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Journal of Middle Eastern
Politics and Policy
A Harvard Kennedy School student publication
Beyond Borders:
Middle East In Empire, Diaspora, And Global Transitions
This issue is dedicated to the tenth anniversary
of the Syrian revolution
Spring 2021
Journal of Middle Eastern
Politics and Policy
Beyond Borders:
Middle East In Empire, Diaspora, And Global Transitions
This issue is dedicated to the tenth anniversary
of the Syrian revolution
Spring 2021
Spring 2020 i
Staff
Editor in Chief Associate Editors
Reilly Barry Michael Johns, Jr. – Regional Security & Iran
Gilad Kabilo – Military-Security & Israel
Managing Editor Joseph Leone – Levant
Ghazi Ghazi Xuechen Wang – Gulf
Senir Staff Writer
Mouhanad Al Rifay
Staff Writers
Christina Bouri
Sumaya Malas
Copyright
The Journal of Middle Eastern Politics and Policy does not accept responsibility for the views
expressed by individual authors. No part of the publication may be reproduced or transmitted
in any form without the expressed written consent of the editors of the Journal of Middle
Eastern Politics and Policy. © 2021 by the President and Fellows of Harvard College. All rights
reserved. Except as otherwise specified, no article or portion herein is to be reproduced or
adapted to other works without the expressed written consent of the editors of the Journal of
Middle Eastern Politics and Policy.
ii Journal of Middle East Politics and Policy
Acknowledgements Martha Foley, Publisher Richard Parker, Faculty Advisor Tanner Jensen, Copy Editor Lilliana Ballesteros, Layout Design The Journal of Middle Eastern Politics and Policy would like to thank a number of individuals and institutions whose support proved invaluable to the production of this edition. These include Martha Foley, publisher; Richard Parker, faculty advisor; and the HKS Journals Office, without whose patient guidance none of this would have been possible. Additionally, we would like to thank the entire Middle East Initiative staff for their generous contributions to the journal’s long-term sustainability and strategic vision. We would especially like to thank our staff for their commitment, hard work, and attentiveness to detail, consistently demonstrated throughout the editing process. Spring 2021 iii
Table of Contents Letter from the Editor 2 Reilly Barry Inside the Houthi state: Intolerance and silencing of dissent 5 Fatima Abo Alasrar What We Ignore, We Empower: Five Decades of Despair Under the Assad Regime 9 Oula A. Alrifai Interview with Jay (Jihad) Abdo: “The pain of refugees is a part of me . . . I don’t only study the pain of a character I’m playing, I carry it with me.” 13 Mouhanad Al Rifay Iraq-US Relations: An Iraqi Perspective 18 Muhammad Al-Waeli The New ‘New Middle East’: On Palestine, Normalization and 22 US Foreign Policy Agenda Ramzy Baroud Refugees and the COVID-19 Pandemic in Jordan 28 Christina Bouri Posts to Protests: Looking at Instagram’s Role in the 2019 Lebanese Revolution 31 Ghazi Ghazi and Christina P. Walker The (Apparent) Death of the Arab-Israel Conflict as We Know it 38 Avi Issacharoff A Golden Opportunity for a Middle East Strategic Alliance 41 Gilad Kabilo iv Journal of Middle East Politics and Policy
Kissinger, Kerry, Kushner: Making and Missing Peace in the Middle East 44 Martin Kramer Reimagining US Foreign Policy in the Middle East: Alternatives to Ensure 48 Democracy and Create a Peaceful Path Forward Sumaya Malas Unnoticed Transitions: The Middle East and Georgia 52 Ekaterine Meiering-Mikadze From Reset to Rancor and Back Again: Assessing Turkey’s Tortuous 58 Approach to the Biden Administration Blaise Misztal Elizabeth R. Nugent, After Repression: How Polarization Derails 64 Democratic Transition Andrew O’Donohue Informal Control of the Turkish State: Lived Experiences from Kurdish Borderlands 67 Dilan Okcuoglu Decentering Europe: Thinking Beyond “Parting Ways” and Jewish-Arab Nostalgia 72 Atalia Omer Where is Iran? The complexities of Iranian diaspora ties to the homeland 77 Alex Shams The West in Retreat: Power Influence in the South Caucasus After the 89 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict Daniel Shapiro A Vision of a New Middle East - Then and Now 92 Gabi Siboni Spring 2021 1
Letter from the Editor Beyond Borders: Middle East In Empire, Diaspora, And Global Transitions Anthropologist Engseng Ho treats the topic of empire and diaspora as intertwined and complexly linked in his 2004 article, “Empire through Diasporic Eyes: A View from the Other Boat”, specifically focusing on Western empires and Muslim diaspora. Ho’s academic findings on the linkage between empire and diaspora inspired the basis of this edition. For the 7th print edition of the Journal of Middle Eastern Politics and Policy ( JMEPP), we wanted to look beyond domestic politics of individual countries in the region to 1) see how other regions interacted with the Middle East and vice versa, rather than operating inside restrictive geographic parameters, 2) explore how empire as a growing conceptual framework is complicating the nation-state scope of investigation, and 3) understand how the movement of peoples in the diaspora, including refugees, drives policy within and outside of the region’s territorial demarcations. Thus, in viewing politics and policy in the Middle East under the frameworks of empire, diaspora, and global transitions, fruitful conclusions can be drawn about where policy may go in the upcoming decade, viewing the importance of transregional connections as paramount. The Middle East saw its share of globe-altering events in the last year. While JMEPP seeks to offer original analysis beyond the headlines, almost all major contemporary regional developments have been addressed in the present edition. The list, of course, is not exhaustive, but includes the Abraham Accords and increasing international marginalization of Palestinians, the renewed fighting over Nagorno-Karabakh between Armenia and Azerbaijan, continued protests amidst crises and weakening state institutions in Lebanon, and the rise of Turkey’s aggressive imperial foreign policy, to name a few. While there are major global transitions afoot as relates to the region, there is also a lack of transition— sadly, the 10-year anniversary of the Syrian revolution marks little change for those living under the dictatorship of Bashar al-Assad. Likewise, the humanitarian crisis in Yemen persists. The edition discusses what may become of newly inaugurated President Biden’s policies toward the region, including the challenge of renegotiating the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action ( JCPOA) with Iran. And finally, the edition would be remiss to not address how Covid-19 has impacted the region. We took going “beyond borders” seriously. Alex Shams redefines Iran as a space by culture, rather than invisible lines marking political boundaries, and explores how this can foster better understanding during deep political divides between the US and Iran. Rethinking space 2 Journal of Middle East Politics and Policy
