Frescobaldi at the Ospedale di Santo Spirito: a portfolio career in 17th-century Rome
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Naomi J. Barker
Frescobaldi at the Ospedale di Santo Spirito:
a portfolio career in 17th-century Rome
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G irolamo Frescobaldi was appointed organist
at the Capella Giulia at St Peter’s in Rome in
1608 and in spite of some lengthy absences, notably
Prior to the 19th century, musicians often held
more than one job or occupied posts with multiple
duties. Indeed, supplementing income from a sin-
a trip to Mantua (1614–15) and nearly six years in gle job by taking on one-off opportunities seems to
Florence (1628–34), he remained in that post until have been quite common.4 Noel O’Regan’s studies of
his death in 1643. The job at St Peter’s may have given Roman confraternities indicate that a number of dif-
him some stability, but it did not stop him from tak- ferent institutions employed the same musicians for
ing on other apparently demanding work. In what their most important celebrations.5 Further evidence
has become the standard English-language biogra- of musicians working at specific venues or on key
phy of Frescobaldi, Frederick Hammond states that feast days in Rome around 1600 is offered by Luca
della Libera, Graham Dixon and Jean Lionnet.6 These
Girolamo became organist of Santa Maria in Sassia in June studies suggest that some of these musicians may
1620 and continued until mid-March of the following year have been ‘borrowed’ from their main employers, but
… It is difficult to understand how he reconciled the post
with his duties at St. Peter’s since at Santa Maria he was
others seem to have had a collection of jobs—what
required to play mass and vespers for all feasts, as well as the today might be called a ‘portfolio career’. Frescobaldi
Litany of the Madonna every Saturday and matins at Easter.1 is just one name that appears in these lists.
Thanks to the archival work of scholars such
In a revision of his biography, Hammond refers to as Claudio Annibaldi, Hammond, John W. Hill
Frescobaldi’s work at Santa Maria (more usually and others we know a significant amount about
known as Santo Spirito in Sassia or Saxia) under Frescobaldi’s career, especially in the households
the heading ‘moonlighting’. He adds to his previ- of the Ferrarese Cardinals Aldobrandini and
ous comments that ‘the most unusual duty of the Bentivoglio as well as that of the Barberini family.
organist of Santo Spirito was that of playing the He was also recorded as an occasional performer at
organ of the adjacent hospital for the patients dur- various Roman churches and confraternities, and
ing their morning and evening meals’.2 It is these was a noted teacher.7 What we don’t know is the
three duties that provide an avenue for exploring logistics of how he wove together duties as a teacher,
how Frescobaldi could balance dual, if not multiple, church musician and performer in a variety of
employments, and each of them will be examined courtly environments, juggling the demands of fixed
in turn below. Frescobaldi was not the only organist schedules and the different geographical locations of
to work at both St Peter’s and the Ospedale di Santo concurrent jobs.8
Spirito and its collegiate church of Santa Maria in Previous studies of the music at the Ospedale
Sassia. Ercole Pasquini before him followed a similar have focused largely on the resources of the Fondo
career pattern.3 The two churches are in close prox- dell’Ospedale di Santo Spirito held in the Archivio
imity, a brisk walk of about five minutes apart. di Stato di Roma. It is through these documents
Early Music, Vol. xlix, No. 3 © The Author(s) 2021. Published by Oxford University Press.
This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (https:// 395
creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/), which permits unrestricted reuse, distribution, and reproduction in any
medium, provided the original work is properly cited.
https://doi.org/10.1093/em/caab044
Advance Access publication 25 August 2021
that the names of musicians can be traced and Spirito are the surviving records of payment, and it
some evidence of their activities gleaned. There is, is on these that the work of Allegra and de Angelis
however, other material scattered in the archives is based. In the Archivio di Stato in Rome large vol-
of the Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale di Roma, the umes containing copies of the mandati (payslips)
Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, the Archivio Secreto listing all payments made by the Ospedale have been
Vaticano and the Biblioteca Lancisiana. Thanks to preserved, though sadly there are years for which the
the pioneering work of Antonio Allegra, Pietro de records have been lost. An examination of most of
Angelis and Raffaele Casimiri we know with some the surviving volumes for the period 1599–1640 has
certainty that the musical activities of the church revealed discernible patterns in the employment of
were extensive.9 More recent work has built on the musicians. When viewed in comparison with docu-
testimony of Allegra and de Angelis, adding to our ments outlining duties and regulations, the financial
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knowledge about music in the orphans’ school as patterns start to tell a more nuanced story.
well as such topics as the contents and location of
the musical library, the relationship between the
confraternity and other similar institutions, and Regulations: the evidence for musical duties
documents concerning the organs and organ cases Possibly the only record of musical activity contem-
in the church of Santo Spirito.10 However, while we porary with Frescobaldi’s time at the Ospedale di
now know which musicians were at some point Santo Spirito is a section of the ‘Stato temporale delle
involved with the institution, little has been done to chiese di Roma’, a large manuscript recording the
explore how music was used, not just in the church financial and physical properties of all churches of
and for routine liturgical purposes, but also how it Rome early in the pontificate of Urban VIII in 1625.
fitted into the daily life of the Order, and its associ- This report incorporates brief notes on the musical
ated lay confraternity—and how and why music was activities at Santo Spirito, and records the cost of the
evidently important enough within the hospital to organist (30 scudi per annum) and six live-in chap-
justify the expense of building and maintaining a lain singers involved in providing them (13 scudi per
large organ in the hospital ward. month).14 Written by Giuseppe Anselmi, the com-
This article, which represents a small part of mendatore (chief administrator of the Ospedale) at
an ongoing project, will present a new view of that time, it outlines daily liturgical routines, includ-
Frescobaldi’s career from the perspective of logistics, ing several references to music. Five daily Masses
using the known chronological facts of his career are noted, the first of which is said before sunrise.
