HOW CUPE 3903 STRUCK AND WON
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JUST LABOUR vol. 1 (2002), 77-85 77 HOW CUPE 3903 STRUCK AND WON Clarice Kuhling Canadian Union of Public Employees Local 3903, Department of Sociology, York University, Toronto, Ontario, Canada THE ISSUES United under the slogan “Strike To bargaining. By 1998 we had bargained Win”, Canadian Union of Public successfully for tuition ‘rebates’ and Employees (CUPE) Local 3903, tuition ‘indexation’ (thus regulating representing teaching assistants (TAs), tuition) in the context of funding cuts, contract faculty, and graduate assistants deregulation of tuition fees, and massive (GAs) at York University (Toronto), tuition increases initiated by the Harris stopped working on October 26, 2000. Tories (see Healy’s article in this issue). The strike followed four months of Similarly, by 1999 we had secured a contract talks which had failed to secure second job promotions program that the basic provisions of previous gave a portion of contract faculty some collective agreements and a first semblance of job security. Post- contract for a newly organized secondary administrations (as well as bargaining unit. Tuition indexation, a the government) watched closely, provision guaranteeing TAs monetary knowing that our strike would rebates for every dollar that tuition inevitably impact bargaining across increased (essentially preventing TA Ontario. wages from being eroded by tuition After 11 weeks (78 days) and one of increases by ‘freezing’ tuition) was to be the longest strikes in Canadian eliminated for incoming students. university history, local 3903 celebrated Similarly, the promotions programs a hard-fought victory. The contract, providing some job security for contract especially the deal with teaching faculty were threatened with near assistants, was widely understood as a extinction. At the same time, requests capitulation by administration to CUPE by 3903’s newly organized GAs for a 3903’s demands. Drawing upon the fair wage that was uniform across principles, practices, and strategies of departments, tuition indexation, a small democracy, solidarity and militancy, we amount of summer funding, and some struggled for change in ways that minimal health benefits, were routinely expanded our capacities for self-activity and systematically denied. and self-organization. The approach Our strike was built on the was very much grounded in a ‘socialism foundations of earlier (albeit less from below’ perspective, which David dramatic) battles fought and won in McNally (2001, 24) describes as previous rounds of collective “building the self-activity, consciousness, combativity and self-
78 Kuhling organization of workers and oppressed bargaining team liaisons and through peoples.” In the process, we gained a constant bargaining updates and better understanding of the world messages relayed to the picket line in around us and expanded the horizon of the form of newsletters and pamphlets possibilities open to us for changing the as well as via email. Members often world. communicated their feelings and analysis regarding bargaining team BUILDING POWER: RANK-AND-FILE strategy over our union listserve and UNION DEMOCRACY often e-mailed us directly with concerns and ideas. Bargaining team members Two aspects of organizing are also gave in-person report-backs at our particularly worth noting for any weekly General Membership Meetings adequate understanding of the (GMMs). During periods when the development of our union’s democratic bargaining team was not bargaining, capacities: the relationship between the attempts were made by some bargaining team and the membership at bargaining team members to walk the large; and the implementation of picket line as much as possible and give membership-driven decision making verbal accounts of what had been said at structures and processes. the table. Our bargaining practices In previous rounds of collective gradually coalesced around a model bargaining, some members felt that the that discouraged the bargaining team settlements negotiated had been (and Executive) from constituting undermined by the isolation of the themselves as disconnected entities bargaining team from the rest of the separate from, and unaccountable to, membership. Starting with the membership. I would describe it as recommendations emerging from the a type of ‘bargaining from below’ that Women’s Caucus in 1998, as well as strove to take cues from the subsequent Executive Committee membership as much as possible. This recommendations, a series of motions model conceived the bargaining team as was passed at general membership accountable and responsive to an active meetings that demanded more (rather than passive) membership, accountability from, as well as taking direction from the membership communication and consultation with, on an ongoing basis. The bargaining the bargaining team. team was not, however, free from We sought to strengthen and deepen internal tensions and philosophical these principles during the strike by differences regarding this open type of passing motions at joint executive- approach – indeed, far from it. But bargaining team meetings committing implementing bargaining structures and the bargaining team (of which I was a practices allowing more transparency part) to almost daily communication and accountability facilitated with the Executive Committee and membership participation and membership. This was achieved mobilization and contributed to a more through the establishment of Executive- democratic union culture.
