COMMERCE & CONFLICT Angola & DiamondWorks
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Conflict Risk Assessment Report: Angola and DiamondWorks COMMERCE & CONFLICT Angola & DiamondWorks FINAL REPORT June 2005 Report Prepared by: Aleisha Stevens, Project Analyst David Carment, Principal Investigator Feedback is welcome, and may be sent to cifp@carleton.ca David Carment, Principal Investigator http://www.carleton.ca/cifp Country Indicators for Foreign Policy (CIFP) Project, June 2005 1 The Norman Paterson School of International Affairs, Carleton University
Conflict Risk Assessment Report: Angola and DiamondWorks TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY……………………………………………………………………………………4 NOTE……………………………………………………………………………………………………………5 OVERVIEW – PURPOSE, SCOPE AND METHODOLOGY…………………………………………7 SECTION I ANGOLA IN THE 1990s I. History of Armed Conflict………………………………………………………………………..9 A. Armed conflict presence B. Armed conflict intensity C. Number of refugees produced by Angola D. Number of IDPs produced in Angola II. Governance and Political Instability……………………………………………………….11 A. Geographic Impact of the Conflict i. Geographic area under control by opposition groups (%) ii. Regime durability iii. Domestic terrorist incidents (1998) iv. Terrorist acts targeted at businesses (1998) B. Attitudes and Policies of Government and Opposition i. Level of democracy ii. Restrictions on civil and political rights iii. Restrictions on Press Freedom C. Level of Corruption i. Corruption Perceptions Index ii. Bribe Payers Index D. Human Rights i. Physical Quality of Life Index ii. Number of core human rights treaties signed and ratified by host country III. Militarization and Security ……………………………………………………………………19 A. Military expenditures (% of GDP) B. Total imports of small arms C. Total active troops for each opposition group D. Total number of active landmines IV. Demographic Stress……………………………………………………………………………..21 A. Regional population in the Lundas V. Economic Performance………………………………………………………………………….23 A. GDP growth rate B. GDP per capita C. Foreign direct investment (FDI) D. GINI coefficient Country Indicators for Foreign Policy (CIFP) Project, June 2005 2 The Norman Paterson School of International Affairs, Carleton University
Conflict Risk Assessment Report: Angola and DiamondWorks E. Unemployment rate proxy: Poverty rate VI. Human Development…………………………………………………………………………….25 A. Human Development Index B. Gender Development Index C. Access to improved water source and adequate sanitation Conclusions ……………………………………………………………………………………………….26 SECTION II ANGOLA’S MINING INDUSTRY IN THE 1990s I. Corruption and Violence.………………………………………………………………………27 II. Employment ……………………………………………………………………………………….28 III. Human Development ……………………………………………………………………………29 Conclusions ……………………………………………………………………………………………….29 SECTION III DIAMONDWORKS IN ANGOLA IN THE 1990s I. DiamondWorks and Armed Conflict.…………………………………………………..…32 A. DiamondWorks’ militarized commerce B. DiamondWorks’ perceived role in the civil war C. Number of MNC employees injured by violence related to MNC operations II. Corporate Activity and Political Instability ……………………………………………34 A. Location of DiamondWorks’ infrastructure in relation to terrorist incident sites B. Cost of damage to DiamondWorks as a result of terrorist incidents C. Infrastructural instability III. Economic Performance ………………………………………………………………………36 A. Percent of GDP contribution by DiamondWorks B. Number of Angolan’s employed IV. Human Development …………………………………………………………………………37 Conclusions ………………………………………………………………………………………….……37 SECTION IV ANALYSIS AND CONCLUSION Summary, Evaluation, & Looking Ahead…………………………………………….……….….40 Appendix #1 – Dates of Importance…………………………………………………….………..42 Appendix #2 – Acronyms…………………………………………………………….………….……43 Country Indicators for Foreign Policy (CIFP) Project, June 2005 3 The Norman Paterson School of International Affairs, Carleton University
Conflict Risk Assessment Report: Angola and DiamondWorks EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Through the application of CIFP Country Risk Indicators, this report analyzes the interplay of Angolan country and industry dynamics with the corporate activity of DiamondWorks, a Canadian-owned diamond mining company that held operations in the province of Lunda Norte during the year 1998. This analysis is used to identify volatile country and company characteristics that together led to the forced closure of some of DiamondWorks’ most promising business ventures in 1998-99. Important high risk factors identified include: • Rentier/corrupt government: Resulting in weak social and economic infrastructure and a lack of accountability and representation, all of which limited the avenues through which grievances could be peacefully aired. • Militarization of the diamond industry: Resulting in habitual human rights violations and consistent, low intensity conflict punctuated by high intensity periods of war. • High number of refugees and IDPs: Destabilizing the country and negatively impacting already deplorable living standards and human development. • Unequal distribution of resources: Encouraged through corruption of the elite; aggravated by domestic legislation favoring the economic endeavors of corporations over those of Angola’s citizens. Unequal distribution of resources was especially conducive to conflict because of the unmet expectation on the part of Angolan citizens that the diamond industry would act as an equalizing force, promoting social infrastructure and providing employment. • Corporate participation in violence through use of private security organizations: Contributed to violent repression and forced displacement, causing tension and conflict. Although Angola’s civil war officially ended in 2002, many of these high-risk indicators persist today. It is therefore imperative that corporations returning to business investments in Angola acknowledge the delicate nature of the peace process through conflict-sensitive corporate strategies, both for the economic security of the business, and the social and economic security of Angola. Country Indicators for Foreign Policy (CIFP) Project, June 2005 4 The Norman Paterson School of International Affairs, Carleton University