as a point of departure.11 By focusing on one short After Terce, the litanies are sung, followed by the
period of Frescobaldi’s life it will demonstrate that conventual Mass with music. Every day, Vespers
it is possible to reconstruct to some extent how he with music is at 20 hours and on Saturdays after
could successfully work between St Peter’s, which Compline the Litany of the Madonna is sung with
was run by a secular clergy, and the Ospedale di organ at her altar.15 In a later document, Anselmi is
Santo Spirito’s monastic schedule, which followed noted as having been responsible for making del-
the medieval Rule of the Order of Santo Spirito.12 eterious changes, such as removing the paid profes-
Using documentary evidence, it is possible not only sional musicians, and offsetting costs by employing
to build up a picture of musical practices within the poor-quality chaplain choristers who were obliged
Ospedale as a whole, but also to get a glimpse of how to sing 26 Masses per month.16
Frescobaldi and other musicians such as Pasquini By 1644, the then commendatore Stefano Vai,
juggled jobs at two high-status institutions, both an active reformer, was focused on re-establishing
requiring attendance on a regulated daily schedule. attention to the original Rule of the Order. He issued
We can perhaps also get some idea of how they man- a decree, recorded in one of the many volumes of
aged portfolio careers, operating in an environment decisions and acts minuted by the secretary of the
akin to a ‘gig economy’.13 order, concerning the correct observation of the
The sources that definitively confirm the presence daily Offices and Masses in the church. Such instruc-
of individuals working in the Ospedale di Santo tions match his zealous attention to detail elsewhere.
396 Early Music August 2021
Towards the end of his decree Vai gives some spe- Several of the 18th-century versions are cop-
cific instructions regarding music. Concerning the ies of a vernacular ‘rendition’ rather than a direct
organs, he issues the following order: ‘in solemn translation of Vai’s decree. They reorder the mate-
Masses, Vespers, Matins and Lauds and the Litanies rial, making it easier to navigate, and moreover
of the Blessed Virgin let the greater be played, or contain additional details about the music not pre-
the lesser, according to the custom of our church, sent in the 1644 original. In order to examine these
excepting Sundays excluded in the Caeremoniale additional details, in this article I will refer to the
Episcoporum’.17 Vai’s intervention in moving the most recent of these copies, a document dated 1752,
smaller of the two organs (the case of which bears entitled ‘Rubrica da osservarsi in tutto l’anno per le
his coat of arms) to an elevated pulpit on the left Feste, che accadono nella Ven: Chiesa Collegiale, e
wall of the tribune is noted by Howe.18 The larger of Parochiale di S. Spirito in Sassia di Roma’ (Rubric
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the organs is situated above the lateral entrance to to be observed throughout the year for the feasts
the nave. With regard to the vocal music, Vai con- which happen in the venerable collegiate and parish
tinues, ‘let Gregorian chant and music [polyphony] church of S. Spirito in Sassia in Rome).23 Abstracting
be used in the holy Offices according to the discre- information about practices over such an extended
tion of the times, from the prescribed ceremonial’.19 timespan requires caution, especially given the vari-
A diverse range of styles, from plainchant to elabo- ous Apostolic visitations that resulted in revisions
rate polychoral polyphony, falls within the scope of to procedures. However, the fact that changes were
this directive. noted in annotations to the Rubrica, and the agree-
These instructions rely on their readers’ famili- ment with the broad outline described by Anselmi
arity both with the customs of the church and the in 1625, suggests a significant degree of continuity
relevant printed ceremonials. The directions for of customs and rituals. As this copy dates from after
each Office are given together with lists of feasts for the suppression of professional musical activity at
which it is sung, those on which it is said, feasts on the Ospedale, in 1737, it perhaps represents a ‘last
which the order of the Office is different and so on. gasp’ attempt to retain or revitalize the music and
Untangling the information applicable to any par- ritual of the past. To my knowledge the information
ticular feast day demands reading a large part of the contained in this Rubric has never been critically
document to make sure all the Offices for that day examined for information about musical practices.24
have been checked, and then, presumably, cross- While the 1752 Rubrica dates from more than a
referencing with the Breviarium Romanum and century after the original decree of which it is pur-
other ceremonial books. portedly a copy, and caution is needed in accept-
Vai’s decree may perhaps have been an attempt to ing it as indicative of 17th-century practice, there
restore some sort of order after a period of instabil- is supporting evidence to suggest that liturgical
ity, but it was important enough that several cop- practices at the institution changed very little in
ies of it survive in the hospital archive among the that time. Financial records from the first half of
documents relating to the governance of the institu- the 17th century are consistent and congruent with
tion.20 A copy dating from 1660 in the original Latin the information in the Rubrica. The generic infor-
forms part of Virgilio Spada’s book about the condi- mation about Mass and Vespers is corroborated
tion of Santo Spirito at that time and also provides by Virgilio Spada who, in a brief history of music
corroborative evidence of contemporary musical in the church dating from 1661, explains that as
practice.21 Many of the later copies include either a well as daily Masses, on all Solemn feast days,
prefatory paragraph or postscript stating that they Vespers, Mass and Lauds were sung in polyphony
are exact copies of the original decree of 1644 held and therefore salaried singers were required to
in the sacristy of the church, and are signed by the fulfil duties.25 Various 18th-century versions of the
then incumbent commendatore.22 Some also include rubric include notes indicating where practices
a statement that the current version does not contra- had changed. Thus while the Santo Spirito Rubrica
dict earlier regulations of 1644 and 1611, and that its offers a great deal more detail about liturgical
directives are to be followed. practice than can be discussed in an article of this
Early Music August 2021 397length, the picture emerging from the evidence is poi la Messa della feria à cappella; terminata si va à cantare
of an institution that maintained its practices until un altra Messa all’oratorio de Fratelli passato l’Ospedale*;
doppo della quale si torna à cantare il Vespero in organo à
instructed otherwise by the church hierarchy.
ore 20: si canta Compieta tutta in organo, Finito si dice la
predica, doppo si cantano le Litanie, e Ave Regina.27
Mass, Vespers and other Offices Most Holy Annunciation, Benedictus falsobordone,
Unlike Vai’s original decree, which (after a brief after Terce Mass with organ; when finished return to
introduction) starts with instructions for Matins say Sext and Nones and then the ferial Mass à cappella;
when ended, go to sing another Mass at the oratorio of
and its variants for ordinary and feast days, the 1752 the brothers past the hospital*; after which return to sing
Rubrica begins with generic instructions: on all Vespers with organ at 20 hours. Compline is also sung
Sundays Matins are read aloud (va detto leggendo) with organ; when finished the sermon is said, afterwards
and Lauds and the Benedictus are sung if there is the litanies and Ave Regina are sung.