geographically, Omer explores spatial bounds between Europe (“not solely as geography, but as a set of ideological, intellectual, and political projects”) and the Middle East, arguing that “the Israel/Palestine case both symbolically and concretely represents the continuous presence of Europe in the region.” The inclusion of the Caucasus in this edition also exemplifies the porous nature of borders, exploring Georgia as a north-south borderland between Europe and the Middle East (Meiering-Mikadze). Additionally, Okcuoglu offers us an incredible portrait of the literal borderlands of Kurdistan and “the way people in the Kurdish borderlands experience state strategies for surveillance and control of populations,” thus, “shedding light on the informal source of state authority in contested borderlands: arbitrariness and uncertainty.” (Okcuoglu) In tackling Empire, we see vestiges of American imperial presence in Iraq (Al-Waeli), and the pattern of shifting empires and influences (Russia, Turkey, Iran) in the Caucasus and how that affected the fighting which broke out in July in Nagorno-Karabakh. Though historical acts of American imperialism still affect the region, multiple authors conclude that with the West “seen as busy with itself ” especially in the case of the Caucasus “former Russian, Ottoman and Persian empires” intersected and “their modern successor states meet and compete” (Meiering-Mikadze). Shapiro also defines the U.S. and the wider west in this arena as the only real geopolitical losers. The power of diaspora is undeniable in contemporary Middle East affairs. We feature powerful voices commemorating the Syrian revolution, and a featured interview with Syrian actor Jay Abdo now residing in the U.S. on what it means to be a refugee. These voices embolden calls to make Syria a priority in the Biden administration after so much tragedy—as Oula Alrifai puts it, “what we ignore, we empower.” Alex Shams beautifully takes up the nature of Iranian diaspora in the US, explaining the need for more diasporic organizations to make connections with contemporary Iran rather than demonizing it and focusing on solely ancient Persian culture—“ they often have a tendency to overlook Iran as a living, dynamic place, perpetuating the same stereotype of Iran as a land mired in backwardness since the 1979 Revolution.” We also explore the steps that Jordan, as the first country in the world to vaccinate refugees, took to immunize asylum seekers and refugees through Bouri’s analysis. Finally, we come to global transitions, including recognizing a lack of global transition regarding Syria and Yemen. The arguably biggest transition in the region was the normalization process between Israel and numerous Arab countries, and the Abraham Accords. We offer numerous perspectives on this historic turn; as some argue, “these US-brokered agreements give the United States a strategic edge. In the Middle East, America needs that more than ever.” (Kramer) In light of these developments, Baroud puts forth that “not only does normalization marginalize Palestinians, but it redefines the ‘enemy’ of Arabs altogether. And, “according to this new thinking, the Israeli occupation of Palestine is no longer a priority for some Arabs, but the supposedly expansionist Shia Iran is.” Kabilo also focuses on Iran here. He offers an alternative Spring 2021 3
vision to the JCPOA, and what it could offer to the Biden administration, a plan “consolidating a center of gravity consisting of moderate Sunni states against Iran, connected by intelligence, security and economic cooperation.” Additional transitions in the use of technology in social protests are explored by Ghazi and Walker, and Misztal takes us through new horizons in what is possible for a once strategic alliance between Turkey and the US. While many of these major transitions have been lauded, others view the region mired in familiar and repetitive past issues. Baroud takes us back to what George W. Bush harkened as a “New Middle East” in 2008, to stabilize the region in favor of American-Israeli interests, and comments that through “the constant targeting of Israel’s enemies throughout the region and more, it is clear that US foreign policymakers are still committed to the [old] New Middle East idea.” Along these lines, Malas remarks that “Although President Biden claimed that ‘Diplomacy is back!’ at the Munich Security Conference earlier this year, his subsequent February strike in eastern Syria indicated business as usual.” Ultimately, it may be that, as Omer tells us, “New horizons for the Middle East cannot be imagined without grappling with Europe’s persistent presence and historical entanglement in the region.” Politics and policy in the region are as complex as ever. Where there are global transitions, there is also a lack of transition in important developments and humanitarian crises, and we believe that investigating the region across borders, and through the lens of empire and diaspora, offers us the best way to understand the most pressing issues facing the region within and without. Reilly Barry Editor-in-chief Journal of Middle Eastern Politics and Policy Spring 2021 4 Journal of Middle East Politics and Policy
Inside the Houthi state:
Intolerance and silencing of dissent
Fatima Abo Alasrar1
On 5 August 2015, eight unidentified armed entering its seventh year, with little awareness
men stormed the home of Dr. Abdulkader of the human rights abuses that citizens are
al-Junaid, forcibly detaining him. Dr. Al- enduring under the militia. The overwhelming
Junaid, a medical doctor from Yemen, was focus on the humanitarian situation has given
politically active on social media. His activism the Houthis the freedom to continue operating
was not tolerated by the Houthi insurgents with impunity.