JUST LABOUR vol. 1 (2002), 77-85 79 Throughout the strike we sought to hands. Hence, an eighth ‘guerilla gate’ extend democratic decision-making was born, replete with a cow skull and processes in our union as a whole and horns hung from the tree as a signal to thus implemented mechanisms that potential entrants of our omnipresence allowed for an even greater degree of on campus. Our weekly (and democratic (and less-hierarchical) sometimes more frequent) general membership-driven decision-making. membership meetings (GMM) were For example, during the strike, we attended by four to six hundred of our created a Strike Committee open to all twenty-two hundred members. At these members that met daily and made the meetings, touching, inspiring and often day-to-day decisions about the strike humorous anecdotes were shared, and and planned complementary rallies and motions establishing the principles occupations. How often should we let a regarding bargaining, strike strategies, vehicle through the gates? Should we and tactics were debated openly. For picket during convocation? What kind instance, at one meeting, a motion was of direct actions should we undertake in overwhelmingly passed committing the addition to regular picketing? These bargaining team to specific language on kinds of decisions were taken up tuition protection thereby preventing regularly in Strike Committee meetings the language from being diluted by and vigorously debated. Picket weaker language. When the mediator representatives from each of York’s demanded (most likely at the behest of seven picketed main entrances and the employer) that we bargain under a York’s other campus at Glendon, were media and communications blackout strongly encouraged to participate in prohibiting the bargaining committee these meetings so as to give voice to, from communicating with our and address, the experiences, problems membership, we held a GMM to decide and situations that were unique to each if we should proceed to bargain under gate. While participants in Strike such conditions. Our membership Committee meetings made general decided that a restricted time period of decisions governing the strike, each two days, after which a full report picket gate also took some autonomous would be forthcoming, would be authority, making group decisions acceptable, as a one-time-only exception appropriate to the situations that each to our normal open bargaining process. picket line encountered. For example, At yet another GMM, the bargaining when police ordered us to cease using team was instructed not to accept any our blue-safety gates (i.e. metal gates wage package for the newly organized used to protect ourselves against graduate assistants below what was vehicles), it was left up to each picket- presently proposed. While a few line to decide what steps to take. members challenged the efficacy of this Similarly, when members noticed strategy which was referred to as ‘tying vehicles sneaking into the main campus the hands of the bargaining team’, such through a narrow section of bush, they motions made it extremely difficult to immediately took matters into their own even consider bringing back tentative
80 Kuhling agreements that did not stand up to expanding the degree of membership members’ expectations. It is often far involvement and participation during too easy for bargaining team members, our strike – something at odds with under constant pressure, deprived of many traditional bargaining processes sleep, isolated from the membership in and union structures - we began to hotel rooms, and generally driven crazy develop a sense of our capacities, as by the employer and each other, to well as an understanding of where we misinterpret the resolve and demands of stood in relation to a coercive employer. the membership. Ultimately, strong As we gained confidence and skills, we links to the members prevent ratcheting began to exert our power as workers, a down demands. consciousness which did not always The strike illuminated the come easily to some of us. And as we interconnectedness of militancy and exerted our power as workers, we began rank and file democracy in a very to see how our collective power concrete way: it served as a living increased - and watched in amazement demonstration of how democracy as we collectively transformed into facilitated both the exertion of our something far more than the sum of our power as well as our collective and self- individual members. conscious understanding of ourselves as workers in struggle. In addition, it SOLIDARITY forced many of us to start to think of our union not as something that existed The three units of CUPE 3903 – contract solely to ‘service’ us, but rather as an faculty, (newly unionized) graduate extension and expression of our class assistants, and teaching assistants – power, and as a vehicle and mechanism bargain all three contracts for collectively organizing and simultaneously as we negotiate to struggling for social change. While a secure the best agreement for all units. large percentage of our young Our unique alliance, while cumbersome membership had never before at times, has provided the leverage for participated in a strike, some of us had aggressive bargaining. As a result, we been emboldened by real-life examples have been able to secure exceptionally and successes of decentralized and strong collective agreements. As the democratic decision-making processes strike progressed, however, the ties of in the form of affinity-group structures solidarity became strained as the and consensus-style spokescouncil employer tried to play contract faculty meetings in anti-globalization protests off against the other units by offering a like Seattle, Washington and Windsor. deal the employer predicted would be These experiences served as a source of accepted. The employer then called for a inspiration for many of us, both inside forced ratification vote (a recent and outside of bargaining, to build provision legislated by the Tories which structures eliciting high degrees of allows employers to force unions to active membership participation and present an offer to members for decision-making. By drastically ratification). Philosophical differences