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not a privileged feast; the organist is not required
for Sundays in Lent or Advent; on all Saturdays of The detail here of what was said, what was sung, and
the year the sacrament is exposed at 23 hours with how and when the organ was used, along with infor-
motets, litanies and the Salve Regina. (This would mation about going to the neighbouring oratorio
have occurred half an hour before sunset, since —the Oratorio dell’Assuntione, situated across the
according to Italian time sunset determined the road from the hospital—offers a unique insight into
time 23.30.) After the Office of the Blessed Virgin liturgical practice. The mandati for the early dec-
Mary, there is a sung Mass with organ responses ades of the 17th century list payments to the ‘Rettore
(Risposte d’organo nella Messa cantata). The rest dell’ Assuntione’ along with the singers and chap-
of the document lists in chronological order the lains, indicating a long-standing close relationship
requirements for the various feast days celebrated with the Oratorio.28
by the Santo Spirito community. Some celebrations The Santo Spirito Rubrica also usefully gives the
have quite complex instructions while others only specific time of 20 hours for Vespers. This matches
note variations from the daily pattern. As different Anselmi’s statement in the Stato temporale. Since
feasts would have been significant to neighbouring in Italian time sunset determined the time 23.30,
churches, this rubric allows comparison of the prac- Vespers at 20 hours would make it three and a half
tices at Santo Spirito with other institutions, includ- hours before sunset—unusually early for an Office
ing St Peter’s, and offers a glimpse of how musicians normally observed around twilight. Vespers for
may have navigated between them. the Assumption in late March would therefore be
The pattern of feast days for which musicians around 3.00 in the afternoon. If the organist was
would have been required both at the Cappella not required for processions, and the documentary
Giulia at St Peter’s and at Santo Spirito can be gleaned evidence noting the hire of an organetto relates to
by comparing the Santo Spirito Rubrica with the Pentecost rather than the Annunciation, he might
Ordini for the Cappella Giulia (1600). Predictably, have been able to fit in duties elsewhere, perhaps
these were largely Marian celebrations. The only playing for the evening meal in the hospital or
way for a single musician to have performed for Vespers at St Peter’s before returning to Santo Spirito
both would have been if services had happened at for Compline. The timings of the duties of the organ-
different times of day. In the Cappella Giulia Ordini, ist are an important factor in understanding how
the Marian feasts have the instruction ‘per tutto’ pre- apparently conflicting duties may have been fitted
sumably meaning that everyone had to be present together. Details regarding times of services will be
for all services on those days.26 In comparison, the discussed further below and in Table 1.
A tiny piece of evidence has survived regarding the
Rubrica for Santo Spirito gives considerable detail
celebration of the Annunciation at St Peter’s. In a diary
for some of them; see for example the instructions
kept by one of the clergy, Andrea Amici, there is an
for the feast of the Annunciation on 25 March:
entry in 1616 noting that for this feast day, the Canons
Santissima Annunziata, Benedictus falsabordone, doppo sang a Mass in polyphony after Terce and the organ
Terza Messa in organo; finita si torna à dire Sesta e Nona, di was played; then after Nones the canons celebrated
398 Early Music August 2021the ferial Mass.29 Amici’s habit is to remark on things low Compline and then Matins for the Monday are read
that are unusual rather than the norm, and the celebra- … At the procession of the maidens that goes to St Peter’s
on the Tuesday the favoured musicians of St Peter’s take
tion that particular year is likely to have been different
motets to sing in the street. On the return the Te Deum
as it fell during Lent.30 Both documents note the role which is in the little books is sung. When they arrive in
of the organist at the Mass after Terce. A single per- church, the organist plays the organ until all the dowries
son could only fulfil this role if the Masses at the two are given to the maidens …
institutions that required the organist were at different
times. Given that Amici notes that two Masses were The procession of the girls of marriageable age and
celebrated and that the organ was played at the earlier the donation of dowries to those who were chosen to
one, it is possible that the celebration of the Feast at the be married was an important part of the Pentecost
Ospedale could have been fitted into his schedule on celebration and the organist had a significant role
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that day. in the donation ceremony. A version of this Rubric
Pentecost was the patronal feast day of the copied in 1742 notes that the procession of marriage-
Ospedale di Santo Spirito and the most important able girls and the giving of dowries was discontin-
celebration of the year. It was marked by large pro- ued following a papal visitation in 1738.34
cessions with musical accompaniment. The costs of Two key points in this Rubrica concerning
musicians for Pentecost processions are recorded in Pentecost are, first, that the musicians of St Peter’s—
the mandati as payments to the maestro di cappella, that is, the Cappella Giulia—were routinely used for
rarely with any specific musicians named. However, the occasion (Pentecost was a papal celebration sung
the comparative costs of the celebration indicate that by the Cappella Ponteficia, so the Cappella Giulia
it was sumptuous and generously staffed by singers was not usually required)35 and second, that the
and instrumentalists. The monthly salary bills pro- organ had a substantial role. Frescobaldi’s appear-
vide a useful basis for comparison. Singers were paid ance in an unusually detailed listing of musicians in
3 scudi monthly and the organist 2.50 scudi. The cost the Santo Spirito mandati for 1628 thus indicates a
of the entire staff of 13 to 15 chaplains and singers normal pattern of employment while also confirm-
ranged between 30 and 55 scudi monthly. The physi- ing that by that date he was no longer a salaried
cians who worked in the hospital were men of higher employee at Santo Spirito, as he is identified there
status, with a monthly salary of a little over 11 scudi.31 as organist of St Peter’s.36 The borrowing of musi-
In 1610, Cesare Zoilo was paid 12 scudi for the costs cians from St Peter’s for celebrations at Santo Spirito
of music for Pentecost, an amount that would nor- also worked in the opposite direction. Shortly after
mally cover four singers for a month, and was just Pentecost, musicians from Santo Spirito were used
short of twice his own monthly salary.32 Pentecost at the Cappella Giulia for the Feast of Saints Peter
celebrations lasted a full week, with the Sunday rit- and Paul, a major patronal feast day at the basilica,
ual observing the same pattern as Easter, followed but one of lesser importance at Santo Spirito.