who overthrew the internationally recognized Since the start of the conflict in September
government, sparking a civil war2. On the 2014, Houthis have shown no tolerance for any
day of his abduction, Dr. al-Junaid sent a political activity, leaving millions of Yemenis
message for the world to see, tweeting “Houthi completely isolated under their political and
militiamen are inside my home.” He spent 300 media control. Houthis worked systematically
days in prison, enduring abuse and helping to remove all facets of civil activism associated
fellow abductees, the majority of which were with the regime change during the Arab Spring
political activists. When he was released he of 2011, limiting protests, constraining freedom
found his home destroyed and was ultimately of assembly, and threatening activists. According
forced to leave. to UN agencies, there were 357 human rights
Unfortunately, most human rights abuses violations and abuses against journalists in
in Yemen are not reported for fear of reprisal Yemen nationwide, including 28 killings, two
by the Houthis. Many activists and defectors enforced disappearances, one abduction, 45
are reluctant to report crimes against them physical assaults, and 184 arbitrary arrests and
due to the risk it could pose on their families detentions.3 Abuses against civilians are also
and friends. Careful to keep the peace, many rampant. The Women Abductee Association,
remain quiet and wish for a quick end to the a women-led nonprofit organization in Yemen,
violence. However, Yemen’s conflict is now published in its 2018 report a shocking number
Spring 2021 5of 1,496 abduction cases, 54 of which were and arresting women. In 2018, this female force state-related unlawful detentions, and the took the lead in squashing a peaceful protest in rest were by the hands of the Houthi militia. Yemen’s capital Sana’a. They detained dozens The political culture that Yemeni civilians are of women affiliated with the former president’s experiencing now is paving the way to a deeply party, known as the General People’s Congress authoritarian state, entirely controlled by the Party (GPC), torturing many of them in the Houthis no matter how a political settlement Central Security Prison and other unauthorized looks like. facilities. Detained women were beaten by These abuses have gradually increased with batons and shoes, electrocuted, and forced to time. From 2015 to 2017, Houthis shared power sign affidavits of compliance, preventing them with the overthrown President Ali Abdullah from the right of assembly. Saleh, which allowed them to deepen their Most abuses, such as abductions or beating control of state institutions long-held by Saleh up of protestors, are now institutionalized loyalists. However, as the Houthis’ ambition by the Houthis to maintain a semblance and power grew, they imposed changes that of “legal” control over civilians in the areas violated social norms. This led to internal they govern. The Houthi authorities arrest disagreements between the Houthis and their officials, journalists, and religious minorities, local allies, resulting in killing Saleh after he often using them as a tool to push for more attempted to defect. concessions from Hadi’s government and the Unexpectedly, however, Saleh’s death international community. For this purpose, was a pivotal point in Yemen’s history. It Houthis used a Specialized Criminal Court has removed the last power that kept the in Sana’a’s northern capital, trying activists, Houthis in check and increased the Houthi journalists, and anyone who publicly disagreed movement’s vulnerability by exposing their with them. In April 2020, the Houthis’ court ties to Iran, a powerful regional actor seeking sentenced four journalists to death and six to rival Saudi Arabia and deepen its influence others to jail on charges of “publishing and in the region. In an attempt to keep things writing news, statements, false and malicious under control, Houthi authorities responded rumors and propaganda.”5 Many of these to protests with excessive force. They began arrests are publicized and covered daily in the recruiting their followers and sympathizers in Houthi-TV local media and satellite channels the security sector, spreading informants as a as a way to justify the abuses and normalize system of detecting internal threats and dissent. the Houthi authority’s actions against citizens. They have also found creative ways to gather As a non-state actor, the Houthis do not information and stop dissent from happening abide by international conventions or treaties. by training an all-female force, known as al- They have often portrayed themselves as victims Zainabiyat,4 in charge of collecting information of the conflict, shedding light on the crimes 6 Journal of Middle East Politics and Policy
committed by the Saudi-led coalition or the of Dammaj who resided in Saada’s Northern US drone warfare in the country to deflect communities in 2013 shortly before they from their criminal activity. The Houthi occupied other parts of the country. Houthis dynasty proclaims an Allah-given right to have also singled out the Bahais and Jews as govern Yemen as a unique advantage for the believers in two religions that should not be Zaydi religious elites, which violates the basic practiced in Yemen. Yemeni Jews, who hail tenants of Yemen’s constitution and the 2013 from the same region as the Houthis in Saada, National Dialogue Conference6—a mechanism were driven out by Houthi followers in 2008, that regulated Yemen’s transition after the losing their ancestral homes and possessions overthrow of Saleh. From this perspective, their overnight,7 with the last wave of Jews forced to use of threats, execution, arbitrary detention, leave this year. In a similar vein, members of the torture, and forced labor to maintain fearful Bahai community have gotten targeted. Hamed obedience is in service to a greater cause. Bin Haydara, the Bahai community leader, Under Abdulmalek al-Houthi, who serves was arrested in 2018 and sentenced to death as the supreme leader of the movement, it is along with other members of his faith. After a common to hear politically-charged messages two-year international pressure campaign on mobilizing against the aggression (mainly Saudi, the Houthis, he was ultimately released.8 Mr. Israel, and the United States) disseminated Haydara, who was forced to leave his home in his sermons and regularly broadcasted in for good, described the Houthis’ tactics as Houthi TV channels. Generally, there is no applying a policy of “silent extermination” of tolerance for messages outside of the Houthis’ the Baha’i cultural and social heritage, calling leadership broadcasts, which has left opposition it a “religious cleansing crime.”9 fearful of speaking out. Many activists and The Houthis strictly control Yemen’s economy civilians have steadily left Yemen, relocating in northern areas as all official government to neighboring countries including Saudi establishments, including the military, are Arabia, Turkey, Jordan, and Egypt. The brain now under their command. State resources drain in the country continues to rise, with are being funneled into the war effort, paying internal migration from the Houthi-held areas for weapons and military expertise despite to government-controlled areas in the South widespread shortages of food, fuel, healthcare, of the country. and other necessities. Because of their absolutist beliefs, Houthis State resources are also used to fund an have systematically limited religious freedom extensive surveillance network. The Houthis in Yemen and threatened other practices. They actively spied on citizens through technology have created myths about Sunni-sect followers and recruited informants who are paid directly by describing them as terrorists. They also by the Houthis. The informants monitor both targeted peaceful Salafi civilians in the institute civilians and foreign aid workers and all Yemeni Spring 2021 7
staff working with them, requiring reports Endnotes
detailing humanitarian organizations’ work
1 Fatima Abo Alasrar is a non-resident scholar at
including the United Nations and nonprofit the Middle East Institute in Washington DC and
organizations where it is imperative to rely on a former Mason Fellow at the Kennedy School of
local staff. Foreign journalists are often heavily Government.
2 Donna Kennedy-Glans,“When You Can’t
monitored and excluded from places the Houthi Go Home,” Beyond Polarity (blog), 30 May
do not want them to enter. 2017,https://beyondpolarity.blog/2017/05/30/
when-you-cant-go-home/
3 Mohammed Nasser,“Yemen: Human rights viola-
While Dr. al-Junaid has been released, there is still a tions against journalists, coming ‘from all quarters,’”
significant amount of prisoners and civilians facing UN News, 6 August 2020, https://news.un.org/
en/story/2020/08/1069652
unknown destinies in detention with or without 4 Fatimo Abo Alasrar,“Iran-Backed Yemeni Houthis
hope of deliverance. This is why there needs to Abuse Women to Silence Opposition,” Inside
Arabia, 27 January 2020, https://insidearabia.