Conflict Risk Assessment Report: Angola and DiamondWorks NOTE University, which she completed through credits earned while studying in Kenya. About this Report About CIFP This country report has been CIFP has its origins in a prototype produced by Country Indicators for geopolitical database developed by the Foreign Policy (CIFP) for use by non- Canadian Department of National Defence governmental organizations, businesses, in 1991. The prototype project called academics, Canadian policy-makers, and GEOPOL covered a wide range of political, other parties concerned with the impact economic, social, military, and multinational corporate activity has on environmental indicators through the countries in conflict. The study applies medium of a rating system. In 1997, the CIFP Risk Assessment Template to the under the guidance of Andre Ouellete, operations of DiamondWorks in Angola John Patterson, Tony Kellett and Paul during the 1990’s to highlight the complex Sutherland, the Canadian Department of and dynamic interplay of commerce and Foreign Affairs and International Trade conflict. Conclusions and observations decided to adopt some elements of arising form the analysis are designed to GEOPOL to meet the needs of policy aid businesses returning to Angola in the makers, the academic community and the creation of corporate strategies designed private sector. The CIFP project as it to avoid disrupting the peace process became known has since then operated currently underway in Angola. Premised under the guidance of principal on the established need to mainstream investigator David Carment of Carleton conflict prevention in the private sector, University and has received funding from this report provides businesses and DFAIT, IDRC, PetroCanada, the EU and concerned stakeholders with the means to CIDA. The project represents an on-going evaluate the impact of business effort to identify and assemble statistical operations on Angola’s conflict, and to information conveying the key features of subsequently effect necessary change in the political, economic, social and cultural corporate strategy to avoid exacerbating environments of countries around the violence in vulnerable countries. world. The cross-national data generated About the Author through CIFP was intended to have a variety of applications in government Aleisha Stevens is entering her departments, NGOs, and by users in the third year of a four-year combined private sector. The data set provides at-a- LL.B./M.A. of International Affairs program glance global overviews, issue-based offered by Carleton University in perspectives and country performance conjunction with the University of Ottawa. measures. Currently, the data set includes She focuses her studies on the areas of measures of domestic armed conflict, multinational corporate governance and governance and political instability, human rights in conflict zones, and is militarisation, religious and ethnic currently undertaking a study of legal diversity, demographic stress, economic mechanisms designed to regulate the performance, human development, behaviour of international private security environmental stress, and international organizations. Aleisha holds an Honors linkages. Bachelor of Arts degree in Archeology and Anthropology from Wilfrid Laurier The CIFP database currently includes statistical data in the above issue Country Indicators for Foreign Policy (CIFP) Project, June 2005 5 The Norman Paterson School of International Affairs, Carleton University
Conflict Risk Assessment Report: Angola and DiamondWorks areas, in the form of over one hundred United Nations High Commissioner for performance indicators for 196 countries Refugees, the Stockholm International for most indicators. These indicators are Peace Research Institute, and the drawn from a variety of open sources, Minorities at Risk and POLITY IV data sets including the World Bank, the United from the University of Maryland. Nations Development Programme, the Country Indicators for Foreign Policy (CIFP) Project, June 2005 6 The Norman Paterson School of International Affairs, Carleton University
Conflict Risk Assessment Report: Angola and DiamondWorks OVERVIEW November 8 1998, approximately 100 Purpose, Scope and Methodology UNITA troops raided the mine, killing 8 ___________________ employees and kidnapping 10.3 By early the next year, DiamondWorks had ceased In June 1998, the Canadian-owned all operations in Angola, citing force company DiamondWorks1 opened the majeur and unacceptable commercial Yetwene mining operation in Angola’s terms as the cause.4 The Luo and northeastern province of Lunda Norte. Yetwene mines had been the company’s The company was already active in Angola key exploration and development projects with its Luo mine, which had been opened at the time, and placing them on in 1996 some 100 kilometers north of maintenance status was a serious Yetwene; both mines were located on the economic set-back for the junior mining Chicapa River. 2 company. Areas Of Highest Diamond The targeting of business ventures Concentration in Angola by rebel groups suggests a link between corporate activity and conflict. The purpose of this report is to conduct an indicators-based conflict risk analysis in order to determine the nature of the link between DiamondWorks’ operations and the civil war in Angola in the late 1990’s. The template generated can be used by Luo & businesses to establish whether current Yetwene country and company dynamics have the potential to interact in a similar destructive manner. This comparative approach encourages the application of conclusions to current business strategies, which would lead to the sustainable re- integration of diamond mining companies into the Angolan diamond economy. Conclusions are generated based on a three stage analytical process outlined below. The analysis employs Map from: Christian Dietrich. “Inventory of Formal Diamond Mining in Angola” Pp. 143 CIFP Risk Assessment Indicators throughout. Unless otherwise specified, The Luo mine escaped attack CIFP risk indices are measured on a scale during Angola’s civil war thanks in part to of 0 to 9, with higher risk indices the use of private security forces, but the indicating a greater assessed risk of Yetwene project was not so fortunate conflict development, escalation, or despite similar protective measures. On 3 Embassy of Angola. “UNITA Attacks Diamond 1 Prior to October 1996, DiamondWorks was known Mine, Killing Eight, Kidnapping Ten” in Pensador . as Carson Gold Inc. In 2004, DiamondWorks was http://www.angola.org/news/pensador/december98/y renamed Energem. etwene.html. 2 4 See map of Angola showing DiamondWorks Energem Resources Inc. website. Path: Energem Æ concessions: at Business Units Æ Mineral Projects. Accessed May http://www.sedar.com/csfsprod/data9/filings/000845 9, 2005. 84/00000001/a%3A%5Cdmndwrks.pdf p.16. http://www.DiamondWorks.com/?&act=1&loc=mine Source: DiamondWorks 1997 Annual Report. proj Country Indicators for Foreign Policy (CIFP) Project, June 2005 7 The Norman Paterson School of International Affairs, Carleton University