by processions on the Monday and Tuesday. The One particularly detailed record of this exchange
Rubrica notes: of musicians can be found in the Cappella Giulia
records in the Archivio Capitolare di San Pietro for
Pentecosta mattutina cantata, e tutto si fa come il giorno 1628. Payments are recorded to additional musi-
di Pasqua. Se viene il Papa e si esponga il S[antissi]mo cians including singers identified as ‘Bartolomeo di
sagramento nel Lunedi seguente come era solito. Messa
e vespero in organo ordinario, Compieta bassa, et poi S. Spirito’ and ‘Constantino di S. Spirito’ (both altos),
mattutina per lunedi si legge ... Alle processione delle an anonymous ‘tenore di S. Spirito’, and, at the bottom
zitelle, che si và à S. Pietro il giorno di Martedi i musici of the list, three organists: the ‘organista di S. Spirito’,
di S. Pietro favoriscono, portano motetti da cantare per playing alongside Frescobaldi (in his capacity as
strada: nel ritorno si canta il Te Deum che stà ne libretti. organist of St Peter’s) and Nicolò Borbone (listed
Arrivati in Chiesa l’organista suona l’organo sino à tanto
chi si è data la dote alla zitelle ...33 in this document as Maestro of Santa Maria della
Pentecost: sung Matins and all is done as for Easter. If the
Consolatione, but also one of Frescobaldi’s students,
pope comes, the holy sacrament is exposed on the Monday and the printer of his two volumes of Toccate).37 The
following as usual. Ordinary Mass and Vespers with organ, salary records for Santo Spirito for 1628 do not list
Early Music August 2021 399an organist, so Frescobaldi’s colleague at the organ identified simply as ‘Leonardo’, there is also a regular
on that occasion remains anonymous.38 These docu- payment to a Pietro Peschio identified as ‘musico’.
ments support a hypothesis that there must have His payment of 1 scudo 60 baiocchi is considerably
been some kind of reciprocal arrangement between less than that for the singers. The descriptor ‘musico’
the two institutions, each allowing their musicians rather than ‘cantore’ implies that he was an instru-
to perform for the other. No formal documentation mentalist rather than a singer, and may be indica-
has been found, but one might speculate that such tive of a lower status. His lower salary is explained at
an agreement may have been one of the benefits of the first appearance of his name by the comment ‘at
the long-standing and close patronal relationship 40 baiocchi for the litanies’.41 The payments of 1.60
between the hospital and the papacy. reflect the four Saturdays of each month, perhaps for
playing the organ, thus releasing the regular organist
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Saturday Litanies from this duty. These separate payments to an addi-
As noted above, Vai’s decree states that either of the tional musician are unusual, but perhaps signify a
organs be played for the Saturday Litanies, while in change to routine that needed a specific note in the
the 1624 Stato temporale Anselmi notes only that the administrative documents.
Litany of the Madonna is sung at her altar, with no It is interesting to note, though, that this change
mention of organ accompaniment. Vai’s instruction in the documentation dates from the period imme-
may well have arisen because of some sort of dispute diately following Frescobaldi’s departure from the
or confusion. Evidence in other documents indicates institution, and raises the question as to whether
that prior to 1644, the question of the organist being some dispute demanded greater clarity in the pay-
required is not as straightforward as it might appear. ment system, itemizing duties more clearly without
From 1628 there are two regular monthly payments changing the salary of the musicians concerned.
to the musicians in the copies of the mandati rather Vai’s decree perhaps formalized a duty that may pre-
than the single payment recorded previously. One viously have been more fluid, and possibly depend-
is for the salaries, and lists the chaplains and sing- ent upon the availability of an organist.
ers alongside the maestro di cappella and organist
in the same way as for the previous three decades, Playing in the hospital
but a second payment is made to ‘singers who sing Evidence concerning the duty of the organist to
the Saturday litanies in our church’.39 Thus the same play in the hospital at meal times is scanty and hard
singers who appear in the salary listing are paid a to find. The 1752 Rubrica describes the celebration
second time for a specific service. The two payments of Corpus Domini, during which there was a pro-
made to the singers add up to the same sum as that cession from the church to Castel Sant’Angelo and
listed in the single payments in the earlier records, back via the hospital. At the altar in the hospital
and the amounts paid to the maestro di cappella they paused to sing the Tantum ergo and the ver-
and organist also do not change with this shift in the setto Panem de celo, as well as to bless the patients.42
accounting practice. Other than this procession, music in the hospi-
By 1629 neither maestro di cappella nor organ- tal wards is not mentioned in either Vai’s original
ist appears in the payments for the litanies, despite decree or the 18th-century rendition of it. Testimony
the former post having been recently filled, after a regarding this practice has mostly come from third-
period of vacancy, by Gregorio Allegri, who was party observation, rather than from instructions or
joined in 1630 by an organist identified simply as regulations originating inside the organization. John
‘Tomaso organista’.40 Instead only the singers are Evelyn, for example, visited the hospital in 1645, and
named for this duty. The mandati from the 1640s noted that ‘The Organs are very fine, & frequently
have a single list of musicians, but the words ‘and play’d on to recreate the people in Paine’.43
for the litanies’ (e per le litanie) are included in the The sources of information about the organ being
detail for the singers. This would suggest that play- played in the ward that originate closest to the hos-
ing the litanies was not a duty required of the regular pital administration are primarily the 1649 printed
organist. Indeed, in 1640, in addition to the organist account of the Order and hospital by Pierre Saulnier,
400 Early Music August 2021and the manuscript account written by Domenico the evening meal between 3.30 and 5.00 in the
Borgarucci dating from 1623, on which Saulnier’s afternoon. The timing of activities in the hospi-
account is based.44 Saulnier’s book provides useful tal is crucial evidence, and can be added to infor-
illustrations, including a floor plan of the institu- mation contained in a partial perpetual calendar
tion and an image of the interior of the hospital ward (orario perpetuo) which has survived in a collec-
(illus.1). The organ appears to be adjacent to the altar tion of miscellaneous documents in the Archivio
in this illustration, and Saulnier’s description of its di Stato.50 By integrating the two sources of infor-
location on a raised platform is in the context of the mation, a partial daily schedule can be recon-
decoration of the ward. However, a 19th-century vol- structed. Although the calendar dates from the
ume describing the institutions of Rome to the poten- 18th century and sadly is not complete, given the
tial ‘Grand Tourist’ provides a lithograph illustration monastic nature of the organization, it is unlikely
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showing the organ over the main doorway from the that the schedule would have changed much
street into the central octagonal area between the two over time.