be a more prominent call to action regarding the com/iran-backed-yemeni-houthis-abuse-wom-
human rights of civilians living in conflict. The en-to-silence-opposition/
United Nations and the rest of the international 5 Ahmed Al-Haj,“Yemen’s Houthi rebels
sentence 4 reporters to death,” Associated
community need to be aware of the Houthis’ Press, 11 April 2020, https://apnews.com/
propensity to pressure and coerce civilians as a way article/26befb18736199bf2b511f722d004a01
6 “Process Lessons Learned in Yemen’s National
to extract political concessions from their opponents Dialogue,” United States Institute of Peace [PDF
or as means for leverage during UN-backed file], accessed 12 March 2021, https://www.usip.
negotiations. It is imperative that any attempt to org/sites/default/files/SR342_Process-Les-
sons-Learned-in-Yemens-National-Dialogue.pdf
resolve the conflict in Yemen focuses primarily on 7 Haviv Rettig Gur,“Yemen: Empty Jewish
citizens’ well-being in both the short and long-term, homes destroyed,” The Jerusalem Post, 7 April
2008, https://www.jpost.com/international/
reducing the possibilities of them falling into another yemen-empty-jewish-homes-destroyed.
tyrannical system that is even worse than the one 8 Saeed Al-Batati,“Leader of Baha’is in Yemen
they overthrew. complains of ‘systematic’ Houthi repression,” Arab
News, 21 November 2020, https://www.arabnews.
com/node/1766391/middle-east.
9 Ibid.
8 Journal of Middle East Politics and PolicyWhat We Ignore, We Empower:
Five Decades of Despair Under the Assad Regime
By Oula A. Alrifai
While March 12 marks fifty years of dictatorship ourselves. Our fate seems to be decided by
and terror in Syria since Hafez al-Assad’s tyranny. But is this how it should be? I refuse
infamous coup d’etat, March 15 is the 10th to accept that.
anniversary of the Syrian revolution against I see Syrians holding Bashar al-Assad and
the Assad regime. For most Syrians, since at his father’s regime accountable for all the crimes
least 2011, the very idea of home is shifting they have committed against them. Without
beneath their feet. A whole nation has gone accountability, the future would be even darker.
forcibly homeless during the past ten years. The daily horror Syria has witnessed during
Having fled my hometown, Damascus, in the past ten years in front of the eyes of the
2005 as a result of direct death threats from world is nothing like it has seen before. After
Bashar al-Assad, my family and I continue to a decade of utmost despair, will Syrians one
struggle to make sense of the idea of home. day be free? I want to believe so. I want to
Where is home and what does it mean? Most see it happen. As I debate this question in
people do not navigate life between the layers my mind, I am reminded of Gandhi’s words:
like I do. Being an immigrant yesterday, today, “Remember that all through history, there have
and tomorrow, I am constantly thinking of been tyrants and murderers, and for a time, they
which part of me belongs and blends the most, seem invincible. But in the end, they always
and what aspects of my being provoke the least. fall. Always.” I dream of Syria as a country
I search for home in the bits and pieces of my where the people determine the destiny of the
day, every day. Sometimes it makes sense, but nation, not one man! Not one family! Bashar
most of the time it is a struggle. Perhaps the al-Assad will never change, he only knows how
idea of home is this for now; it is the collective to destroy a country and burn it down. And
pain Syrians carry with them on this earth. We silence emboldens his illness. Bashar al-Assad
share this home regardless of where we find must not be allowed to grow stronger.1 Syrian
Spring 2021 9immigrants and refugees across the globe share set foot in the United States. My blurred vision
this home of pain, while they dream of a home at the time was nothing more than a necessary
of freedom, justice, and basic human rights. transitional period during which I had to learn
For four decades prior, Syrians suffered how to see again, how to live again, and how
in silence. And during this past decade they to regain my sense of purpose.
found themselves always lost and always asking Overcoming hardships are ideals embraced
for directions. They feel stuck in a tornado by my family, and their historical struggle and
blowing them whichever way the wind blows. accomplishments keep me moving forward.
They pack their identity in a suitcase looking On my mother’s side, my great-grandmother
for a new home to plant their roots; hoping was an English teacher in Haifa during the
that where there are roots there is power, only British Mandate of Palestine, while my great-
to be confronted with the reality that they are grandfather obtained (by mail) a PhD in civil
merely topsoil. They work hard and succeed, engineering from Bennett College of Sheffield.
yet they still feel homeless, estranged, and In 1948, my grandmother with her parents
out of place. Their lives have to fit in a small fled their hometown Haifa to Syria when she
luggage for the journey ahead. Most of the was six years old. They found refuge at the
childhood photos are gone. Only a few are ancient Jobar Synagogue in Damascus. In
saved and carried from land to land. Their Syria, she grew up to become one of the first
hopes and dreams are shattered. They belong female medical doctors in the 1960s and was
nowhere, yet they strive to fit everywhere; in the one who instilled in me a strong work ethic
the places in between. They are never seen. and the value of education: something no one
They should be seen. can take away. On my father’s side, the Alrifai
I am a Syrian by birth and an American by family is highly respected as leading Islamic
choice. On 7 September 2005, my family and I scholars, ulama’, in Syria. Because of the Assad
were forced to flee Syria. Although I despised regime, I lost my maternal grandfather who
the system I grew up in, it was still painful died under torture in Assad’s prisons in early
being uprooted. My family and I did not leave 1980s. I also lost my father in 1991 due to
Syria by choice. No. That choice was made for health complications as a result of torture by
us by the Syrian authorities whose sole claim the Assads. And in 2005, I lost my country
to legitimacy lies in the fact that they have due to direct death threats to my mother
power, and whose only reason for ordering and stepfather. Pain is carried on from one
us to leave our country was their desire not to generation to another. When will this end?
be held accountable for the way they exercise As an American, we have the resources to
their power. The willful blindness that was a help before our collective neglect can never
necessary part of my existence in Syria and be undone. America can be a leader with the
made life tolerable was removed the moment I integrity to tell the truth in a world that lacks
10 Journal of Middle East Politics and Policyit. America has the power to make people listen Oula A. Alrifai is a fellow in The Washington
and the grit to act on it.“We the people” are the Institute’s Geduld Program on Arab Politics and
hope of the oppressed, in Syria and everywhere. a former asylee from Syria. She holds a BA from
Millions of Syria’s children2 are crying for help. the University of Maryland and an MA from
We have to resist becoming numb to their Harvard. Her thesis at Harvard, “The Self-
sorrow.3 And we should all be sorry for the Flagellation of a Nation: Assad, Iran, and Regime
loss of life. Dwight D. Eisenhower once said Survival in Syria,” focused on the development
“when children are starving, how can we in the of the Iranian-Syrian relationship in the 1970s
future expect them to be apostles of peace?” For and 1980s through the lens of religio-political
four decades, the voices of millions of Syrians dynamics.
