Making licensed venues safer for patrons: what environmental factors should be the focus of interventions?
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(T&F) CDAR230104
Drug and Alcohol Review (March 2004), 23, 19 – 29
SPECIAL SECTION: PREVENTION
Making licensed venues safer for patrons: what environmental factors
should be the focus of interventions?
ROSS HOMEL1, RUSSELL CARVOLTH2, MARGE HAURITZ3 GILLIAN MCILWAIN1 &
ROSIE TEAGUE4
1
School of Criminology and Criminal Justice and Key Centre for Ethics, Law, Justice and Governance, Griffith University,
2
Policy and Projects, Alcohol, Tobacco and Other Drug Services, Queensland Health, 3Mt Gravatt East and 4School of
Applied Psychology, Griffith University, Australia
Abstract
The Queensland Safety Action Projects operationalized a problem-focused responsive regulatory model in order to make
nightclubs and other venues safer. A problem-focused approach requires a careful analysis of the total environment of licensed
venues, including drinking and its controls but also the social and physical environments, patron mix and management practices.
We present new analyses of observational data collected in 1994 and 1996 in the north Queensland cities of Cairns, Townsville
and Mackay. Major reductions in aggression and violence were observed, as well as improvements in many aspects of the venue
environment and management practices. We do not argue in this paper that the interventions caused the environmental and
management changes, although we believe this to be true. Rather, our assumption is that whatever caused them, some of the
environmental and management changes were critical to the reductions in aggression. Regression techniques were used to identify
those factors that best explained the declines in aggression. For reduced physical violence four key predictors were identified:
improved comfort, availability of public transport, less overt sexual activity and fewer highly drunk men. For reduced non-
physical aggression, four key predictors were: fewer Pacific Islander patrons, less male swearing, fewer intoxicated patrons
requiring that management be called and more chairs with armrests. The analyses are consistent with the argument that the
control of drinking is necessary but not sufficient to reduce aggression and violence. [Homel R, Carvolth R, Hauritz M,
McIlwain G, Teague R. Making licensed venues safer for patrons: what environmental factors should be the focus of
interventions? Drug Alcohol Rev 2004;23:19 – 29]
Key words: alcohol, licensed venues, nightclubs, regulation violence, safety.
Introduction community-based interventions to answer the question:
what were the key observable changes within licensed
The focus of this paper is the regulation of public environments most closely related to the large declines
drinking places, which provide the settings for between in violence and aggression that were recorded between
one quarter and three quarters of all alcohol consump- two waves of observations in 1994 and 1996.
tion, depending on the country and the statistical The point of addressing this question is to sharpen
measures used ([1], Table 3.2). More exactly, our focus the focus of interventions designed to make licensed
is licensed venues, in particular nightclubs in city centre venues safer. The logic of the analyses is that only
entertainment areas in the Australian state of Queens- environmental and management factors that changed
land. We aim to use a reanalysis of the evaluation data between 1994 and 1996 were likely to be causally
we collected as part of a series of carefully designed related to the declines in aggression or violence
Ross Homel PhD, Professor and Head, School of Criminology and Criminal Justice and Deputy Director, Key Centre for Ethics, Law, Justice and
Governance, Griffith University, Australia; Russell Carvolth OAM, BA Hons, Manager, Policy and Projects, Alcohol, Tobacco and Other Drug
Services, Queensland Health; Marge Hauritz PhD, Consultant, Mt Gravatt East; Gillian McIlwain BA (Hons), PhD student, School of
Criminology and Criminal Justice, Griffith University; Rosie Teague BA (Hons), PhD student, School of Applied Psychology, Griffith University,
Australia. Correspondence to Ross Homel, Professor and Head, School of Criminology and Criminal Justice and Deputy Director, Key Centre for
Ethics, Law, Justice and Governance, Griffith University, Australia. E-mail: R.Homel@griffith.edu.au
Received 1 August 2003; accepted for publication 27 October 2003.
ISSN 0959-5236 print/ISSN 1465-3362 online/04/010019–11 # Australian Professional Society on Alcohol and Other Drugs
DOI: 10.1080/0959523041000164552920 Ross Homel et al.