JUST LABOUR vol. 1 (2002), 77-85 81 around transparency and the power of individuals showed their support on a the bargaining team in relation to the regular basis. Prior to the strike we had Executive and general membership also already created a Flying Squad which emerged early on between individuals acted in solidarity with other unions and intensified as the strike continued. and organizations struggling against But we were able to maintain a deportations and evictions, lending remarkable degree of cohesion, strike support, and participating in especially given what the employer had other mass anti-capitalist protests. The thrown at us. number of CUPE 3903 members who The principle of solidarity extended, signed-on to our Flying Squad more however, beyond the internal than tripled during the strike, as our differences among the three units. We members became increasingly forged links with undergraduate and mobilized, politicized and radicalized. graduate student groups and other We did not, however, take solidarity unions on campus. Undergraduate with the public for granted and students occupied administrative offices launched a media campaign and in support of, and solidarity with, CUPE outreach strategy at the outset of our 3903. At one point, some strike. While our outreach was often undergraduate students allegedly limited mainly to the campus through hacked into the computer system and the distribution of many colourful posted “rally” announcements for leaflets, we did try to branch out to CUPE 3903. York University Faculty other public places. Our strike Association (YUFA) support was inevitably evoked questions regarding extremely important – support that had the erosion of accessibility and quality been cultivated during and since of education and educational work – for YUFA’s own strike four years earlier us as workers and as students as well as when many contract faculty and for the wider community. And raising teaching assistants supported picket these questions allowed for discussions lines and marched in support of YUFA. to take place regarding the larger Solidarity was also extended beyond restructuring in universities which was the confines of York’s campus to the characterized by privatization and broader community. Many other union layoffs (and which intersected with allies became a familiar sight on our other forms of deregulation of public picket lines, too. Other CUPE and services and programs, and Canadian Auto Workers (CAW) locals corresponding changes to legislation). walked with us regularly, and CAW While the corporate media usually Local 112 delivered sandwiches to all of managed to avoid such issues, we were our picket lines on a daily basis able to raise them periodically, and our throughout the strike. The Ontario concerns resonated with some of the Coalition Against Poverty (OCAP), the public. Ontario Secondary School Teacher’s Federation (OSSTF), and many other unions, community organizations, and
82 Kuhling MILITANCY near-strikes, and as a result, a significant portion of the membership was already An understanding of power was central well informed and mobilized. As the to our ability to maintain a militant strike continued, we began to develop a stance against the university multi-pronged approach, embodied in a administration. Some of us did not slogan which emerged out of a GMM begin the strike with this understanding part-way through the strike: ‘escalate of power - nor, for that matter, with a and diversify’. We then sought to find genuine understanding of the meaning ways to put increasing pressure on York and practice of solidarity or administration, and diversify our membership driven decision-making. strategies and tactics to facilitate this Rather, our understanding of power process, as well as provide us with was borne out of concrete collective ongoing morale boosting. Again, Strike struggle, out of our experiences during Committee meetings were the place the strike, on the picket line, in where interested members could plan, bargaining, and in our dealings with the coordinate, and undertake our administration and the media. We expressions of dissent, protest, and learned that the most well-crafted, ‘direct action’ both on and off campus. skilled, persuasive arguments in Many creative schemes, rallies, bargaining often counted for nothing. occupations, and street theatre This came as a shock to some of us who presentations were conjured up during work in an environment celebrating Strike Committee meetings, such as (and supposedly practicing) the power ‘Counter-Convocation’ and the ‘Twelve of reason. But we quickly learned that it Dirty Deeds of Xmas’ (which included was really about power. Winning occupations of the offices of Liberal strikes was not about winning Headquarters and workplaces of Board arguments, nor about moral persuasion, of Governor members, as well as nor about one’s debating prowess at the subversive Xmas caroling in front of the bargaining table. Indeed, we gradually house of the President of York realized that the bargaining process, University, to name just a few while still important, was in the end examples). subordinated to the economic and The ‘escalate and diversify’ strategy political leverage we could exert over included internal actions involving the the employer through the withdrawal of University Senate as well. While York our labour power and through our University’s Senate Policy 8 already ability to disrupt the normal functions protects students from academic and operations of York University. penalties should they choose not to Throughout our strike, we were cross picket lines or hand in exams or continually complimented on our papers, CUPE 3903 members and efficient picket lines that brought the supporters in Senate introduced university to a near standstill. It had carefully crafted resolutions designed to helped that several previous rounds of further exert pressure upon the collective bargaining had resulted in employer. One of these resolutions