were muted by tyranny and fear. But since
2011, Syrians have broken the fear only to Alrifai is the executive producer of the award-
face violence, torture, terrorism, barrel bombs, winning documentary Tomorrow’s Children,
chemical weapons, kidnappings, assassinations, which explores the plight of Syrian refugees forced
mass graves, regional politics, international into child labor in Turkey. The documentary is
politics, egos, interests, the list goes on and available to stream on Amazon Prime. Prior to
on. Syrians do not have the luxury to survive rejoining The Washington Institute, Alrifai worked
additional cascading scenes of policy failure. at the Middle East Initiative at the Harvard
Syria’s human rights activists and freedom Kennedy School.
fighters, most of whom are no longer with
us, have sacrificed their lives for freedom and Endnotes
democracy.4 Their legacy should be carried on
1 Oula Alrifai,“Assad is growing stronger under
and their dreams should be fulfilled, at least for Trump’s nonexistent Syria policy,” The Wash-
their children. America must not be implicit. ington Post, 29 December 2019, https://www.
washingtonpost.com/opinions/2019/12/29/
In fact, the brutal dictator is giving President assad-is-growing-stronger-under-trumps-nonexis-
Biden every reason to prioritize Syria.5 tent-syria-policy/.
2 John Michael Baglione,“The not lost generation,”
To save Syria, America’s policy must change. It The Harvard Gazette, 18 October 2017, https://
cannot be a continuation of the status quo. It is time news.harvard.edu/gazette/story/2017/10/syri-
to correct past mistakes of prior US administrations. an-asylees-release-documentary-to-highlight-strug-
gles-of-child-refugees/.
Sectarianism, a failed healthcare system, a collapsed 3 SANAD Syria,“Tomorrow’s Children – Trailer,”
economy, 6 displacement, 7 and human rights YouTube, 16 October 2017, https://www.youtube.
com/watch?v=haqdB4EFZyY.
violations are problems of the future in Syria if we 4 Oula Alrifai,“In Memoriam: Raed Fares and the
stay silent. These problems are certainly the only banners of Kafranbel,” Journal of Middle Eastern
future Syrians have, if we fail to act now. Because Politics and Policy, 12 December 2018, https://
jmepp.hkspublications.org/2018/12/12/in-memo-
it is a simple truth: what we ignore, we empower. riam-raed-fares-and-the-banners-of-kafranbel/.
Spring 2021 115 Aaron Y. Zelin and Oula Alrifai,“Assad Is
Giving Biden Every Reason to Prioritize
Syria,” The Washington Institute for Near
East Policy, 3 March 2021, https://www.
washingtoninstitute.org/policy-analysis/
assad-giving-biden-every-reason-prioritize-syria.
6 Oula Alrifai,“Syria’s Economic Crisis Sparks Rare
Protests in Regime Territory,” The Washington
Institute for Near East Policy, 31 January 2020,
https://www.washingtoninstitute.org/policy-anal-
ysis/syrias-economic-crisis-sparks-rare-protests-re-
gime-territory.
7 Oula Alrifai,“How the U.S. Can Help Ease
Idlib’s Catastrophe,” The Washington Institute
for Near East Policy, 14 March 2020, https://
www.washingtoninstitute.org/policy-analysis/
how-us-can-help-ease-idlibs-catastrophe.
12 Journal of Middle East Politics and PolicyInterview with Jay (Jihad) Abdo:
“The pain of refugees is a part of me . . . I don’t only study
the pain of a character I’m playing, I carry it with me.”
By Mouhanad Al Rifay
In 2011 Jay, Fadia and hundreds of thousands,
if not millions, of ordinary and not so ordinary
Syrians tore out the bloody gags that choked
them for generations. The couple couldn’t simply
march down the streets of Damascus or Homs
Photo by Fadia Afashe
alongside peaceful protesters, they had to be
careful. Jay and Fadia are well known artists
with a responsibility and public influence that
attract the regime’s ire, violence and retribution.
Nonetheless, unlike the majority of Syrian
On 24 October 2020 Syrian-American artists they refused to be muzzled, especially as
Hollywood actor Jay ( Jihad) Abdo cast his vote the Assad regime’s military industrial complex
for the first time ever in a presidential election. dropped its barrel bombs, missiles, and chemical
He and his wife Fadia Afashe, a lawyer and weapons over Syrian cities indiscriminately,
visual artist, were never allowed to participate intentionally targeting civilians and wiping
in free elections before or even have the choice out entire neighborhoods that rose against it.