(whatever other non-observed changes might also have commonly the implicit understanding that venues will
had a causal impact), and that knowledge of such be left alone by police and liquor licensing officials if
factors provides a better basis for prevention planning there is no trouble serious enough to attract media or
than a smorgasbord of risk factors derived from political attention. We would now add as part of the
correlational analyses of cross-sectional data [2]. ‘not directly observable’ a range of community and
Whether it was the interventions or other processes political influences, and the effects of regulatory and
extraneous to the project that caused the extensive market reform (including national competition policy)
environmental changes does not need to be adjudicated [4,5].
for the purposes of this paper: it is sufficient to establish Regulation, if it is to be any use, therefore requires an
that change in both the environment and in rates of understanding of the actual problem in all its aspects,
violence occurred. and the formulation of effective tools for its solution.
Our starting point is not simply that alcohol is a This paper focuses on the part of the problem that is
commodity [1], it is that the settings in which it is directly observable: the social and physical environment
consumed are also part of an intensely competitive of nightclubs. The less easily observed aspects, such as
market. Nightclubs and bars do not sell only liquor; community influences, are discussed in detail else-
they sell food, entertainment, excitement and perhaps where, in combination with analysis of effective
drugs and they provide—at a cost—spaces for stren- countermeasures that incorporate community pro-
uous physical activity, for meeting others, for sexual cesses and formal regulation (see especially [6 – 8]).
liaisons and generally for behaving outrageously with In the next section we describe briefly the Safety
relative impunity. In short, nightclubs are businesses, Action Projects in north Queensland and the processes
and their business is pleasure. Unfortunately, God of data collection, summarising the pre- and post-
being a Puritan, pleasure has its price. We know well intervention changes in aggression and violence that
that drinking is a sin and what the wages are, but the were observed in clubs, as well as the numerous
divine economy does not stop there. Popping pills and changes that occurred in their physical and social
becoming thirsty, competing for women (or men), environments and in management practices. These
being offside with an aggressive bouncer, being data have not been published previously, except in a
chronically uncomfortable after standing for a long limited circulation report [9]. These changes form the
period, being crushed in a crowd, becoming deafened basis for a more detailed statistical investigation of
by loud music, or growing just simply hungry or tired environmental and management factors that appear to
can also have negative effects on individual health, be linked intimately with the reductions in aggression
standards of group behaviour and public order. It is not and violence. We conclude with some reflections on
necessary to be drunk—no one in the place has to be critical factors for violence reduction, and on how we
drunk—to encounter danger on the dance floor or might move closer to the ideal of a problem-focused,
bullies at the bar. responsive regulatory model.
The point we are making is not simply a light-hearted
observation on Nightclubs We Have Known. Licensed
The North Queensland Safety Action projects
venues are multi-faceted places that make a great deal
of money for the people that own them. Making them The Safety Action approach was piloted at Surfers
safer is therefore a challenge with many faces, doubly Paradise in an evaluated implementation during 9
difficult if economic interests are at stake. Any months of 1994 [10,11]. The North Queensland
approach to regulating licensed venues must therefore projects were replications of the Surfers Paradise Safety
be based on a realistic analysis of the actual problem. Action model in Cairns, Townsville and Mackay
Putting this another way, we have always been of the between 1994 and 1996 [6]. Aggression and violence
view that the preoccupation of some alcohol researchers were targeted by addressing the three levels of regula-
with host responsibility, server training programmes tion manipulated in the Safety Action model: support-
and so on does not so much miss the point as reflect an ing improvements in formal state regulation; providing
incomplete understanding of the problem. The pro- a mechanism for community support of the formal
blem, as we saw it when we began this line of research a regulation; and facilitating self- and peer-regulatory
decade ago [3], is the ‘total environment’, which compliance. This ‘tripartism’ is a feature of a form of
includes drinking and the other kinds of observable regulation that is responsive to industry context and
factors referred to above, but also includes what is not structure, regulatory culture and history, and which
directly observable. What we originally had in mind also incorporates ‘tit-for-tat’ strategies that combine
concerning the ‘not directly observable’ was mainly the punishment and persuasion in an optimum mix, and
hidden deals that are so characteristic of this industry— ‘enforced self-regulation’, in which private sets of rules
in the worst cases, the agreements by police to back off written by business (such as Codes of Practice) are
certain premises if the price is right, but more ratified publicly and, when there is a failure of privateMaking licensed venues safer for patrons 21
regulation, are enforced publicly [12]. The interven- 20.5% late, while in 1996 the figures were, respectively,
tions focused on: representation to authorities regard- 45.7%, 34.0% and 20.3% (w2(2) = 0.08). Nearly all
ing critical regulatory change and refinement; the visits in both years took place on Thursday, Friday and
building of community level monitoring and informal Saturday nights, with almost identical distributions in
processes to improve the quality of operations of each year.