Conflict Risk Assessment Report: Angola and DiamondWorks continuation within the country in Together, Sections I, II and III question. Where not available, index serve to highlight the dynamic nature of measures are supplemented with other country conflict and multinational internationally recognized risk indicators corporate activity by illustrating the that correspond to the CIFP Risk cataclysmic effect of certain coinciding Assessment Template. The results from variables. the indicator-based analysis focuses analytical attention on high-risk issues, Section IV constitutes a which are subsequently supplemented by concluding section that highlights qualitative elaboration. moderate to high-risk indicators present throughout the 1990s that persist today. Section I of the analysis applies These observations are significant because country risk indicators to analyze the they identify continuing high-risk variables socio-political conflict situation in Angola that can be exacerbated by reckless in the 1990s. This section illustrates the business practices. volatile context within which DiamondWorks chose to operate in the Conclusions and recommendations late 1990’s, and provides valuable generated through the application of the contextual information that aids in the CIFP risk assessment template have later analysis of DiamondWorks’ impact on widespread applicability in terms of country violence. investment re-integration issues. The study specifically has potential relevance Section II applies CIFP business for other DiamondWorks business risk indicators to Angola’s diamond operations, as the company today (under industry. This analysis facilitates greater the name Energem) largely focuses its understanding of the connection between investment endeavors in conflict zones of conflict and commerce by providing Africa. contextual considerations of the corporate environment within which DiamondWorks NOTE: This information in this was operating during the 1990’s. report represents a synthesis of reliable source documents. Risk indicator Section III applies business information that was not available, or practice risk indicators to DiamondWorks available only from unreliable sources, has operations for the purpose of determining been replaced with a suitable proxy the impact of company behaviour on indicator and duly noted as such. The Angola’s civil war. 2005 analysis contains the most recent data available at the time of publication. Country Indicators for Foreign Policy (CIFP) Project, June 2005 8 The Norman Paterson School of International Affairs, Carleton University
Conflict Risk Assessment Report: Angola and DiamondWorks SECTION I: I. HISTORY OF ARMED CONFLICT CIFP RISK ASSESSMENT OF History of Armed Conflict - 1998 Rating Source ANGOLA IN THE 1990’s Armed Conflict Presence 8 CIFP Conflict Intensity 3 (War) CIFP Angola’s civil war began three - Number of deaths > 1000 SIPRI months after independence from Number of Refugees 8 CIFP Portuguese rule in 1975, and lasted until the death of rebel leader Jonas Savimbi in Number of IDP's Produced 810,000 UNCAH 2002. Main parties in contention for power at the time of independence A country’s historical experience with included the National Liberation Front of conflict is a potent indicator of its Angola (FNLA), the Popular Movement for susceptibility to the continuation or the Liberation of Angola (MPLA) and the outbreak of violence, especially in the National Union for the Total Independence context of irresponsible business of Angola (UNITA). The agreed-upon practices. Not only does a history of transitional government incorporating the armed conflict indicate an ability and three parties quickly crumbled due to willingness to resort to violence, it also widely different political ideologies, points towards divisions within society leaving the MPLA in control of the capital that have been created or exacerbated by and relegating the FNLA and UNITA to the violence. The creation of refugees and the status of rebel insurgents in the internally displaced through violent hinterlands. This political structure was conflict has a large impact not only on the maintained throughout the ensuing 27- country in conflict, but often on year civil war, with the MPLA and UNITA neighboring countries as well. acting as key opposition groups. A. Armed Conflict Presence CIVIL WAR QUICK FACTS The CIFP armed conflict index is a • Up to 500,000 people died and significant measure of conflict severity 15 million landmines were because it integrates conflict intensity planted during the 27-year levels with annual conflict related deaths, conflict and presents this indicator as a • Agreements between the MPLA quantifiable measure. Throughout the and UNITA in 1991 and 1994 1990’s, CIFP indices never fell below 8, failed to bring lasting peace indicating that armed conflict was a • Savimbi's death in 2002 ubiquitous presence in Angola throughout brought the collapse of UNITA the decade. and the start of a delicate peace process. The geographical make-up of Angola exacerbated the continuation of conflict. The following analysis applies country risk Its vast and sparsely populated indicators to analyze the conflict situation northeastern bushland, where the two in Angola in the decade of the 1990s. This DiamondWorks mines were located, made section illustrates the volatile context government control of the territory within which DiamondWorks chose to difficult while providing ideal terrain for open its Yetwene mine in the northeastern the guerrilla-style warfare of UNITA.5 As province of Lunda Norte in 1998, and an unfortunate coincidence, this hard to provides contextual information that aids in the analysis of the company’s impact on 5 Shackson, Nick. Fueling the War: Diamonds and the civil war. Oil. (BBC News Online: January 28, 1999) http://news2.thdo.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/special_report/1999/ 01/99/angola/264228.stm Country Indicators for Foreign Policy (CIFP) Project, June 2005 9 The Norman Paterson School of International Affairs, Carleton University