to vote for a presidential candidate whom In the years leading up to the 2011 uprising,
they felt connected with. Jay and Fadia were dubbed the Dignity Revolution, Syrian artists
silenced citizens. They didn’t choose to be were organized into informal camps depending
silent, they were gagged by a bloody regime on their relationship with the Assad regime and
to which violence has no limits. Yet in the the intelligence apparatus. Those favored by the
2020 US election, along with thousands of regime establishment had more opportunities
Syrian-Americans, Jay and Fadia made their to rise within the Syrian scene of visual and
voices heard loudly. performing arts. Others who maintained a
Spring 2021 13distance from the regime like Jay and Fadia, Early in 2011 during the popular peaceful were “used for the regime’s narrative” Jay told me uprising, Jay and Fadia were full of hope. They over the phone.“The regime uses the opposition believed that true change was possible and that to showcase an illusion of democracy projected Syria was on the cusp of a historic moment in at the free world,” a fake facade of controlled which its democratic aspirations were finally characters playing parts in a false narrative tangible. “Fadia and I were excited to see the fooling no one. Some artists voluntarily played regime fall or implement true systemic reform the role; others had no choice. in the Syrian constitution and state institutions Given his success and fame in Syrian drama, . . . we didn’t expect the regime to be this film and television, Jay found himself frequently bloody and stupid.” When the regime started invited to speak at talk shows produced by the committing massacres, “I wanted it to fall, but Syrian state television about liberty, human I was terrified,” Jay said earnestly. “I was so rights, and equality with other liberal and afraid to speak up because I lived under two progressive artists from his small circle of friends bloody dictatorships, that of Hafez Al-Assad and colleagues. “We attempted to express our in Syria and Nicolae Ceaușescu in Romania. I hopes and ideals through our work, despite know what it means to live in fear.” In 1980 Jay the circumstances forced upon us. Our scripts received a scholarship to study civil engineering and scenarios showcased a thirst for freedom, in Cluj-Napoca, Romania, and graduated democracy and justice,” Jay said,“justifying our in 1987. During his time there, communist covert activism as a response to statements and Romanian dictator Nicolae Ceaușescu and opinions expressed by the President [Bashar Al- his wife Elena ruled Romania with an iron Assad] himself ” and embodied in the regime’s fist, devastating the country and its people. narrative of counterfeit democracy. Nicolae and Elena, were executed by a firing They chose to remain distanced, despite the squad on Christmas Day in 1989 after being privileges provided by the regime to favored convicted of geneocide. artists. “I never received any support from the The regime’s illusion of civil modernity and Syrian state or statesmen. I was always chosen Bashar Al-Assad’s narrative of democracy, for roles based on my talent and abilities to spearheaded by his British wife Asma, was play the characters. In fact,” Jay said “I was shattered by his bloodthirsty military campaign told by producers that my name was forcefully against Syrian civilians, whose only fault removed from casting lists on orders of the was demanding true implementation of the regime, or that I was denied a leading role in democratic narrative.“We couldn’t imagine the favor of a regime favorite.” Multiple branches extent of the regime’s violence and brutality.” of the Syrian intelligence apparatus have to By October of 2011, Jay had to flee Syria grant official approvals for film and television after stating in an interview with the Los productions. Angeles Times that “the government, military, 14 Journal of Middle East Politics and Policy
intelligence branches, and the President are within months . . . the regime was destined to
responsible for the bloodshed.” For weeks he fall,” he said. “You’ll laugh at me if I tell you
was harassed and intimidated by the state this, but I left some dishes in the sink and gave
media, pressuring him to apologize and praise the plants extra water, enough for a month.” Jay
the dictator Bashar Al-Assad publicly. He exhaled telling me that he had made two years’
“didn’t respond to their pressures, but couldn’t worth of mortgage payments before leaving.
say no,” especially after a number of his artist “It’s all gone now . . . like all of Syria. Money is
friends were arrested and disappeared like nothing, so many young men and women are
Zaki Cordello and Samar Kokash, both actors. gone . . . Who cares about money?”
“Samar Kokash was detained for five years after “In Syria life is expendable, it’s worthless.
helping an injured young girl, and donating Doesn’t matter if you’re a scientist, a woman
bread to [internally displaced] people sleeping or a child . . . in Syria your life is worthless.”
under street trees in Damascus . . . five years. By the end of 2011, Jay and Fadia decided
. . she was like a flower.” to apply for political asylum in the US. As
Jay had planned to meet with Zaki Cordello death threats and violence increased, they
to produce slogans for the revolution, yet Zaki knew there was no way back to Syria. For them,
was arrested the day before. Syria was home no more. Almost overnight,
Fadia was already in the United States in Jay found himself working as an Uber driver
August 2011 studying at the University of and delivering pizza and flowers in LA, where
Minnesota, months after the revolution began, he and Fadia relocated to after her graduation
when the famous Syrian political cartoonist from the University of Minnesota. “I enjoyed
Ali Ferzat was kidnapped and assaulted by Uber. I got to know many different people, and
an armed pro-Assad militia in Damascus after very interesting characters that helped me learn
releasing multiple anti-government cartoons more about the American society” Jay told me
ridiculing Bashar Al-Assad. They hammered with a diligent voice, “It made me feel like I
his hands, intentionally smashing his fingers, belong, even though I made very little money.”
as a warning statement to artists who dared Fadia waited fifteen months or more for
use their craft and public influence against her work permit, while Jay tried to secure a
the Assad regime. Battered and bloodied, living auditioning for acting roles in LA. They
Ali Ferzat was dumped on the side of the filled their time volunteering for nonprofit
Damascus International Airport highway. organizations that provided help for Syrian
As Ali Ferzat’s story shocked the world and refugees in the US and abroad. “Just like we
received wide international coverage, Fadia needed help, many
urged Jay to leave Syria. other people did too. So we tried our best,
Four days after Jay received his US visa, with the little resources we had.”
he left Damascus. “I thought I would return Jay introduced himself to Hollywood playing
Spring 2021 15small unpaid roles in short films directed by
young graduating film students, whom he met
while volunteering at various nonprofits in LA.
Little did he know that his small steps were in
fact paving the way for a major breakthrough
starring alongside Academy Award winner
Nicole Kidman and actor James Franco in
the 2015 major motion picture Queen of the
Desert, directed by German film director
Werner Herzog.
“Herzog was looking for an authentic
Levantine actor to play the role. He didn’t
want someone who appeared from the region,
he wanted an actor from the region who
Photo by Roman Cho
understood the culture and spoke the Arabic
language. And I was able to add to the role
because I play the Rebab and recite poetry,”
Jay explained. In Queen of the Desert, Jay in
fact plays the Rebab on screen, possibly for the
first time in a major western motion picture. Documents, and Fadia had to pull some strings.
And in 2016, Jay starred in A Hologram for Three of Jay’s short films were shortlisted for
the King alongside Tom Hanks. Academy Awards: Bon Voyage (2016), Facing
Like most refugees and asylum seekers in the Mecca (2017), and Refugee (2020). Each of
United States, Jay was unable to use his Syrian the three shorts depicts a different juncture in
passport for any international travel. He had to the overarching plight experienced by millions
apply for a Refugee Travel Document, which of refugees worldwide, particularly Syrian
has its own special process and is issued by the refugees crossing the Mediterranean Sea or
USCIS. “I almost missed filming Queen of the fleeing indiscriminate bombardment of their
Desert on location in Morocco. I almost hometowns by the Assad regime military.
missed all the films, but Fadia, a young Being a refugee himself, Jay’s performance
lawyer, gave me the greatest support.” Fadia transformed completely. “I think of the
independently followed up with USCIS, and characters on a much deeper level than before.
expedited the process for Jay. And she also Their pain is now mine, not that of other people.
helped secure him the necessary visas, explaining The pain of refugees is a part of me, my essence
to Arab embassies the urgency. Arab states and my existence. I don’t only study the pain
do not formally recognize Refugee Travel of a character I’m playing, I carry it with me.”