halls of the ward (illus.2). In this position, the organ Table 1 summarizes the information about litur-
would be behind someone facing the altar, rather gical and hospital schedules gleaned from the
than to the right at the head of the ward, thus raising sources. From this table it is evident that there are
questions as to whether it was moved from an earlier two blocks of time in the day when the organist was
position when a new ward was built at right angles likely to be needed on a regular basis: first around
to the Sistine wards. Although the organ is no longer the morning meal and sung Mass; and later for the
extant in either position, the altar remains in place evening meal and Vespers. In the winter months,
(illus.3). the cycle of Mass and Offices would have been
Saulnier was Prior of the hospital, and thus prob- quite compressed, especially on feast days. While
ably a reliable witness. His account notes that the the sources agree that the organist is required for
organ was played at mealtimes.45 Borgarucci—also all feast days, it is apparent from the detail in the
a member of the Order of Santo Spirito and one of 1752 Rubrica that the hour at which some services
its secretaries—might likewise be considered a reli- were held was changeable, possibly to dovetail with
able source. However, he provides little more than services elsewhere or the needs of the hospital.
a couple of sentences about this activity, in which The only Office that appears to be at a fixed time is
he merely describes the organ in the ward being Vespers, at the early time of 20.00 hours, just before
played to ‘relieve and cheer the sick’ while they were the evening meal. The logistics of feeding up to 400
eating.46 In the salary records for 1623, the date of hospital patients, as well as the women and children
Borgarucci’s manuscript, there is no record of an cared for in the orphanage and convent, probably
organist being paid.47 Apart from these brief com- demanded the help of the whole Community. In
ments, no documentary evidence in the form of this context the early celebration of Vespers makes
decrees, instructions or payments for specific duties perfect sense. It would therefore have been pos-
has yet come to light concerning the requirements sible, for at least part of the year, for the organist
for organ music in the ward. It seems likely that it to fit in duties at St Peter’s before nightfall, given
was also used for Mass, or at least for the distribu- that it would only have taken a few minutes for him
tion of the consecrated Host, but as yet, no proof has to walk between the two churches. The Ordini for
been forthcoming.48 the Cappella Giulia do not specifically mention the
What Borgarucci does give are details of the organist or the precise times of Masses or Offices,
timing of the two daily meals, and this schedule but one can surmise that there may have been suf-
seems to have been retained at least until the late ficient flexibility for the organist to slot together the
17th century, as indicated in a printed broadsheet schedules of both institutions, or, in today’s terms,
dating from 1671 entitled Regole per ben operare al to have a portfolio of jobs. This would of course
servitio de’poveri infermi nell’Hospedale di Santo have been unnecessary if the organist had an unof-
Spirito in Sassia.49 The morning meal was served ficial deputy who could step in when the timescales
at 7.30 in the summer and 9.30 in the winter, and became too tight.
Early Music August 2021 401Downloaded from https://academic.oup.com/em/article/49/3/395/6357260 by guest on 02 March 2022 1 View of the hospital ward from the central octagon, with the altar on the left; from Pierre Saulnier, De capite sacri ordinis S. Spiritus dissertatio (Lyon: G. Barbier, 1649). The structure beyond the altar (through the arch) may be an organ or a large decorative cabinet (© British Library Board; c.183.c.13) 402 Early Music August 2021
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2 F. Benoist, P. Benoist, lithograph illustration of the hospital looking from the ward to the central octagon and chapel;
from F. Benoist, P. Benoist, E. De la Gounerie and F. de Champagny, Rome dans sa grandeur: Vues, monuments anciens et
modernes (Paris: Henri Charpentier, 1870), ii, plate opposite p.6. The organ is over the left doorway, protected by curtains
(© British Library Board, Cup.652.a.1)
Early Music August 2021 403of the presence of Frescobaldi and Cochi in the rel-
evant pay documents is presented in Table 2.
During the following year, 1621, Frescobaldi did
not sign for his salary at the Cappella Giulia until
October, with Cochi again signing for the organist’s
salary for the first part of the year. For the January
payment Cochi used the formulaic sentence ‘I have
received for Signor Girolamo’, a statement often
seen when one member of the staff collects a sal-
ary on behalf of another. However, for the remain-
der of the year he signs in the same manner as the
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regular employees, simply, ‘I have received’.54 At the
same time, Frescobaldi was paid by Santo Spirito
for the first three months of the year, after which
Sigismondo Arsile is named as organist in the man-
dati.55 This evidence strongly implies that Frescobaldi
was absent at least from April to September, with his
duties at the Cappella Giulia covered by Cochi and
at Santo Spirito by Arsile; it also raises a question as
to what he was doing to earn a living between March
and October.