Conflict Risk Assessment Report: Angola and DiamondWorks control area held the majority of Angola’s C. Number of Refugees Produced by widely-scattered alluvial diamonds, which Angola provided UNITA rebels with approximately two thirds of Angola's estimated 700 to The number of refugees and internally 800 million dollar diamond production in displaced persons in a region are two 1997.6 These yields constituted rebel factors that have a significant impact on funding for the purchase of military arms, regional potential for conflict. The flow of maintaining the high measure of armed these populations has a destabilizing conflict presence. effect on countries by negatively affecting adequate living standards, human B. Armed Conflict Intensity development, and the environment. Frightened people fleeing their homes Armed Conflict Intensity quantifies the tend to lose the few assets they possess, frequency and intensity of conflict in a and displacement severs family and given country on a scale of 1 to 3; “Minor community links destroying human social Armed Conflicts” score as “1”, capital.7 IDPs crowd into protected “Intermediate Armed Conflicts” score as residential areas, increasing the risk of “2”, and “Wars” score as “3”. The measure health epidemics and causing food totals the scores in each conflict in a given shortages as they compete with the country in a given year, so for example a resident population for limited resources. country that has one Intermediate Armed Conflict and one War, as was the case Angolan Refugees with Angola in 1992 and 1994, would score a total of “4”. 400000 350000 Although the presence of armed 300000 250000 conflict in Angola was pervasive 200000 throughout the 1990’s, the intensity of the 150000 100000 conflict varied in accordance with political 50000 strife and peace agreements. This cyclical 0 nature of conflict intensity is reflected in 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 the graph below; note that DiamondWorks Source: UNHCR. http://www.unhcr.ch/cgi- chose to open its Yetwene mine during the bin/texis/vtx/statistics/opendoc.pdf?tbl=STATISTICS&id=41d2c1 year 1998, a time that marks the 532&page=statistics beginning of Angola’s last intense period of violence. An estimated 426,000 Angolans fled their country during the years of war Total Conflict Intensity Level leading up to 1992.8 The declining presence of armed conflict in 1995 to CIFP Conflict Intensity Scale 4 1997 following the signing of the Lusaka 3 Peace Protocol in 1994 permitted international organizations such as the (1-4) 2 7 1 Collier, Paul & L. Elliott & H. Hegre & A. Hoeffler & M. Reynal-Querol, M. & N. Sambanis. Breaking 0 the Conflict Trap: Civil War and Development 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 Policy. (Washington DC: The World Bank/Oxford University Press, 2003) Pp. 15 Source: CIFP Database, “Data Query” 8 Boucher, Richard. Aid for Repatriation of Angolan Refugees. Diplomatic statement. (Dispatch, Vol 3, No 34, August 24, 1992). http://dosfan.lib.uic.edu/ERC/briefing/dispatch/1992/ 6 ibid html/Dispatchv3no34.html Country Indicators for Foreign Policy (CIFP) Project, June 2005 10 The Norman Paterson School of International Affairs, Carleton University
Conflict Risk Assessment Report: Angola and DiamondWorks UNHCR to begin repatriation programs to The heightened intensity of the civil bring back those driven out a few years war in 1992 drove between 1.3 and 2 prior. The organization successfully million Angolans from their homes; most brought home 145,000 refugees before a made their way to provincial centers and subsequent and rapid breakdown in to Lunda.12 Only limited resettlement political negotiations not only disrupted followed, and renewed conflict resulted in repatriation programs, but also led to a further displacement with the result that further exodus of 30,000 Angolans.9 In 810,000 Angolans were classified as IDPs June 1998, the UNHCR was forced to in 1998.13 Military actions launched by suspend its repatriation program in the UNITA late in 1998 triggered further face of escalating violence. displacement, raising the IDP population to over 1 million people as of May 1999.14 A UNHCR report released in 1998 IDPs were widespread throughout all 18 estimated Angola’s refugee number to be provinces during this round of 315,900,10 with the majority fleeing to displacement, with the largest Zambia, Democratic Republic of Congo, concentrations in the provinces of Namibia, and South Africa. The CIFP risk Malanje, Huambo, Huila and Beneguela. index for Angola’s refugee status in the 1990’s never dropped below 7, and was Confirm ed New IDPs by Most Affected most frequently at level 8, indicating that Provinces, February 1999 refugees constituted a considerable risk to Angola’s social stability throughout the 28,611 decade. 32,419 Huambo 128,202 Huila 24,873 D. Number of Internally Displaced M alange Peoples (IDPs) in Angola 41,199 Beneguela Bie 36,877 M oxico The ubiquity of Angola’s civil war 74,492 Uige resulted in a near constant movement of 46,653 Bengo people in cyclical waves of displacement 130,077 Kwanza Norte throughout the 1990’s. While some displacement was “voluntary” in the sense that it was undertaken by citizens Source: CIDI http://www.cidi.org/humanitarian/hsr/99a/0003.html themselves in order to avoid violence in home regions, many individuals were also II. GOVERNANCE & POLITICAL physically moved from their home INSTABILITY territory through forced displacement tactics undertaken by UNITA and the The indicators in this issue area are MPLA.11 designed to reflect the influence of the political system and stability on the outbreak or continuation of conflict. A 9 UNHCR, Global Appeal 1999: Angola. lack of accountability and representation http://www.unhcr.ch/cgi- 12 bin/texis/vtx/home/opendoc.htm?tbl=MEDIA&id=3e ibid 13 aff43d12&page=home Office of US Foreign Disaster Assistance. Angola 10 UNHCR. Refugees and Others of Concern to – Complex Emergency Situation Report. (Situation UNHCR – 1998 Statistical Overview. Pp.7 Report #1, August 31 1998) http://www.unhcr.ch/cgi- http://www.angola.org/referenc/reports/usaid0898.ht bin/texis/vtx/statistics/opendoc.pdf?tbl=STATISTICS ml 14 &id=3bfa31ac1#zoom=100 World Food Program. Protracted Relief and 11 Institute for Security Studies. Angola: Recovery Operation – Angola: Assistance to War- Population. Affected People (9 September 1999) Pp. 4. http://www.iss.co.za/AF/profiles/Angola/Population. http://www.wfp.org/country_brief/projects/615900.p html df Country Indicators for Foreign Policy (CIFP) Project, June 2005 11 The Norman Paterson School of International Affairs, Carleton University