16 Journal of Middle East Politics and PolicyWith a doleful tone, he said “there is now a organization dedicated to the education of Syrian
sense of unity, an equality, between the character children. In 2018, Al Rifay released his first short
and me.” Despite his academic and extensive documentary, “Tomorrow’s Children,” that exposes
professional background, Jay now wields his the suffering of six Syrian refugee children forced into
own personal experiences, and those of his child labor. “Tomorrow’s Children” won the Impact
friends and colleagues, to enrich the characters Award at the 2018 San Francisco International
he plays on the screen, that otherwise may fall Festival of Short Films, and is now available on
flat or seem one dimensional. Amazon Prime. Al Rifay also helped produce a
In 2017 Jay and Fadia attended the 89th weekly Arabic-speaking political program that
Academy Awards ceremony, carrying with them interviewed US policymakers, and published many
the aching hearts, pride, hopes and aspirations articles in leading publications like the Huffington
of a broken people from a shattered land Post and Lebanese Daily Star. He has been
called Syria. And in 2020, as the Syrian civil involved in the Syrian democracy movement years
war entered its 10th year, with their newly before the uprising, disseminating information
freed voices Jay and Fadia voted loudly against about human rights violations to Western media,
injustice and stood firmly for the intrinsic right and was featured in many media outlets including
of immigrants and refugees to live in peace, The Washington Post, Lawfare, NPR, AJ+,
free from fear or persecution. Al Jazeera Arabic, and the Harvard Gazette.
Al Rifay was a political asylee and received US
Mouhanad Al Rifay, senior staff writer at the citizenship in 2015.
Harvard Journal for Middle East Politics and
Policy.
Mouhanad Al Rifay, is a Syrian-American
award- winning documentary filmmaker,
humanitarian, and human rights activist. At
Harvard’s CMES he is focused on journalism and
narrative writing, and developing further expertise
in Middle East focused critical political and cultural
commentary. After graduating from the University
of Maryland, College Park in 2014 with a BA
in psychology, international development and
conflict management, Al Rifay managed various
USAID-funded programs at leading international
development organizations in Washington, DC.
He also co-founded the Syrian-American Network
for Aid and Development (SANAD), a nonprofit
Spring 2021 17Iraq-US Relations:
An Iraqi Perspective
Muhammad Al-Waeli
After four turbulent years of the Trump to limit the regime’s reprisals, coalition forces
presidency, the world waits to see how the implemented no-fly zones in the northern and
Biden administration will approach global southern regions.2 While the Kurdish north
affairs. Iraq will be one of the crucial foreign benefited from the no-fly zone and achieved
policy issues for the United States. As most de-facto autonomy from the regime, the Shia
commentary is written from a US perspective, in the south were punished by Saddam’s forces
there is a definite lack of insights from an Iraqi for their uprising. It is believed that one reason
point of view. This essay aims to shed light on the United States did not further intervene to
the shortcomings of the US approach towards support Iraqis and prevent the crackdown by
Iraq in the past and how to remedy that going Saddam’s Republican Guard was the fear that
forward. the Shia, if successful in their revolt, would
One of the core issues regarding the Iraq-US establish a government in Baghdad that would
relationship is that the US always approaches tilt towards Iran.3
Iraq with Iran in mind. This issue predates the After 2003, and most recently during the
fall of Saddam Hussein and precedes both him Trump presidency, the ”Iran framework” of
and the Iranian Revolution, which toppled an US policy towards Iraq has become clear. The
American ally. Afterwards, the United States United States chose to strike Iraqi targets it
supported Saddam in an eight-year-long war deemed close to Iran.4 When Iraq’s parliament
against Iran, which resulted in a destroyed called for US troops’ withdrawal from Iraq,
Iraqi army and economy. the American response was dismissive,
After Saddam’s invasion of Kuwait was met contradictory, and rather hostile.5
with a global coalition that led to his withdrawal, The region reached a perilous point when
Iraqis revolted against the regime in the north the United States assassinated the Iranian
and south.1 To detect military buildup and Quds Force Commander Qasem Soleimani
18 Journal of Middle East Politics and Policyand Abu Mahdi Al-Muhandis, the deputy some activists who are seen to be working head of Iraq’s Popular Mobilization Forces, with foreign powers have become targets for on Iraqi soil.6 Disregarding the animosity violence. In 2018, several activists visited the between the United States and Iran, this put American consulate in Basra and had photos Iraq in a difficult spot. Soleimani was on an taken there. In 2020, one of those activists was official visit, and his assassination resulted in assassinated.10 While the investigation has Iran putting a lot of pressure on Iraq. It later not yet yielded any definite result, it did lead provoked the Iranians to strike the Ain Al- to questions being asked as to how wise it is Asad base on Iraqi soil despite US presence. for the protest movement and its activists to In the end, Al-Muhandis was an Iraqi official, receive public support from foreign missions. regardless of his opposition to US presence in It also raised concerns amongst Iraqis, who Iraq. These actions convey a clear message to are suspicious of foreign intervention, that the Iraqis that one wrong move by the United the US might exploit the protest movement States can disrupt the delicate balance they have to pursue its agenda despite risks involved been struggling to maintain.7 This and other for activists. A safer approach could be for behaviour demonstrates that the United States the protestors to remain unaffiliated in the has always approached Iraq with Iran in mind. geopolitical competition in Iraq. Their focus Another critical issue that Iraqis face today should be on the protesters’ legitimate demands. is foreign intervention in political activism in Alternatively, those with political ambitions the country. While protests have occurred on could establish their own political parties and multiple occasions after 2003, the October 2019 thus participate in the political process, as is protest movement was distinguished by its size currently happening. and its ability to force the resignation of Prime From an economic standpoint, Iraqis always Minister Adil Abdul Mahdi’s government.8 thought that after the United States ousted Since then, there has been some concern that Saddam Hussein in 2003, Iraq might turn Iraq’s skillful political players might politicize into another Germany, Japan, or South Korea. the protest movement and hijack the protesters’ Admittedly, this was an overly optimistic view demands. and Iraq did not even achieve the same level of Furthermore, there have also been concerns economic prosperity as its neighbors. Although that foreign intervention in the protest there are many reasons why this did not happen, movement could make the movement an essential one is the US role in rebuilding vulnerable. The United States seems to have Iraq. In the last decade, American aid programs engaged in such intervention, for example when were plagued by many issues, as several US former Secretary of State Mike Pompeo made Inspector Generals have commented on.11 public comments supporting the anti-Iranian Except for a few examples, these aid projects sentiment of some of the protests.9 As a result, have sadly become known for heavy corruption Spring 2021 19
and mismanagement. Endnotes
The United States keeps pressuring Iraq
1 Faleh A. Al-Jabbar,“Why the Uprisings Failed,”
to stop importing Iranian gas, instead of Middle East Report, no. 176, May/June 1992: 2-14.