No detailed documents survive in the Santo
Spirito archive for 1622, so we do not know for how
long Arsile continued to serve as organist. By 1623,
3 Altar in the octagonal chapel of the Ospedale di Santo
there is no regular organist listed. As the records are
Spirito, located between the two main wards known as the
meticulous in naming the organist for the previous
Corsie Sistine (photograph © the author)
20 years, it is worth questioning why none is noted
at this point. The mid 1620s seem to have been a
Reconstructing a musician’s diary time of change since, as Spada notes, the then com-
As recorded in salary documents, Frescobaldi’s mendatore Giuseppe Anselmi dismissed salaried
career during the 1620s suggests that he was operat- musicians, presumably to save money.56 It is possible
ing in a ‘gig economy’. The first record of his activ- that the role of the organist, who from an early date
ity at Santo Spirito can be dated to June 1620, when had been someone external to the Order, was under
he took over from Andrea Vespino, who had been scrutiny.57
organist for over a decade and apparently died sud- During 1622–3 Frescobaldi was drawing his sal-
denly.51 The mandati indicate that Frescobaldi was ary at the Cappella Giulia (apart from two months
paid for the rest of the year at a higher monthly rate of 1623 when Cochi signed for it), and from 1624
than his predecessor. In that same year Frescobaldi to 1626 his service there is continuous. In July 1625,
only signed for his salary at the Cappella Giulia the tenor Santi Moschetti signed for his salary, but
for January, February, April, June, October and indicated that Girolamo had requested him to do
December. For the rest of the time, Nicolò Cochi so.58 The copies of the mandati for 1624 are miss-
signed the salary records as the organist.52 Thus ing from the Santo Spirito archive, but for 1625, the
there were only two months in 1620 (October and monthly payments to the musicians list ‘Vincenzo
December) in which Frescobaldi personally col- Organista’ every month for the entire year, so he is
lected his salary for both jobs. Hammond provides clearly the salaried person in this position at this
some information about Cochi, but further infor- time.59 Vincenzo served until June of 1626, when
mation about who he was and what his role might Frescobaldi is listed as the organist once again—
have been will be introduced below;53 a summary this time at the usual salary of 2.50, not the inflated
404 Early Music August 2021Table 1 Daily schedule of the Ospedale di Santo Spirito, reconstructed from Borgarucci’s ‘Relatione’, the broadsheet schedule Wellcome Library eph+46, and
the orario perpetuo ASR-OSS 1298. Times have been given only for the first day of each month, and have been rounded for simplicity. (Conversion tables for
travellers would have included dates in the middle and towards the end of each month, to enable more accurate reckoning as the time of noon shifted.)a
Sunset Ave Maria 1st Mass Matins Morning meal Sung Mass Vespers Evening meal
Ore It. Real time 24-H clock Ore It. Clock Ore It. Clock Ore It. Clock Ore It. Clock Ore It. Clock Ore It. Clock Ore It. Clock
1 Jan 23:30 16:49 13 6.00 13 ½ 6.30 14 7.00 16 ½ 9.00 17 ½ 10.30 20 13.00 22 ½ 15.30
1 Feb 23:30 17:24 12 5.30 12 ½ 6.00 13 ½ 7.00 15 ½ 9.00 16 ½ 10.00 20 13.30 22 ½ 14.00
1 Mar 23:30 18:00 11 5.00 11 ½ 5.30 12 ½ 6.30 14 ½ 8.30 16 10.00 20 14.00 22 16.00
1 Apr 23:30 19:35 9½ 4.30 10 5.00 10 ½ 5.30 13 ½ 8.30 15 ½ 10.00 20 15.00 21 16.00
1 May 23:30 20:08 8½ 4.00 9 4.30 9½ 5.00 12 ½ 8.00 15 10.00 20 15.30 20 ½ 16.00
1 Jun 23:30 20:38 8½ 3.30 9 4.00 9½ 4.30 11 ½ 7.30 14 ½ 10.00 20 16.00 20 ½ 16.30
1 Jul 23:30 20:49 8½ 3.30 9 4.00 9½ 4.30 12 8.00 14 ½ 10.00 20 16.00 20 ½ 16.30
1 Aug 23:30 20:28 9 4.00 9½ 4.30 10 5.00 13 8.30 14 ½ 10.00 20 15.30 21 ½ 17.00
1 Sep 23:30 19:43 9½ 4.30 10 5.00 11 5.30 14 8.30 15 ½ 10.00 20 15.00 21 ½ 16.30
1 Oct 23:30 18:52 11 5.00 11 ½ 5.30 12 ½ 6.00 15 9.00 16 10.00 20 14.00 22 16.00
1 Nov 23:30 17:04 12 5.30 12 ½ 6.00 13 ½ 6.30 16 9.00 17 10.30 20 13.20 22 15.40
1 Dec 23:30 16:39 13 6.00 13 ½ 6.30 14 7.00 17 9.30 17 ½ 10.30 20 13.15 23 15.30
a
The conversion of time between the Ore Italiane and the 24-hour clock depended on accurate tables giving the times of sunset and midday in cities at different
longitudes, such as J. J. De la Lalande, Voyage en Italie (1786), cited by Talbot, ‘Ore Italiane’, p.60. A footnote in ASR-OSS 1298, dated 1745, suggests that between
Easter and 31 October Vespers should be at 19.00 hours, making it even earlier.
Early Music August 2021 405
Downloaded from https://academic.oup.com/em/article/49/3/395/6357260 by guest on 02 March 2022Table 2 Payment records for Frescobaldi, Nicolò Cochi and others, 1620–29
Archivio Capitolare di San Pietro I Archivio Capitolare di San Pietro II ASR-OSS
(‘Distribuzioni mensili, communi, feste e mandati’) (Capella Giulia, Censuali) (‘Copie mandati’)
1620 Cochi—per li organi (via Lazzaro Bonfante) Jan–Feb, April, June, Oct, Dec: Frescobaldi Jan–June: Andrea Vespino
Mar, May, Aug, Sept, Nov: Cochi July–Dec: Frescobaldi
406 Early Music August 2021
1621 Cochi—per li organi (via Lazzaro Bonfante) Jan to Sept: Cochi Jan–Mar: Frescobaldi
Oct–Dec: Frescobaldi April–Dec: Sigismondo Arsile
1622 Cochi not listed Jan: Cochi Records missing
Feb–Dec: Frescobaldi
1623 Cochi—per li organi (4 months only) Jan–March: Frescobaldi No salaried organist listed
Apr–May: Cochi
June–Dec: Frescobaldi
1624 Cochi—per li organi (via Lazzaro Bonfante) Frescobaldi (whole year) Records missing
1625 Cochi—per li organi (via Lazzaro Bonfante) Frescobaldi (whole year) Vincenzo (whole year)
1626 Cochi—per li organi (via Simone Pallutio) Frescobaldi (whole year) Jan–June: Vincenzo
July–Dec: Frescobaldi
1627 Cochi—per li organi (via Simone Pallutio) Jan–Mar: Frescobaldi Records missing
Apr–June: Cochi
July–Dec: Frescobaldi
1628 Cochi—per li organi (via Simone Pallutio) Jan–Nov: Frescobaldi No salaried organist listed
1629 Cochi—per li organi (via Simone Pallutio) No salaried organist listed
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from July to December of 1626 is a short period in and always at the same salary.61 As well as being a
which Frescobaldi signed in person for a salary both chamberlain (camerlengo), Bonfante also appears
at the Cappella Giulia and at Santo Spirito, so we in the Cappella Giulia records, where his more sen-
can definitely assume he was juggling both jobs in ior clerical position is used to identify him (Molto
these months. rev. sig~o Dom Lazzaro Bonfanti).62 In his magiste-
The mandati for 1627 are also missing from the rial study of the musicians of the Cappella Giulia,
Santo Spirito archive. However, Cochi signed for Giancarlo Rostirolla refers to Cochi variously as a
Frescobaldi’s salary at the Cappella Giulia for April handyman porter or site manager.63 However, he is
to June of 1627, suggesting that he was elsewhere, not identified as such in the surviving documents.