Conflict Risk Assessment Report: Angola and DiamondWorks on the part of the government limits the a given region. It is a valuable indicator avenues through which grievances can be for the degree of control a government constructively and peacefully aired, has over rebel forces and the extent of the aggravating the risk of violence. This government's ability to quell violent situation in particular arises in the case of conflict. In general, throughout the government deals with multinational 1990’s, UNITA controlled much of the corporations that exclude citizens from plateau and hinterland area. This either a voice in the process or the provided them with access to between beneficial economic results. sixty and seventy percent of diamond production, which funded their military The government of Angola endeavors.16 The MPLA held constant routinely engaged in such activity control over the capital region for the throughout the 1990’s, garnering mass entire duration of the civil war, securing quantities of unearned income through access to remuneration from the deep-sea profit-sharing oil agreements with oil fields. multinational corporations. As the following data will demonstrate, this did Control over specific geographic not lead to a higher quality of life for areas of Angola varied from one year to Angola’s citizens. Instead, funding was the next, depending on the military usurped by corrupt high-level officials or success of the various warring factions. channeled into military undertakings.15 In 1992, due to aggressive military action The ensuing denial of basic civil and triggered by the loss of the 1992 political rights can exacerbate conflict by elections, UNITA forces controlled a full limiting the options available for two-thirds of the country.17 This territorial expressing dissent. Such endemic control was weakened in 1994 when the corruption often leads to a loss of MPLA secured power over UNITA’s main confidence in the state and its institutions, stronghold of Huambo, located in the freeing the individual from the notion of central highlands.18 The signing of the obligatory peaceful approaches to change Lusaka Peace Protocol prompted the in favour of violent activities that fall reluctant return of further territory to the outside of the political process. MPLA, so that in October of 1997, 108 UNITA controlled localities out of 337 A. Geographic Impact of the Conflict detailed for relinquishment to state control had been handed over.19 As of June of Geographic Impact of the Conflict - 1998 Rating Source 1998, however UNITA had still not set Geographic area controlled by UNITA Variable HRW specific dates for the extension of State administration to its four strongholds of Regime Durability 9 CIFP Andulo, Bailundo, Mungo and N'harea. 20 Domestic terrorist incidents per year 11 USSD/MIPT Terrorist acts targeted at businesses 4+ USSD/MIPT 16 Spears, Ian. “Newsflashes Angola: Notes from the i. Geographic Area under Control by Angolan Development Network”. Pp. 26-30 in Opposition Groups (%) Southern Africa Report Archive. (August 1999, Vol. 14 , No. 4). The percentage of the geographic http://www.africafiles.org/article.asp?ID=3736 area under control by opposition groups 17 Polity IV Country Report 2003: Angola refers to how widespread the conflict is in http://www.cidcm.umd.edu/inscr/polity/Ang1.htm 18 ibid 15 19 Gamba, Virginia and Richard Cornwell. “Arms, Human Rights Watch Report, 1998: Angola. Elites, and Resources in the Angolan Civil War” in Human Rights Developments. Mats Berdal and David M. Malone (eds.), Greed and http://www.hrw.org/worldreport/Africa-01.htm 20 Grievance: Economic Agendas in Civil Wars. UN. Angola: MONUA - background (Ottawa: International Development Research Center, http://www.un.org/Depts/DPKO/Missions/Monua/mo 2000) Pp. 165 nuab.htm Country Indicators for Foreign Policy (CIFP) Project, June 2005 12 The Norman Paterson School of International Affairs, Carleton University
Conflict Risk Assessment Report: Angola and DiamondWorks After the death of UN special envoy of the prevailing insecurity, the free Maître Alioune Blondin Beye in late June of circulation of people and goods was 1998, the tentative peace process impeded in many areas of Angola, and the crumbled. UNITA had not demobilized to costs of security measures increased the extent it claimed, and it’s remaining greatly. forces proved effective as the rebel group re-captured territory it had previously ii. Regime Durability returned to the government. On 13 August 1998, the Security Council A durable regime reflects the demanded by its resolution 1190 that government’s capacity to contain violence UNITA cease its reoccupation of localities and to engage in conflict settlement. where State administration had been During the 1990’s, Angola’s regime established.21 Early 1999, however, saw durability was frequently at the worst Savimbi loyalists back in control of large measure possible according to CIFP index tracts of Angolan territory.22 In February measures. The country was classified by 1999, the UN peacekeeping mission to other sources as one engaged in “adverse Angola (MONUA) was terminated, with the regime change” between 1992 and explanation that conditions for a 1997.26 Polity IV ratings, graphed below, meaningful United Nations peacekeeping illustrate the absence of regime durability role had ceased to exist.23 during the 1990s as compared to the 1980s. State Localities Under UNITA Control Angola's Regime Durability 400 337 350 # of localities /337 16 300 14 250 229 12 Polity IV Scale 200 155 10 150 8 88 100 65 6 50 4 0 2 1996 Oct-97 Jan-98 Jun-98 Sep-98 0 1980 1982 1984 1986 1988 1990 1992 1994 1996 1998 Sources: HRW (June, Sept ’98), IRIN (Jan ’98), UNCHR Source: CIFP database, “Issues Query” This uncontained violence posed a major hazard to DiamondWorks’ business iii. Domestic Terrorist Incidents operations in 1998; both the Yetwene and 1998 Luo mines were located in Lunda Norte, a province noted for