venues; the development of a network of co-operation A structured, systematic observation technique was
and pressure for better practice among formerly employed, based on an observation schedule of 20
isolated and mistrustful venue operators; and the pages consisting of hundreds of items. A draft of the
enhancement of external safety through improved original observation schedule was prepared, based on
attention by authorities to such issues as observability, the qualitative open coding scheme devised for a 1989
lighting and adequacy of public transport. study [3] and on the study by Graham and colleagues
[13]. This was then tested and refined in a series of pilot
visits.
Data collection
Students recruited from local universities and col-
A key evaluation strategy was unobtrusive observation leges observed in mixed-sex groups of three or four to
of aggression and violence, drinking and serving ensure their safety when leaving in the early hours of the
practices and numerous characteristics of patrons and morning. Those recruited tended to be ‘street smart’
of the physical and social environments in licensed and had a general familiarity with licensed venues. At
venues pre- and post-intervention. Only the features of least three students of Aboriginal or Islander descent
the data collection methods that bear most directly on were employed in each city, and these students were
the interpretation of the environmental changes are used in venues where non-Indigenous students would
reported here. These features have to do mainly with have felt particularly out of place. Students were told in
assessing the reliability of the data and whether the data a general way about the aims of the research, but care
from the 2 years can be compared validly. was taken in training in 1996 to avoid setting up an
Activities in all the nightclubs and hotels in the expectancy that violence levels would be lower than in
central entertainment areas of Cairns, Townsville and 1994. Almost none of the observers in 1996 had
Mackay were observed by teams of students during performed the 1994 observations, and in any case it
September 1994 (before the interventions) and October would have been very difficult for observers to have
1996 (after the interventions). Cafeterias and restau- remembered what levels of violence obtained in 1994.
rants were excluded. All observation sessions were of The use of different observers in the 2 years reduced the
about 2 hours’ duration and were unobtrusive. In 1994, likelihood of conscious or unconscious exaggerations in
83 visits were made to 28 venues, while in 1996 116 post-intervention ratings.
visits were made to 47 venues. More venues were Several training sessions were conducted to ensure
visited in 1996 than in 1994, especially in Cairns, that students were thoroughly familiar with the observa-
because many new venues had been established in that tion schedule. It was emphasized during training that
period, and it was considered important to include all observers were there for scientific purposes, and that
operating premises in the area. The growth in the although they should act as normal patrons their job was
number of venues reflected an influx of tourism not to have a good time but to observe as comprehen-
investors and an upsurge in the number of tourist and sively and as accurately as possible, and to especially
entertainment premises generally across the three cities, record details of all incidents of aggression or physical
particularly in Cairns. Some refurbishment and up- violence of which they became aware. A limit of one
grading was also noted over this period. The original alcoholic drink per hour was imposed for each observer.
aim was to visit each establishment three times, once Observers’ responses to items in the observation
early in the evening (commencing between 10 p.m. and schedule were calibrated for consistency within and
midnight), once in the mid-period (commencing across groups. Each observer completed the survey form
between midnight and 2 a.m.) and once late (commen- in isolation as soon as possible after the visit, and then at
cing after 2 a.m.). This was almost achieved in 1994, a subsequent meeting inconsistencies between obser-
but the greater number of venues in 1996 meant that vers were checked and agreement established. Inter-
the mean number of visits per venue was only 2.5. rater agreement levels exceeded 85%, reflecting the fact
Premises visited less than three times were mainly those that unreliable items were modified or eliminated in the
that closed early (before 3 a.m., often earlier). original development of the instrument in Sydney in
Because aggression and violence tend to occur more 1991, using large numbers of students [3].
frequently toward closing time, it is important that the Graham and her colleagues [13] noted especially that
distribution of visits across time periods be equivalent the decision whether a particular incident should be
in 1994 and 1996. This was achieved thus: in 1994 the deemed aggression is one of the major problems of data
distribution was 44.6% early, 34.9% mid-period and collection. In their study, to obtain some consistency22 Ross Homel et al.