whether or not that was at Santo Spirito. (It seems Indeed, these jobs are assigned to named individu-
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more likely that he was negotiating his move to als in Lazzaro Bonfante’s payment records.64 When
Florence, as this period coincides with a visit to Simone Paluccio took over Bonfante’s duties as
Rome by Ferdinando II de’ Medici.) chamberlain in 1627, the formula used in the salary
The mandati at Santo Spirito for 1628 do not list listings identifying Cochi’s work remained identical.
an organist, and we know that Frescobaldi drew his This frustratingly vague ‘duty’ must at least indicate
last salary at the Cappella Giulia in November 1628, that he was in some way involved with the organs,
prior to his departure for Florence. As previously and was not a general handyman.
noted, Frescobaldi’s presence in a list of ‘musici for- The description of Cochi’s job at St Peter’s as ‘for
estieri’ engaged by a temporary maestro di cappella the organs’ might suggest that he was involved in
for the Pentecost procession in June 1628 confirms tuning or maintaining the instruments. However,
that he was no longer organist at Santo Spirito, as he in the Cappella Giulia payrolls, Armodio Maccione
is identified as ‘organista di S. Pietro’.60 The formula is identified as the person in charge of the instru-
used in the payments to the ‘internal’ employees is ments—the ‘maestro d’organi’—and he received reg-
always prefaced by the word ‘our’—our church, our ular monthly payments for that job. Maccione also
hospital, our house—depending upon the part of appears in the Santo Spirito payment records from
the institution in which the payment is made. 1616 through to at least 1628, though with the gaps
in the records it is difficult to be absolutely precise.
In the Santo Spirito mandati, Maccione is identified
Who was Nicolò Cochi? simply as ‘organista’ but occasionally as ‘maestro
Nicolò Cochi is something of a mystery. It might d’organo’. Some of the mandati state that the pay-
be that he was only collecting the payment on ment is for tuning or some other specific mainte-
Frescobaldi’s behalf, but in other instances where nance work, others simply indicate payment for
one person collects a salary for another, there is a ‘services’. Given what we know about Maccione as
more detailed note to indicate that that person has an organ-builder and technician from these records,
been given authority to do so (as in Santi Moschetti’s and from evidence in other churches, his earnings
case in July 1625, noted above). Could Cochi have make a useful comparator to try to understand
been a deputy organist acting for Frescobaldi, to Cochi’s work.
cover his absences while he was working at Santo At 12 scudi per annum, Cochi’s salary was not
Spirito, or indeed elsewhere? big—even the porters were paid more—but it does
Cochi appears in the records for the Chapter of equate to what Maccione was paid at Santo Spirito.65
St Peter’s, as well as in the Cappella Giulia records, There are further pieces of information about Cochi
as early as 1607, and continues after Frescobaldi’s that create a complicated jigsaw puzzle. He submit-
departure in 1628, so his job is not directly con- ted bills to the Cappella Giulia for building and
nected to Frescobaldi in a personal capacity. He transporting ‘palchi’—the wooden platforms on
is always listed in the regular salary rolls of one of which singers and instrumentalists performed—and
the chamberlains—Lazzaro Bonfante, for most of for transporting organs for various feast days. These
the period under scrutiny here—with his duties have survived in the Cappella Giulia spese diversi
Early Music August 2021 407for various years.66 If his salaried job was to deal the Chapter of St Peter’s, claims for paying Cochi
with the organs, why would he need to put in addi- for transporting sick parishioners to various hospi-
tional bills for moving them? However, his income tals, and in these records he is identified bizarrely as
rises to a more respectable level if one adds his sal- ‘beccamorte’—the one who collects the bodies of the
ary to the amounts he received for these odd jobs to dead.70 However, there doesn’t appear to be any trace
do with the organs. In 1621, for example, there were of Cochi in the archive of the Ospedale, though he
two additional payments of 15 and 17 scudi respec- could be hidden in the myriad payments covered by
tively, which added to his regular salary gave him an a catch-all phrase such as the anonymous ‘servants
income of 44 scudi for the year—equating to about in our hospital’ (serventi in nostr’ospedale) essential
a third of what one of the doctors at Santo Spirito to the everyday running of the institution. We also
earned.67 know that he lived in the Borgo (and therefore close
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Maccione’s pay as ‘maestro d’organi’ at the to the Ospedale), as he is named in a cumulative list
Cappella Giulia was double his pay at the Ospedale of payments in 1627 as ‘Nicolau Cocchis in Borgo’.71
di Santo Spirito, but the two jobs together still only Sadly, none of these nuggets of information explains
netted him 36 scudi per annum. We know from other the numerous occasions on which he either substi-
records that he also worked at a number of churches tuted for Frescobaldi or collected his salary.
and institutions elsewhere in the city during these
years, for example at Santa Maria dell’Anima and at
Sant’Agostino.68 If Cochi was doing similar work, Conclusions
then he too presumably needed to be doing other The congruence of Frescobaldi’s presence at Santo
jobs to increase his income. While salaries at St Spirito with the absence of his signature for his
Peter’s reflected the prestigious nature of the institu- salary at the Cappella Giulia is striking. There are
tion, and were generally higher than elsewhere, the only two brief periods where he personally col-
difference in Maccione’s pay between the Ospedale lected his salary at both institutions, as can be seen
and St Peter’s was unusually large. However, the par- in Table 2. This table proves nothing other than
ity between Maccione’s salary at Santo Spirito and Frescobaldi’s frequent absence on payday. However,
Cochi’s pay might suggest that Cochi was also an it does raise the question as to whether there was
organ technician, and thus presumably also played an unofficial deputy system among working musi-
the instrument. One other possibility is that Cochi cians, and whether Cochi did more than just sign
was the bellows-man—a job that would have neces- for Girolamo’s money. The mixture of jobs carried
sitated working closely with the incumbent organ- out by Cochi, the irregularity of his bills and the dif-
ist. Yet there are surviving bills from Cochi in the ferent amounts he was paid each time suggest that
Archivio Capitolare di San Pietro, for various he was operating in ways that resemble today’s ‘gig
expenses he had incurred, in which he lists pay- economy’. The regular part of Cochi’s income, per-
ing the men who worked the bellows for the organ haps for some sort of ongoing organ maintenance,
alongside items relating to moving organs, building was low, but his accrued earnings from piece-work
palchi and other labour.69 These would appear to were reasonable.