its “persistent The number of terrorist attacks by tensions”.24 The UN Secretary-General country is indicative of the extent and reported in August of 1998 that UNITA prevalence of terrorism in a given country. rebels continued to threaten government The term “terrorism” as applied by the forces located in the region.25 As a result United States Federal Government means premeditated, politically motivated 21 ibid violence perpetrated against non- 22 Polity IV Country Report 2003: Angola combatant targets by sub-national groups http://www.cidcm.umd.edu/inscr/polity/Ang1.htm 23 Supra note 19 24 26 Global Dialogue. The Rise and Fall of Angola's State Failure Task Force. “Adverse Regime Lusaka Peace Process. (Volume 4.1 April 1999). Change” in Internal Wars and Failure of Governance http://www.igd.org.za/pub/g- 1955-2002. dialogue/africa/angola.html http://www.cidcm.umd.edu/inscr/stfail/sfcodebk.htm 25 Supra note 19 #top Country Indicators for Foreign Policy (CIFP) Project, June 2005 13 The Norman Paterson School of International Affairs, Carleton University
Conflict Risk Assessment Report: Angola and DiamondWorks or clandestine agents, usually intended to Significant Terrorist Incidents in Angola influence and audience.27 1998 Date Terrorist Kille Missin Wounde Under the definition of terrorism (1998) Group/inciden d g d used here, there were in fact countless t terrorist incidences in the year 1998 March FLEC-FAC / 2 – both alone, without accounting for the years 23 abduction later returne leading up to it. Throughout the 1990’s, d both UNITA and Government forces April 22 FLEC-FAC / 10 - engaged in forced displacement, abduction 1 later returne systematic rape, illegal conscription, d village burning, and indiscriminate civilian April 30UNITA / 2 killings.28 abduction May 19 Possibly UNITA 1 3 / UN car attack This widespread and uncontrolled Nov. 8 UNITA / 8 10 16 violence against civilian populations poses DiamondWorks a serious threat to the integrity of attack business operations through the creation Dec. 26 Undetermined / 14 UN aircraft of unstable social and economic attack circumstances. It also provides an Dec. 26 Undetermined/ environment within which unscrupulous News agency corporations might benefit from poor attack Dec. 31 Possibly UNITA 2 1 treatment of the population; for example, / Assassination through forced displacement in its favour. Genera 3 mining business attacks reported by Endiama; l No details available To produce a quantifiable measure, all Total 25 24 20 terrorist incidents that were “significant” in 1998 are outlined below. The criterion iv. Terrorist Acts Targeted at of significance is met if a major terrorist Businesses, 1998 monitoring organization reported the incident.29,30 There were six major terrorist incidents targeted at international businesses operating in Angola in 1998. Two occurred in the province of Cabinda, where rebels from the Front for the Liberation of the Cabinda Enclave – Cabinda Armed Forces (FLEC-FAC) 27 Memorial Institute for the Prevention of Conflict abducted employees of Mota & Company (MIPT). 2002. MIPT Terrorism Database System. on two separate occasions. Twelve http://db.mipt.org/mipt_rand.cfm employees were kidnapped in total; two 28 Supra note 18, and Human Rights Watch. on March 23 and 10 on April 22. Three Unfinished Democracy: Media and Political were reported returned, all of whom were Freedoms in Angola. Portuguese; no information was provided http://hrw.org/backgrounder/africa/angola/2004/1.ht regarding the outstanding nine abductees, m#_Toc77413305 all of whom were Angolan.31 29 United States of America Department of State. “Appendix A: Chronology of Significant Terrorist The Yetwene mine attack was the Incidents” in Patterns of Global Terrorism, 1998. http://www.fas.org/irp/threat/terror_98/appa.htm last of four mining projects destroyed by 30 MIPT Terrorism Knowledge Base. “Angola”. UNITA forces during the 1998 year. http://www.tkb.org/Category.jsp?catID=8206&conte Additional scattered hit-and-run attacks ntType=0&sortBy=3&sortOrder=0&pageIndex=0 forced foreign mining companies to Path: Knowledge Base Directory > Incidents > 31 Geographical Location > Africa > Angola Supra note 28 Country Indicators for Foreign Policy (CIFP) Project, June 2005 14 The Norman Paterson School of International Affairs, Carleton University
Conflict Risk Assessment Report: Angola and DiamondWorks consolidate their personnel in core mining and procedural fairness in the political areas.32 process. A rating of –88 indicates a transition period, and –77 indicates a Prior to 1998, UNITA already had a period of “interregnum” where there is a history of targeting mines as a strategy complete collapse of central political for limiting government access to authority. The index ratings below revenues generated by foreign represent Angola’s failed struggle to investment.33 For example, in 1984, establish a democracy during the 1990s. UNITA took hostages from diamond operations in the Cuango area; the CIFP Democracy/Autocracy Index, following year the rebel outfit attacked a Angola, 1990's diamond sorting center in Nzaji.34 This 90 91 92 93 94 95 96 97 98 99 strategy continued after the Yetwene 8 -88 -77 -88 -88 -88 -88 7 7 7 attack; for example, early in 1999, thirty UNITA rebels attacked a Land Rover In a promising move, Angola shifted carrying employees from an Australian- from a one-party Marxist-Leninist system owned mining company, killing all four on ruled by the MPLA to a nominal multiparty board.35 democracy following the 1992 elections. MPLA President dos Santos retained his B. Attitudes and Policies of title with more than 49% of the vote Government and Opposition compared to that of UNITA leader Jonas Savimbi, who received only 40%.36 Attitude and Policies of Savimbi rejected the results, claiming a Government and Opposition Rating Source rigged election, and a second round Democracy/Autocracy Index 7 CIFP balloting was postponed because the Civil and Political Rights index 8 CIFP Civil liberties score 6 CIFP country disintegrated into civil war. Political Rights score 6 CIFP Press Freedom score 74 FH Angola made a second attempt at Press Freedom index 8 CIFP democracy in April 1997 when the multi- party Government of National Unity and i. Level of Democracy Reconciliation (GURN) was established. The National Assembly reconvened, and The level of a country’s democracy is a seventy UNITA