operational guidelines were adopted which stipulated spacing and comfort of tables and chairs, ventilation,
that an incident would be classified as aggression if it the cleanliness of female toilets, and the availability of
involved ‘personal violation (verbal insult, unwanted taxis and public transport. The biggest changes were to
physical contact), behaviour that was offensive according do with seating style, arrangements and comfort
to the norms of the place, or a dispute in which the (improvements in style and spacing but some reduc-
participants had personal investment’ (p. 281). The same tions in comfort), increases in crowding (with larger
guidelines were adopted for the present study (and in our numbers of patrons), cleaner female toilets and better
previous research), which means that as in the Vancouver availability of taxis and public transport.
research there was some variation from establishment to
establishment in the precise operationalization of what
was physical or non-physical aggression. Venue security. The total number of security personnel
did not increase, and police were most conspicuous by
their absence, at least in uniform. This is consistent with
Observed changes
the observations of Homel, Tomsen & Thommeny [3] in
Aggression and violence (Fig. 1). Very extensive changes their research in Sydney. The main changes were to do
across virtually every domain were observed in the with bouncer interactions with patrons and the nature of
north Queensland replications, matching or exceeding their patrolling. Generally there was more friendly
the changes observed in Surfers Paradise. Arguments interaction, and a trend towards a more cheerful, relaxed
declined by 28.2%, verbal abuse by 60.4% and and pleasant demeanour (from 48.3% to 62.1% of visits).
challenges/threats by 40.5% at a time when all these Perhaps the most important change in security arrange-
forms of aggression were increasing in Surfers Paradise ments was a trend away from aimless roaming within
[14]. Trends in physical violence in the north and in venues to a more ‘problem focused’ approach that
Surfers are shown in Fig. 1 (assault rates declined by directed staff resources to possible points of friction,
81.2% between 1994 and 1996 in the north). such as aisles and bars (from 13.6% to 31.9% of visits).
There was also more stationary patrolling, reducing the
risks of unnecessary confrontations with patrons while
The physical environment (Table 1). Apart from a general affording the opportunity to keep most of the establish-
increase in the total number of venues, the basic ment under surveillance. In keeping with the Codes of
physical infrastructure of venues did not change much Practice, these strategies were combined with more
between 1994 and 1996. Thus features such as seating rigorous ID checks at the door.
design, degree of renovation, general appearance and
upkeep, and ‘theme’ did not change. However, many
specific elements of the physical environment, espe- The social environment (Table 2). Comfort levels moved
cially those most influenced by day-to-day management toward a ‘medium’ rating, with fewer visits being rated
practices, did change, sometimes markedly, and mainly at the extremes of ‘very comfortable’ or ‘uncomforta-
in the ‘right’ direction. Lighting improved, as did the ble’. A possible explanation for this trend is that venue
Figure 1. Observed rates of assault; n = 183 due to missing values.Making licensed venues safer for patrons 23
Table 1. Statistically significant changes in the physical environment of venues in the three cities combined, 1994 and 1996 (p 5 0.05)
1994 (n = 83) % 1996 (n = 116) % Gamma or
Variable or meana or meana pb effect sizec
Seating comfort 0.04 0.31
Adequate 67.6 52.2
Too few 32.4 47.8
Spaced comfortable tables and chairs 0.045 0.50
Yes 60.2 74.1
No 39.8 25.9
Chairs with armrests 0.04 0.35
Yes 37.5 55.3
No 62.5 44.7
Standing room only 0.001 0.58
Yes 33.3 56.2
No 66.7 34.8
Female toilets 0.03 0.32
Clean 50.7 66.7
Dirty 49.3 33.3
Availability of taxis 0.001 0.44
Available 48.6 71.2
Limited 17.6 16.2
None 33.8 12.6
Availability of public transport 0.0001 0.85
Available 1.4 21.7
Limited 7.2 34.0
None 91.3 44.3
a
For some variables, missing values reduce the sample size. Percentages are reported for ordinal variables, and mean values (usually
mean percentages) are presented for numerical variables. The transitions from percentages to means are shown at various points in
the tables.
b
The test of statistical significance is Pearson’s w2 for ordinal data, and the Mann – Whitney test for numerical data.
c
Gamma is presented for ordinal variables, and the effect size (difference between means divided by the pooled standard deviation)
for numerical variables. Both statistics measure the magnitude of the change in the variable.