argue against this conjecture, although there would On the other hand, Frescobaldi’s career during the
have been occasions requiring more than one organ- 1620s seems to have been reasonably secure, with
ist and therefore more than one bellows-man. As two stable employments in his portfolio, though
some of these bills are in his own hand and some both operated on time-sensitive schedules. In order
in a scribal hand, one can deduce that Cochi was to manage his situation, it seems likely that he used
functionally literate and numerate, at least to a level other musicians to deputize for him when the need
where he could write his own bills, which one would arose. We may never know the true picture of Nicolò
not expect from a simple manual labourer. Cochi’s position, whether playing the organ on occa-
A further strange piece of information about sion was part of his piece-work or if he was purely
Cochi emerges in some of the payment records in an organ technician or bellows-man. His regular sig-
the mid 1620s. Alessandro Tomassi, a sacristan in nature for Frescobaldi’s salary indicates only that the
408 Early Music August 2021composer trusted him with his money, while at the Ospedale) must also have affected the type of work
same time masking the exact details of Frescobaldi’s available to musicians.
activities, as no reasons are offered for his absence. This article has made a start on unravelling some
A full logistical study as to how musicians in a of the logistical issues surrounding musicians’
city like Rome navigated portfolios of jobs, some careers in early 17th-century Rome, by focusing on
of which apparently demanded attendance at fixed a specific case involving one individual, Frescobaldi,
times at locations that were geographically distant, and two institutions. It has established, as accurately
has yet to be made. Time, however measured, has as documentation allows, the daily schedule of the
to be considered as a significant factor in any such Ospedale di Santo Spirito and of some feast days
study. While absolute clock time seems to have been celebrated there for which details were recorded.
of less importance than the ‘bell time’ of the canoni- Then, by mapping payment records against these
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cal hours, it would still have influenced decision- schedules and against related documents written by
making on the part of both employer and employee. observers, it has demonstrated that Frescobaldi was
The liturgical seasons, such as Lent and Advent, not ‘moonlighting’ in his second job, but could (per-
and astronomical seasons, marked by longer day- haps with suitable cooperation of his colleagues)
light hours in summer and longer winter evenings have managed apparently irreconcilable timetables,
(as recorded in the Rubrica and schedules of the and fulfilled duties for both.
Naomi J. Barker is a Senior lecturer in music at The Open University. The focus of her research is
17th-century Italian music, especially that of Frescobaldi, and the social and cultural environments
in which it was created and performed. Her most recent articles have appeared in the Royal Musical
Association Research Chronicle and the Journal of Seventeenth-Century Music. She is currently
writing a book on music, medicine and religion at the Ospedale di Santo Spirito c.1560–1700. Naomi.
Barker@open.ac.uk
The research for this article was Francesi. He later became maestro di Maria Maggiore a Roma 1557–1624’,
made possible by funding from a cappella at the Cappella Giulia. Studi musicali, xxix (2000), pp.3–58;
British Academy / Leverhulme Small 4
Andrew Abbot and Alexandra G. Dixon, ‘The cappella of S. Maria in
Research Grant (sg162902) and a Hrycak suggest that in 18th-century Trastevere (1605–45): an archival study’,
grant from the Music and Letters Germany about half of all musicians Music & Letters, lxii/1 (1981), pp.30–40;
Trust. I would also like to record my had what they term ‘amalgamated ‘The Pantheon and music in minor
thanks to the Faculty of Arts and careers’; see A. Abbott and churches in seventeenth-century Rome’,
Social Sciences of The Open University A. Hrycak, ‘Measuring resemblance Studi musicali, x (1981), pp.265–77;
for additional financial support, and in sequence data: an optimal J. Lionnet, ‘La musique à Saint-Louis-
to the anonymous reviewers of this matching analysis of musicians’ des-Francaix à Rome au XVIIe siècle’,
article for their valuable suggestions careers’, American Journal of Note d’archivio per la storia musicale,
for improvements. Thanks also to Sociology, xcvi/1 (1990), pp.144–85. nuova serie, iii (supplement; 1985) and
Paul Kenyon and Roger Tomlin for 5
N. O’Regan, Institutional patronage iv (supplement; 1986); ‘The Borghese
assistance with Latin translations. in post-Tridentine Rome: music at family and music during the first half
1
F. Hammond, Girolamo Frescobaldi Santissima Trinita dei Pellegrini of the seventeenth century’, Music
(Cambridge, MA, 1983), pp.60–62. 1550–1650 (London, 1995); ‘Music at & Letters, lxxiv/4 (1993), pp.519–29;
2
F. Hammond, Girolamo Roman Ospedali in the sixteenth ‘Musiciens à Rome 1570–1750’, https://
Frescobaldi: an extended biography, century’, Il Veltro: Rivista della civiltà philidor.cmbv.fr/Publications/Bases-
http://girolamofrescobaldi.com/8- Italiana, xlvi (2002), pp.251–60; ‘Music prosopographiques/Musiciens-a-Rome-
rome-1615–1628/#_ftnref48 (accessed at Roman confraternities to 1650: the de-1570-a-1750 (accessed 17 May 2021).
17 May 2021). current state of research’, Analecta
7
C. Annibaldi, ‘Il mecenate
3
Ercole Bernabei also briefly worked musicologica, xlv (2011), pp.132–58. “politico”: Ancora sul patronato
at Santo Spirito in 1640 while holding musicale del Cardinale Pietro
6
L. della Libera, ‘Repertori ed organici Aldobrandini (ca. 1570–1621)’, Studi
down another job at San Luigi de’ vocali-strumentali nella basilica di Santa musicali, xvi (1987), pp.33–93;
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