deputies, elected in 1992, significant measure of the attitude and took their seats in this legislative body. policies of the government with regards to However, despite the establishment of the tolerance of opposition and freedom of GURN and the reinstatement of the expression permitted in society. In the National Assembly, the MPLA continued to CIFP database, a perfectly democratic dominate policy formulation and society (index rating of “1”) would have implementation in Angola.37 In June 1999 established institutions for citizen the National Assembly voted to postpone expression and executive constraints, as new presidential elections indefinitely due well as a guarantee of civil liberties to all to the renewal of conflict with Savimbi's citizens. Autocratic scores (index rating of UNITA forces. The failed attempts at ”9”) indicate an absence of effective democracy explain Angola’s routine institutions to ensure political competition classification as a transitional or autocratic state throughout the 1990’s. 32 Supra note 2 33 Supra note 29. 34 Justin Pearce, War, Peace, and Diamonds in Angola: Popular Perceptions of the Diamond 36 Industry in the Lundas. (Institute for Security US Department of State. Background Note – Studies, Situation Report. June 25, 2004). P.3 Angola. http://www.state.gov/r/pa/ei/bgn/6619.htm 35 37 Supra note 29 Supra note 21 Country Indicators for Foreign Policy (CIFP) Project, June 2005 15 The Norman Paterson School of International Affairs, Carleton University
Conflict Risk Assessment Report: Angola and DiamondWorks ii. Restrictions on Civil Liberties and suppression that might justify or provoke Political Rights violence on the part of either a government or it’s citizens. In addition, Restrictions on civil and political rights press freedom can gauge if international are included as a conflict risk indicator businesses are receiving the flow of because the measure reflects the level of information necessary to properly assess government tolerance and respect for the degree of risk in an investment. human rights. It can therefore highlight Freedom House assesses the degree to situations in which a government might be which a country permits the free flow of more willing to engage in violence in order information on a 1-100 point scale, where to quash rebellion. The indicator can also countries scoring 61-100 are regarded as identify situations in which citizens feel having a restricted press. Freedom House the need to resort to violence, as when gave Angola a rating of 74 out of 100 for there are few institutionalized means to both 1998 and 1999, classifying the press air grievances or participate in the political as “not free”.40 These figures translate process. into a CIFP press freedom index rating of 8 out of 9. Political rights are those rights that enable citizens to participate freely in the Restrictions on press freedom were political process, which includes activities generally severe in Angola during the such as the right to vote and run for 1990’s; these years saw a reversing of the public office. Civil liberties include the partial liberalization that had occurred in freedoms to develop views, institutions, the run-up to the 1992 election. The and personal autonomy apart from the private media and the civic and political state. Freedom House uses a 1-7 scale to groups that had appeared with the measure both civil liberties and political adoption of a multiparty constitution in rights where 1 indicates high degrees of 1992 were afterwards confronted by civil and political freedoms and 7 indicates serious and often violent denial of those a very low measure. In 1998, Angola freedoms. The MPLA frequently detained scored a “6” for both civil liberties and journalists without trial, and only pro- political rights, and was classified as “not government groups were permitted to free” by Freedom House.38 The CIFP civil demonstrate. Throughout the 1990s, and political rights index, which are based journalists operating in government areas on a 1-9 scale, where 1 is “free” and 9 is were murdered, assaulted, and received “not free”, likewise indicate low levels of threats to their physical safety. UNITA civil liberties and political rights for the similarly monopolized the media and country. The best rating Angola received allowed no dissent in the areas under its in the 1990s was in 1991, when pending military control.41 Journalists who worked elections allowed for a rating of “7”. In for the Voice of the Resistance of the years that followed, Angola scored either Black Cockerel (VORGAN), UNITA’s radio 8 or 9.39 station, were threatened with physical aggression and imprisonment if suspected iii. Restrictions on Press Freedom of passing information to government forces. Like civil liberties and political rights, press freedom is a useful indicator of 38 40 Freedom House. Freedom in the World: Country Freedom House. Freedom of the Press - Angola Ratings 1972 through 2003. http://www.freedomhouse.org/research/pfsratings.xls 41 http://www.freedomhouse.org/ratings/allscore04.xls Human Rights Watch. Unfinished Democracy: 39 CIFP. http://www.carleton.ca/cifp/ Path: Data Media and Political Freedoms in Angola. query and mapping > Angola/civil and political rights http://hrw.org/backgrounder/africa/angola/2004/1.ht index/1990-99. m#_Toc77413305 Country Indicators for Foreign Policy (CIFP) Project, June 2005 16 The Norman Paterson School of International Affairs, Carleton University