managers responded to the project by improving out’ or ‘chatting up’ activities by men (and to a lesser
facilities, but these measures were overwhelmed to extent women) increased in frequency [terms such as
some extent by the increase in patronage. Despite the ‘heavy necking’ or ‘flagrant fondling by females’ were
greater numbers, there appeared to be more ‘wandering coined by the students who developed the original
about’ and ‘table-hopping’ by patrons, but without any observation schedule in the Sydney research. They
increase in bumping or shoving. There were few have stood the test of time as reliable ways of
changes in entertainment and recreation. Generally assessing patron sexual activity in diverse settings,
food was more available—an important change in the and are not meant to be pejorative or reflect value
context of a move to responsible serving practices—but judgements]. Sexual competition also declined, redu-
it was still only visible in two-thirds of visits in 1996. cing the intensity of one possible factor in aggressive
Most patrons appeared to be ‘regulars’ or were ‘out and violent incidents [2]. Consistent with a less
for a big night’, and there was an increase in these permissive environment was the trend to lower levels
categories in 1996. Individual ‘cheerfulness’ and of rowdiness, swearing and ‘group territoriality’
‘friendliness’ were also rated as mainly medium or among both men and women.
high in both years for men and women, although it
seems that women especially were enjoying them-
selves more in 1996. The ‘decorum expectations of Patron characteristics. There were few changes, despite
management’ increased markedly, with improvements increases in numbers and in crowding. ID checks
particularly apparent in sexual activities and in reduced patrons of high school age, but for some reason
negative interchanges between patrons. The most Pacific Islanders also reduced in number (from 4.3% to
overt sexual behaviours (such as ‘heavy necking’ and 1.9% of patrons). There were declines in both small
‘flagrant fondling’—by males or females) became and large crowds, but an increase in patrons on their
much less common, but the more flirtatious ‘checking own.24 Ross Homel et al.
Table 2. Selected statistically significant changes in the social environment of venues in the three cities combined, 1994 and 1996 (p 5 0.05)
1994 (n = 83) % 1996 (n = 116) % Gamma or
Variable or meana or meana pb effect sizec
Overall comfort 0.009 0.03
High (very comfortable) 25.7 14.8
Medium (moderate comfort) 51.4 69.6
Low (little comfort) 14.9 14.8
None (uncomfortable) 8.1 0.9
Bar crowding 0.01 0.09
High 21.6 21.7
Medium 28.4 42.6
Low 40.5 20.0
None 9.5 15.7
Table-hopping 0.04 0.34
Yes 20.7 34.5
No 79.3 65.5
Band as entertainment/recreation 0.01 0.38
Yes 24.1 41.4
No 75.9 58.6
Heavy metal music present 0.004 0.64
Yes 4.8 19.0
No 95.2 81.0
Food—small snacks 0.00009 0.54
Yes 24.1 51.7
No 75.9 48.3
Food—hot snacks 0.04 0.48
Yes 6.0 15.5
No 94.0 84.5
Decorum expectations of management 0.00004 0.53
High 6.8 56.5
Moderate 35.6 56.5
Permissive 38.4 22.6
Very permissive 19.2 3.5
No sexual activity by males 0.02 0.45
Yes 10.8 24.1
No 89.2 75.9
Checking out behaviour by males 0.009 0.38
Yes 55.4 73.3
No 44.6 26.7
Heavy necking, touching by males 0.004 0.44
Yes 36.1 18.1
No 63.9 81.9
No sexual activity by females 0.0005 0.56
Yes 13.3 35.3
No 86.7 64.7
Heavy necking, touching by females 0.0008 0.52
Yes 34.9 14.7
No 65.1 85.3
Flagrant fondling by females 0.003 0.60
Yes 18.1 5.2
No 81.9 94.8
Individual ‘cheerfulness’ of females 0.03 0.36
High 28.4 48.2
Medium 55.4 43.0
Low 14.9 7.0
None 1.4 1.8
Social ‘friendliness’ of females 0.007 0.39
High 16.2 40.2
Medium 62.2 44.7
Low 18.9 13.2
None 2.7 1.8
(continued overleaf )Making licensed venues safer for patrons 25
Table 2. (continued )
1994 (n = 83) % 1996 (n = 116) % Gamma or
Variable or meana or meana pb effect sizec
Swearing females 0.02 0.38
High 12.2 3.5
Medium 16.2 8.8
Low 29.7 28.9
None 41.9 58.8
Swearing males 0.008 0.35
High 17.6 5.3
Medium 27.0 17.5
Low 27.0 34.2
None 28.4 43.0
a
For some variables, missing values reduce the sample size. Percentages are reported for ordinal variables, and mean values (usually
mean percentages) are presented for numerical variables. The transitions from percentages to means are shown at various points in
the tables.
b
The test of statistical significance is Pearson’s w2 for ordinal data, and the Mann – Whitney test for numerical data.
c
Gamma is presented for ordinal variables, and the effect size (difference between means divided by the pooled standard deviation)
for numerical variables. Both statistics measure the magnitude of the change in the variable.