helping the country achieve independence doi:10.2307/3012605.
from Iran in its energy supply.12 Currently, 2 Scott L. Silliman,“The Iraqi Quagmire: Enforcing
the No-Fly Zones,” 36 New England Law Review
the import of Iranian gas is essential for Iraq’s 36, (2002): 767-773.
electricity production. The United States also 3 Daniel Byman,“After the Storm: U.S. Policy toward
Iraq since 1991,” Political Science Quarterly 115,
substantially reduced the timeframe for Iranian no.4 (2000): 493-516. doi:10.2307/2657607.
gas import waivers from several months to 4 Barbara Starr, Kevin Bohn, and Ross Levitt,“US
as low as anywhere from 45 days to three Strikes 5 Facilities in Iraq and Syria Linked to
Iranian-Backed Militia,” CNN, 30 December 2019.
months.13 The bottom line is that Iraqis are https://www.cnn.com/2019/12/29/politics/us-
still suffering from a lack of electricity and strikes-iran-backed-militia-facilities-in-iraq-syria/
index.html.
necessary infrastructure. 5 Felicia Sonmez, Paige Winfield Cunningham,
The Strategic Framework Agreement and Tony Room,“Pompeo Dismisses Iraqi
(FSA), signed between the US and Iraq in Leader’s Call for All Foreign Troops to Leave,”
The Washington Post, 5 January 2020. http://
2008, represents a bright spot in the US-Iraq www.washingtonpost.com/politics/pompeo-dis-
relationship.14 The FSA aims at laying the misses-iraqi-leaders-call-for-all-foreign-troops-to-
leave/2020/01/05/401dce62-2fc4-11ea-9313-
foundation for a friendship and long-term 6cba89b1b9fb_story.html.; “Iraqi Parliament Calls
cooperation between the two countries and for Troop Withdrawal: What next for the United
regards Iraq’s sovereignty as a cornerstone of States?” Atlantic Council, 8 January 2020. https://
www.atlanticcouncil.org/blogs/new-atlanticist/
the agreement. Yet after signing the agreement, iraqi-parliament-calls-for-troop-withdrawal-what-
Iraqis were not able to see much positive change. next-for-the-united-states/.; Amanda Macias, Dan
Mangan, and Christina Wilkie,“US Military Says
Furthermore, when Iraqis see the United States General’s Letter Announcing Iraq Withdrawal
pulling out of a comprehensive, multilateral, Was a Mistake: ‘This Is Not What’s Happening,’”
and undeniably crucial international agreement CNBC, 6 January 2020. https://www.cnbc.
com/2020/01/06/letter-announcing-iraq-
such as the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action withdrawal-was-mistake-us-says.html.; Rebecca
( JCPOA), it raises concerns about how serious Falconer,“Trump Threatens Iraq with Sanctions
‘like They’ve Never Seen before’ If It Asks U.S. to
the US is about the FSA agreement.15 Applying Leave,” Axios, 6 January 2020. https://www.axios.
the FSA could be a great way to remedy the com/trump-threatens-iraq-iran-sanctions-sites-
US-Iraq relationship going forward. Addressing 06abb035-1eaf-42ec-8135-b9f82269529c.html.
6 Muhammad Al-Waeli,“Where Is the
Iraq’s economic issues might be better for public U.S. Heading in Iraq?” 1001 Iraqi
diplomacy in the eyes of the Iraqi people than Thoughts (blog), 19 January 2020.
https://1001iraqithoughts.com/2020/01/19/
striking US adversaries on Iraqi soil. where-is-the-u-s-heading-in-iraq/.
7 Muhammad Al-Waeli,“Iraq’s Foreign Policy
Balance,” 1001 Iraqi Thoughts (blog), 24 July 2020.
https://1001iraqithoughts.com/2020/07/24/
iraqs-foreign-policy-balance/.
20 Journal of Middle East Politics and Policy8 Catherine Kim,“Iraqi Prime Minister Adel Abdul
Mahdi Resigns amid Anti-Government Protests,”
Vox, 30 November 2019. https://www.vox.com/
world/2019/11/30/20989112/iraq-prime-minis-
ter-adel-abdul-mahdi-resigns-anti-government-pro-
tests.
9 Ibrahim Al-Marashi,“Iraqi and Iranian Youth Are
Not Fooled by Trump and Pompeo’s Cynical Rhet-
oric.” Middle East Eye, 15 January 2020, http://
www.middleeasteye.net/opinion/how-trump-and-
pompeo-manipulated-protests-iraq-and-iran.
10 “Iraq: Prominent Female Activist Killed by
Unknown Gunmen in Basra,” Al Jazeera, 20
August 2020. https://www.aljazeera.com/
news/2020/8/20/iraq-prominent-female-activist-
killed-by-unknown-gunmen-in-basra.
11 Zach Toombs and Aaron Mehta,“U.S. Official
Says Government Wasted $6-8 Billion in Iraq
Reconstruction,” Center for Public Integrity, 17 July
2012. https://publicintegrity.org/national-secu-
rity/u-s-official-says-government-wasted-6-8-bil-
lion-in-iraq-reconstruction/.
12 Edward Wong,“Trump Pushes Iraq to Stop Buying
Energy From Iran,” The New York Times, 11 Febru-
ary 2019. https://www.nytimes.com/2019/02/11/
us/politics/iraq-buying-energy-iran.html.
13 Isabel Coles and Benoit Faucon,“U.S. Again Limits
Iraq’s Waiver to Import Energy From Iran,” Wall
Street Journal, 26 March 2020. https://www.wsj.
com/articles/u-s-again-limits-iraqs-waiver-to-im-
port-energy-from-iran-11585241227.
14 “Agreement Between the United States of America
and Iraq” (Washington DC: Department of State,
2008) [PDF file]. https://www.state.gov/wp-con-
tent/uploads/2019/02/09-101.1-Iraq-Defense-
Coop.pdf
15 “US Department of State, Joint Comprehensive
Plan of Action” (Washington DC: Department of
State, 2015) [PDF file]. https://2009-2017.state.
gov/e/eb/tfs/spi/iran/jcpoa//index.htm
Spring 2021 21You can also read