Conflict Risk Assessment Report: Angola and DiamondWorks C. Level of Corruption grounds for the violent mobilization of popular grievances.44 Level of Corruption Rating Source Corruption Perceptions Index 1.7 ICCR i. Corruption Perceptions Index Bribe Payers Index (Canada) 8.4 TI The CPI is designed to measure the As the following analysis of Angola degree to which corruption is perceived to illustrates, corruption is one of the factors exist among public officials and politicians that helps to sustain situations of poor in a given society. Angola did not receive governance, state failure, and violent a CPI rating during the 1990’s. It was conflict. Angola has been classified as a first rated in 2000, when it received a “rentier state”42 meaning its officials rely score of 1.7 out of 10, 10 being highly on unearned income from oil and diamond “clean” and 0 being highly corrupt. It revenues and have weak ties to the placed 85th out of 90 countries scored that citizens of the country. The result is that year.45 foreign investment revenues are used to fund their own personal expenses rather ii. Bribe Payers Index than investing in social welfare plans. The Transparency International Bribe Global Witness supported this Payers Index was developed as a classification with the finding that over $1 complement to the CPI, and addresses the billion US – approximately ¼ of the supply side of bribery by ranking leading annual budget - disappeared from state exporting countries in terms of the degree revenues on an annual basis between to which international companies with 1996 and 200143 indicating an extremely their headquarters in those countries are poor transparency level. Much of the likely to pay bribes to senior public profit remaining funded military officials in key emerging market endeavors. By devoting public resources economies. A perfect score, indicating to the personal ambitions and needs of zero perceived propensity to pay bribes, is government officials, the basic needs of 10.0, and thus the ranking below starts civil society were ignored and Angola’s with companies from countries that are social development suffered as a result. seen to have a low propensity for foreign This rentier activity provided fertile bribe paying. The earliest measure for Canada was taken between 1998 and 2002, and places the country 5th out of 21 countries on the 42 See for example Looney, R. “The Broader Middle BPI with a score of 8.1.46 This positive East Initiative: Requirements for Success in the Gulf” rating comes with the caveat that junior in Strategic Insights, (Volume III, Issue 8 August mining companies, as DiamondWorks was 2004) Pp.1 in 1998, are capable of “flying below the www.ccc.nps.navy.mil\si\2004\aug\looneyaug04.asp and Isham, Johnathan, Michael Woodcock, Lant Prichett, 44 Gwen Busby. “The Varieties of the Rentier Seymour, Lee J.M.. “It’s About Diamonds and Experience: How Natural Resource Endowments Oil! Angola’s Political Economy of Violence” in Affect the Political Economy of Economic Growth”. Review. (North South Institute, Summer 2001) 45 (World Bank: Working Paper 2002) Pp.18 Transparency International. The Corruption http://info.worldbank.org/etools/docs/voddocs/171/35 Perception Index 2000.. 2/rentier.pdf http://www.transparency.org/cpi/2000/cpi2000.html 43 46 Global Witness, Time for Transparency 2004. Transparency International. Bribe Payers Index Pp.4 2002. http://www.reliefweb.int/library/documents/2004/gw- http://www.transparency.org/pressreleases_archive/2 transparency-24mar.pdf 002/2002.05.14.bpi.en.html Country Indicators for Foreign Policy (CIFP) Project, June 2005 17 The Norman Paterson School of International Affairs, Carleton University
Conflict Risk Assessment Report: Angola and DiamondWorks radar” in the legal and moral sense.47 ii. Number of core human rights This caveat has significant implications for treaties signed and ratified by host DiamondWorks’ home country of Canada, country which has a reputation as a source of easy venture capital for small mining and The number of core human rights exploration companies.48 treaties signed and ratified by a given country has been used in the past as a D. Human Rights significant measure of human rights because it suggests a nation’s Human Rights Rating Source commitment to the welfare of it’s citizens Physical Quality of Life Index 43 Lijn through consent to an internationally Number of core human rights treaties ratified 4 UN recognized agreement. By 1998, Angola had ratified 4 of the 7 core human rights i. Physical Quality of Life Index treaties. Ratified were: The International (PQLI) Convention on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights (1992), the International The PQLI is a measure that Covenant on Civil and Political Rights combines the measures of literacy, infant (1992) and its Optional Protocol (1992), mortality rate, and life expectancy to the Rights of the Woman (1986), the measure human rights. It reflects the Rights of the Child (1990). As of 1998, level of socio-economic rights and ranks Angola had yet to ratify the Convention on countries in terms of changes in real life Torture, the Genocide Convention, and the chances, rather than focusing on income. Convention for the Elimination of all Forms Angola’s rating of 43 out of 100 in 1992 of Racial Discrimination.50 was low compared to Canada’s measure of 94, indicating poor social conditions in the In addition to ratification, home and the external environment, and adherence to these human rights treaties an inability of Angolan citizens to must be monitored and noted. In this participate in shaping their environment.49 regard, Angola’s evaluation is poor. Reports required to indicate compliance with the 4 ratified treaties were all outstanding in 1998.51 In addition, human rights abuses were widespread throughout the 1990’s, with both the 47 Danielson, Luke. Striving, Surviving, and MPLA and UNITA restricting freedom of Thriving: Sustainable Development and Junior movement, arbitrarily abducting or Mining and Exploration Companies. Pp. 4 detaining civilians, denying fair trial, http://64.233.167.104/search?q=cache:rmJKKREAa_ censoring information, and conscripting EJ:www.minersmanual.com/news/LD_StrivingSurvi child soldiers.52 These actions violate vingThriving.pdf+Striving,+Surviving,+and+Thrivin every one of the four ratified treaties. g:+Sustainable+Development+and+Junior+Mining+a nd+Exploration+Companies&hl=en 48 Smillie, Ian Lansana Gberie, and Ralph Hazelton.. The Heart of the Matter: Sierra Leone, Diamonds, and Human Security. (Partnership Africa Canada January 2000) http://www.sierra- 50 leone.org/heartmatter.html UN. For the Record 1998: The UN Human Rights 49 van der Lijn, Nick. Measuring Well-Being With System Path: For the Record > Volume 2: Africa> Social Indicators: HDI, PQLI, and BWI for 133 Angola. countries for 1975, 1980, 1985, 1998, and 1992. http://www.hri.ca/fortherecord1998/vol2/angolarr.ht (Tilburg University, Research Memorandum No. 704 m 51 1995) Pp. 7, 8 ibid 52 http://greywww.kub.nl:2080/greyfiles/few/1995/doc/ Human Rights Watch, World Report 1999: Angola 704.pdf http://www.hrw.org/worldreport99/africa/angola.html Country Indicators for Foreign Policy (CIFP) Project, June 2005 18 The Norman Paterson School of International Affairs, Carleton University
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