Bar staff. Bar staff became much friendlier (‘friendly’ noted in about a quarter of all visits, with only a small
rating: 44.6 – 67.2%; ‘hostile and rude’ rating: 6.8 – reduction between 1994 and 1996.
0.9%), they were better matched with patrons in
terms of gender ratios, and were more likely to be
dressed in the house uniform (43.2 – 61.9%). Identi- Host responsibility (Table 3). Methods for dealing with
fication with explicit house policies and the Code of intoxicated people improved, with intervention by staff
Practice, symbolized by the use of uniforms, may in at least some cases rising from 30.4% to 53.3%.
have assisted in the move to less permissive practices Techniques that showed statistically significant changes
with respect to deviant patron behaviour, although included delaying service, offering alternatives, denying
the need to deal with such behaviour apparently service and calling management. Publicity to patrons
reduced in 1996. However, the need to deal with improved, with an increase in the use of underage
aggressive behaviour apparently did not change, drinking warnings, Patron Care signs and other forms
being observed in about 19% of visits in both years, of publicity. Promotion of consumption also declined:
and nor did the rated abilities of bar staff in this topping up or filling empty glasses was not observed at
respect. all in 1996; ‘happy hours’ nearly halved in frequency;
promotion of specific drinks and the use of gimmicks
halved. Interventions with intoxicated patrons included
Alcohol and drug consumption (Table 3). Neither male refusal of service and asking for age identification (both
nor female drinking rates appeared to decline, and nor up from 1.8% to 20.0% of relevant incidents), but
did female drunkenness decline significantly, but the several other possible strategies, such as offering non-
incidence of male drunkenness—particularly at ‘high’ alcoholic drinks, food or alternative transport were not
levels—reduced sharply. The percentage of visits with used at all in either year, suggesting that there was still
high levels of male drunkenness declined from 40.2% considerable room for improvement.
to 13.8%, while the percentage with low or no male
drunkenness increased from 26.8% to 42.2%. These
New analyses of the north Queensland Safety Action data
results imply that staff intervened in a firm way when
serving men, in order to prevent intoxication. Because Regression techniques were used to identify factors that
of this intervention, high drinking rates were less likely best explained the declines in aggression and violence
to lead to visible intoxication. Neither cover charges nor in north Queensland (Fig. 1). The visit was the unit of
the cost of drinks appeared to change. Given the analysis (n = 199, 83 in 1994 and 116 in 1996). Results
evidence for moderate increases in patronage between from the three sites were similar and were combined.
1994 and 1996, this suggests that the introduction of The focus was on physical violence (observed in eight
the Code of Practices did not make the establishments visits in 1994 and two in 1996; p = 0.012) and all forms
any less profitable. Evidence of drug consumption was of non-physical aggression (23 visits in 1994 and 22 in26 Ross Homel et al.
