basic. The demographic information of the participants considered in the statistical
analysis is presented in Table 1.
Table 1. Participants’ demographic information.
Participants’ Information
Participants n 58
Age range in years 18–69
Generation 1 (56 years) n 5 (5 females)
Male: Female n 22:36
Median/Mean age in years 22/30
Ciudad Juárez (25),
From location n El Paso, TX (20),
Chihuahua—Capital (5), Chihuahua—Interior (Delicias, Parral, Balleza,
Cd. Guerrero, Cuauhtémoc, Jiménez) (8)
Bilingual: Monolingual n 29:29:00
All subjects gave their informed consent for inclusion before they participated in the study. The
study was conducted in accordance with the Declaration of Helsinki, and the protocol was approved by
the Ethics Committee of the University of Texas at El Paso IRB (Project identification code [274707-10]).
Thirty-four participants were recruited at the University of Texas at El Paso (UTEP). Some were
students enrolled in beginner-level ESOL (English for Speakers of Other Languages). Seven participants
were students at the Universidad Tecnológica de Ciudad Juárez. The remaining 17 participants were
contacted using the ‘friend-of-a-friend’ technique (Milroy 1987), whereby potential informants are
contacted through common friends, an approach that is particularly appropriate for the community
under study.
Although rhotic assibilation in Mexican Spanish is a feature mainly observed in higher social
classes, specifically mid-high to high class (Amastae et al. 1998; Perissinotto 1972), our study also
includes participants of the mid-low or middle social classes. Most of the participants from El Paso
who attend UTEP fall within the mid-low or middle social classes. The participants from the state
of Chihuahua who attend UTEP are probably from mid to high classes, since it is very expensive for
Mexican citizens to afford college north of the border. However, because we do not have an accurate
tool to determine participants’ social class, we will not investigate the effect of this factor henceforth.
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