JUST LABOUR vol. 1 (2002), 77-85 83 allowed classes to be canceled if the arrests occurred. At one point, academic integrity of a course was administration confiscated our fire seriously compromised by low barrels, firewood, pylons and safety attendance due to the strike. At one gates and only returned them after point, York University president Lorna several days. Such tactics left our Marsden had requested Senate membership undeterred. Indeed, late Executive give her powers to overturn into the strike, the membership Senate 8. Members of 3903 and demanded that we lengthen the number supporters stalled the meeting for of hours picketed per day. several hours through an occupation so Approximately one month into the the offensive policy could not be strike, the administration refused to rammed through. bargain with us unless we ‘substantially The militancy that we developed was modified’ our demands, while at the a lively and spirited one. At one point, same time accusing us of walking away close to Xmas, we joined up with those from the bargaining table. When the forces opposing changes to the administration finally made an offer in Employment Standards Act and sung mid-December, the membership “Solidarity Forever” in the legislature. rejected it at a GMM. Our militancy expressed itself in drama, One of administration's final tactics, song, music, drumming, puppets, was the request for a government- theatre, spectacle, games, cookouts, administered forced ratification vote teach-ins and poetry on the lines. A (which they spent an estimated $100,000 queer picket line emerged, ‘history on organizing and advertising for it, the line’ was shared, and our Guerilla including allegedly hiring a consulting Rhythm Squad sometimes went from agency). Once again, however, the line to line. It was militancy that bred administration completely solidarity and fostered community, a underestimated our members’ solidarity militancy complementing, and in turn and militancy. Sixty-three percent of reinforcing, the solidarity and our members (one unit even voting as democratic participation of our high as 79%) voted ‘NO’ to this anti- members. union attempt at strikebreaking. And while our members’ resolve was On the day before a tentative deal sometimes challenged by the doomsday was finally reached, our members were scenarios that surfaced from time to building shacks on the picket lines time during the strike – from the media, (amidst a massive outpouring of administration, or some ‘alleged’ solidarity by ‘union muscle’, as one informant – our determination did newspaper phrased it). These semi- prevail. When administrators ordered permanent structures were as much us off the property and police symbols of our resolve that we were not threatened to charge us with moving as they were protection from trespassing, we held an emergency the biting wind and cold. So while GMM and decided to resume our threats of trespassing charges, back-to- positions and continue picketing. No work legislation, bad-faith bargaining,
84 Kuhling forced ratification votes, and injunctions obtained for TA’s and Contract Faculty. did strike fear and doubt in some of us Finally, we negotiated groundbreaking at times, we were able to pull together, language for all units securing an eight- dispel our fears, gather our wits, and week transsexual transition leave and maintain our resolve. amending our harassment and discrimination language to include VICTORY transsexual transition status, gender expression and gender identity as the In material terms, several contract basis of discrimination. provisions not only countered attempts The effects of this victory are still to gut our collective agreements, but being felt, reverberating outward in a also managed to continue incremental multitude of ways. For 78 days we took gains through bargaining. For teaching back our campus, we brought York assistants, we indexed tuition rebates to University to a near standstill and corresponding increases, in the face of a determined to a large extent how the government intent on deregulating, course of events on campus (and privatizing, and gutting student and sometimes off-campus) unfolded from worker rights. Contract faculty secured day to day. We began to see our four tenure stream conversion connection to our history, to a history appointments and six special renewable which we were forging each and every contracts, as well as language that day. We began to feel connected with affirmed the on-going nature of these each other, as part of a strong union and job promotions programs. For graduate a progressive York community– a assistants we were able to win a first sentiment many of us repeated over and contract for approximately 400 people, over at our various meetings. And we an incredible feat in the present neo- began to feel connected to other liberal climate. Before our strike, the people’s struggles: from refugees who employer offered graduate assistants a were being threatened with base wage of $4500 with no summer deportations, to those who were being funding, no health benefits, UHIP fund, threatened with evictions, to other or rebates. As a result of the strike, we striking workers. Approximately 250 of secured a uniform base wage of $7,300 our members traveled to Quebec City to (by the second year of the collective take part in the protests against the Free agreement) across all departments, Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA), $100,000 per year of summer funding, joining demonstrators at the fence and an initial tuition rebate, a health benefits urging others to do likewise. Our union package (80% paid by the employer in was also active organizing for the fall the first year and 100% in the second 2001 campaign of economic disruption year), as well as discrimination and in the province of Ontario against the harassment language and a grievance Harris Tories. procedure. A two-year deal was struck For those of us who had never been for all three units (a reprieve from on strike, this was the beginning of a yearly bargaining) and a 2% raise was process of politicization and
JUST LABOUR vol. 1 (2002), 77-85 85 radicalization. If we were not certain or even aware of our collective power at the beginning of our strike, we most certainly were by the end. The threats facing workers and many other oppressed groups are formidable, and these threats are hardly over – particularly in this era of capitalist triumphalism. But greater democracy, solidarity and militancy in our unions and mass movements will allow us to transform the world we live in, struggle by struggle. This is how we struck and won. Note: Shorter versions of this article appeared in issues #28 and #29 of the New Socialist. References: Healy, T 2002 Public exclusion, under funding and the intensification of work: universities and the erosion of democracy in Ontario. Just Labour 1, 68-76. McNally, D 2001 Mass Protests in Quebec City: From Anti-Globalization to Anti-Capitalism. New Politics, Summer, 24.
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