Table 3. Selected statistically significant changes in alcohol consumption and host responsibility in venues in the three cities combined, 1994
and 1996 (p 5 0.05)
1994 (n = 83) % 1996 (n = 116) % Gamma or
Variable or meana or meana pb effect sizec
Drunkenness: males 0.0004 0.38
High 40.2 13.8
Medium 32.9 44.0
Low 18.3 31.0
None 8.5 11.2
Types of drinks
consumed: males
% Beer mean = 54.9 mean = 47.4 0.05 0.30
% Light beer 1.0 4.8 0.0007 0.54
% Soft drinks 0.5 3.0 0.0009 0.46
% Water 0.4 2.9 0.0008 0.39
Publicity to clientele 0.001 0.45
Under-age drinking
warning
Yes 28.9 51.7
No 71.1 48.3
Publicity to clientele 0.02 0.37
House policy notice
Yes 32.5 18.1
No 67.5 81.9
Promotion of 0.003 1.0
consumption
Top up/replace or fill
empty glasses
Yes 7.2 0
No 92.8 100
Promotion of 0.02 0.38
consumption
Gimmicks
Yes 27.7 14.7
No 72.3 85.3
Staff intervention with 0.0001 0.27
highly intoxicated
patrons
In every case 1.2 5.6
Sometimes 19.3 16.7
No intervention 47.0 19.4
No highly intoxicated 32.5 58.3
patrons
Nature of intervention
Refusal of service 0.002 0.86
Yes 1.8 20.0
No 98.2 80.0
Response to intoxicated
and ordering Patrons
Appropriate service 0.01 0.43
Yes 47.4 72.1
Sometimes 17.1 8.8
No 35.5 19.1
Service delay 0.0001 0.71
Yes 5.6 16.7
Sometimes 2.8 22.7
No 91.7 60.6
Offer of an alternative 0.02 1.0
Yes 0.0 6.7
Sometimes 0.0 3.3
No 100.0 90.0
(continued overleaf )Making licensed venues safer for patrons 27
Table 3. (continued )
1994 (n = 83) % 1996 (n = 116) % Gamma or
Variable or meana or meana pb effect sizec
Service denied 0.0002 0.90
Yes 1.4 7.5
Sometimes 0.0 16.4
No 98.6 76.1
Management called 0.04 .65
Yes 2.7 4.8
Sometimes 0.0 7.9
No 97.3 87.3
a
For some variables, missing values reduce the sample size. Percentages are reported for ordinal variables, and mean values (usually
mean percentages) are presented for numerical variables. The transitions from percentages to means are shown at various points in
the tables.
b
The test of statistical significance is Pearson’s w2 for ordinal data, and the Mann – Whitney test for numerical data.
c
Gamma is presented for ordinal variables, and the effect size (difference between means divided by the pooled standard deviation)
for numerical variables. Both statistics measure the magnitude of the change in the variable.
1996; p = 0.048). Logistic regressions were used for the variables is shown in Table 4, although virtually any
physical violence data and ordinary least squares for subset of at least two variables would suffice to ‘explain’
non-physical aggression (total incidents per visit of the year effect. It is also necessary to keep in mind that
arguments, challenges or threats and verbal abuse). with only 10 visits in which physical violence was
Repeated-measures techniques were not appropriate, as recorded, fitting a model with six predictors entails a
many venues changed radically through refurbishments high degree of statistical instability, so that relatively
or extensions in the 2-year period, a few closed down little weight should be placed on specific p-values or
and many others opened up. regression coefficients.
The first step was to test, one by one, all environ- For reduced aggression, 25 key predictors at the first
mental factors that changed over time for their capacity stage were identified, many more than for assaults,
to make the year effect for violence or aggression non- reflecting the more frequent occurrence of non-physical
significant. Thus each factor that showed a statistically aggression. Forward stepwise regression was used to
significant change was fitted as a covariate, followed by identify the subset most strongly related to aggression,
year. The dependent variable was either violence and these were then fitted as covariates, with year
(1 = one or more incidents; 0 = no incidents) or added. Results are shown in Table 5.
aggression (ranging from 0 to 6 incidents per visit). A How should the ‘calling management with intoxi-
large number of tests were conducted in this stage, cated and ordering patrons’ be interpreted? Other
especially because many variables had missing values analyses suggest that the predictive power of this
and various recodings were tried to maintain a sample variable reflects having to deal with intoxicated patrons
size close to 199 (including the creation of nominal as opposed to having few drunks on the premises, but
scales with a missing values category). The second step none of the measures of actual intoxication worked as
involved putting the surprisingly small number of well as calling management. In other words, the
candidates from the first step together in a regression variable is a surrogate for the number of intoxicated
model (with year), in order to arrive at a minimal subset patrons. The lack of chairs with armrests seems to be
of factors that thoroughly explained (in a statistical serving as an indicator of the importance of comfortable
sense) the declines in aggression and violence. places to sit, so taps into the general dimension of
For reduced physical violence, four key predictors at comfort. The most critical thing to note is that year
the first stage were identified. These were overall became clearly non-significant when the four patron
comfort (p = 0.050 for year, adjusted); availability of and environmental factors were fitted first. As with
public transport (p = 0.058 for year, adjusted); ‘flagrant assaults, two or more of these factors was sufficient to
fondling by females’ (p = 0.065 for year, adjusted); and statistically explain the year effect. It is also important
level of male drunkenness (p = 0.058 for year, ad- to note that, not surprisingly, aggression was a strong
justed). Interestingly, none of these factors was predictor of assaults (r = 0.53), and that if aggression is
individually decisive. However, various combinations fitted as a covariate with assaults as dependent variable,
of these four variables clearly ‘washed out’ the year the p-value for year drops to 0.071. This suggests that
effect in the second stage. The model with all four assaults could be reduced by directly focusing on the28 Ross Homel et al.
predictors in Table 4, or indirectly by focusing on the calling management is necessary. Thus the analysis
predictors in Table 5. helps to sharpen the focus of programmes designed to
modify alcohol consumption: whatever controls are
desired on overall levels of consumption, it is essential
Discussion
that the number of very drunk and troublesome males
Although very many features of the social and physical be kept to a minimum.
environments of licensed venues changed after the The civilizing impact of physical comfort is consis-
intervention, the regression analyses suggest that a tent with the early qualitative research conducted in
relatively small number of factors operating across Sydney [3]. However, not all indicators of comfort
disparate domains might be critical to reductions in the moved in a consistent direction (see Tables 1 and 2),
rates of aggression and violence. These factors include with evidence of deterioration in some respects. This
the serving and consumption of alcohol, physical perhaps reflected a conflict between increased patron-
comfort, the degree of overall ‘permissiveness’ in the age and venue comfort. Nevertheless, the importance of
establishment, the availability of public transport, and comfortable seating being available was clear, a
aspects of ‘the ethnic mix’ of patrons. It is noteworthy conclusion that will come as no surprise to those who
that these factors are similar to those identified as have spent many hours in clubs and hotels.
correlates of aggression in previous studies over a 20- Patron behaviour, in the form of overt expressions of
year period in Canada and Australia [2,10,11,13]. This sexual activity and high levels of swearing by men, seem
suggests that the findings are not restricted in their to reflect a generally permissive environment. The link
relevance to one place or time period. between permissiveness and violence makes a lot of
The regression analyses are consistent with our intuitive sense, since if management have an ‘anything
hypothesis that if one concentrated only on the control goes’ attitude it is not surprising that violence and
of drinking, reductions in aggression and violence aggression occur. It is noteworthy that venues improved
would not be as great as could be achieved if a more greatly in these respects after the intervention, and that
holistic approach were adopted. Key aspects of drinking casual, non-offensive sexual activity increased substan-
patterns seem to be high levels of male drunkenness tially, together with overall levels of friendliness and
and intoxicated patrons causing so much trouble that cheerfulness, especially as expressed by women. Venues
Table 4. Logistic regression model of critical environmental factors explaining the year effect for physical violence
Standard
Variable B error df p
Comfort 2 0.054
Very, moderately comfortable (relative to missing value)a 7 2.51 1.12 1 0.025
Little or no comfort (relative to missing value)a 7 1.23 1.23 1 0.320
Male drunkenness (1 = high; 2 = medium; 3 = low; 4 = none) 7 0.85 0.55 1 0.429
Flagrant female fondling (1 = yes; 2 = no) 7 1.95 0.92 1 0.033
Public transport available (1 = yes; 2 = no) 1.36 1.10 1 0.215
Year (1 = 1994; 2 = 1996) 7 0.10 0.49 1 0.839
Constant 197.40 971.74 1 0.839
a
These variables were dummy coded.
Table 5. Ordinary least squares regression model of critical environmental factors explaining the year effect for non-physical aggression
Variable B t Beta p
Percentage of Pacific Islander patrons (0 – 30%) 4.94 3.72 0.26 0.000
Male swearing (1 = high; 2 = medium; 3 = low; 4 = none) 7 0.21 7 3.15 7 0.22 0.002
Call management with intoxicated and ordering patrons 7 0.43 7 2.34 7 0.16 0.020
(1 = yes; 2 = sometimes; 3 = no/missing)
Chairs with armrests (1 = yes; 2 = no/missing) 0.30 2.21 0.15 0.029
Year (1 = 1994; 2 = 1996) 7 0.02 7 0.28 7 0.02 0.784
Constant 39.59 0.29 0.775Making licensed venues safer for patrons 29
seem to have become more civil and certainly more Police Service: National Campaign Against Drug
female-friendly, with consequent benefits for safety. Abuse Law Enforcement Fund, and by the Criminol-
Importantly, these processes do not simply reflect the ogy Research Council.
effects of alcohol or drunkenness, as they had indepen-
dent effects in explaining reductions in aggression.
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The research in this report was supported by the
Queensland Department of Health and the QueenslandDrug and Alcohol Review
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