Czech Republic political briefing: Prospects of the National Politics in 2021 - China-CEE Institute
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ISSN: 2560-1601 Vol. 36, No. 1 (CZ) January 2021 Czech Republic political briefing: Prospects of the National Politics in 2021 Ladislav Zemánek 1052 Budapest Petőfi Sándor utca 11. +36 1 5858 690 Kiadó: Kína-KKE Intézet Nonprofit Kft. office@china-cee.eu Szerkesztésért felelős személy: Chen Xin Kiadásért felelős személy: Huang Ping china-cee.eu 2017/01
Prospects of the National Politics in 2021 The upcoming Parliamentary election will likely to be the major political event in the Czech Republic in 2021. They will be held in October, not being excluded that the election will bring a substantial change of domestic politics. In the briefing, I will analyse the present principal pre-election tendencies and possible scenarios, putting them into a broader context of the national political scene. The election to the Chamber of Deputies, the lower chamber of the Parliament, are scheduled on the 8th and 9th of October. The term was set by the President Miloš Zeman at the end of December 2020 which is unusual in comparison with former precedents. In the past, the President announced the term four months prior to the election on an average. The Zeman´s decision implies at least two important things: First, the election campaign started at the very beginning of 2021, thus lasting over a substantial part of the year which will not contribute to political stability and responsible behaviour of individual political actors who will be engaged in the pre-election struggles and driven by the motivation to succeed in the election at any cost. Second, the early start of the campaign entails the legal obligation of the political parties or movements to include all expenses on the election campaign since the end of December in the official transparent account, the total limit of the expenses being set on 90 million CZK (less than 3.5 million EUR). Therefore, the political subjects will have much time to conduct a campaign but, at the same time, they are forbidden to exceed the limit which is fixed and unchanged irrespective of the period of the official part of the campaign launched by the President. As a consequence, it might put smaller parties with a lower budget at a disadvantage. Moreover, one should take into consideration the fact that five opposition parties want to run as coalitions, not separately, the limit remaining the same regardless of the number of coalition members. It is possible that this intention hid behind the President´s December decision and was aimed especially against the Social Democrats and the opposition parties which aspire to defeat the leading ANO movement led by the Prime Minister Andrej Babiš. 1
Declining social democrats and the hegemon´s isolation Even though the election is to take place in October, there is a question whether the present ruling coalition, consisting of the ANO and Social Democratic Party (ČSSD), persists up to the regular term. From time to time, the Government has been paralysed by frictions between the two subjects. Many representatives of the social democrats have repeatedly cast doubt upon the alliance with the PM´s movement, calling for a departure from the coalition. This inner struggle in the Social Democratic Party has existed from the very beginning of the existence of the Government and will probably last to the election itself. The truth is that the political orientation of the originally catch-all ANO movement has gradually shifted to the left, taking over a social-democratic agenda as well as their voters. It contributed significantly to a weakening of the Social Democratic Party whose support is slightly above the minimum limit of 5 per cent. Notwithstanding these factors, the party´s leadership always decided not to leave the Government. Therefore, their departure is unlikely as they would hardly be able to justify such a step and explicate it to the public several months before the regular election. The departure would not bring enough voters to change the declining tendency substantially. Besides, the end of the coalition would lead to an active engagement of President Zeman who could either appoints his own interim government (as in 2013 and 2014 in the case of the Jiří Rusnok´s cabinet) or support the incumbent PM who would complement the cabinet with more loyal members. Both scenarios are not advantageous for the Social Democratic Party. After its possible departure, they would inevitably become marginal. If the current cabinet persists, the inner frictions, nevertheless, will be increasingly intensive in the months to follow. A year ago, nothing indicated a change in support for the hegemonic political force and the PM Andrej Babiš. Although the parties involved in the government usually lost popularity in the course of their mandate in the past, the ANO movement represented an exception. According to numerous opinion polls, election preferences oscillated around 30 per cent without any considerable fluctuations. However, the unexpected development provoked by the novel coronavirus epidemic and related anti-crisis measures and interventionist policies adopted by the Government has brought about a turn. The support for the ANO stable so far has started to decrease, thus stimulating the fragmented opposition to attempts at cooperation and establishment of election coalitions, a united rival bloc. At the beginning of this year, two groupings have been formed concentrating around the two strongest opposition parties – the centre-right Civic Democratic Party (ODS) and liberal-progressivist Pirate Party. Seemingly, these two coalitions will stand in the election, their gain being higher than the result of the ANO. After all, the principal common denominator is the anti-Babiš ethos, the goal of removal 2
of Andrej Babiš from the executive. Albeit the ODS-led bloc is frequently described as conservative while the Pirates-led one as liberal, considering them as different shades of liberal opposition is more accurate.1 Ideologically, they have much in common but differ from each other in some political questions such as the attitude towards the European Union, protection of traditional family or a level of economic interventionism in the market and redistribution of resources. These differences will be dampened before the election but will manifest themselves right after it, being multiplied by personal rivalry and animosity. Especially due to the individual ambitions and removal of the common „arch-foe“ – Andrej Babiš and the ANO movement – if they succeed, a long-term stable and calm cooperation or even integration of the five opposition subjects will be highly unlikely. The coalition-forming process will not, therefore, lead to integration and overcoming of the political fragmentation but will remain a purpose-built, pragmatic project which has been initiated in response to the voters´ demand and objective weakening of the ANO in connection with the 2020 crisis. It will be only a minor chapter in the political history of our country. Crisis of the traditional left Unfortunately, the autumn Parliamentary election will not bring about higher political transparency, crystallisation and efficiency of the political processes. The Czech Republic´s political system suffered from excessive fragmentation for a long period, making effective governance freed from endless negotiations and halfway compromises impossible, thus contributing to a deep disillusionment of the citizens with the political elites, be they leftist or rightist. Given the establishment of the coalitions described above, representatives of some parties will get through to the lower chamber which would be highly uncertain in case these run separately. This is another reason for the current coalition-building tendency. It applies primarily to the Christian and Democratic Union – Czechoslovak People´s Party (KDU-ČSL) and liberal-conservative and radically pro-EU orientated TOP 09 party. If each subject runs separately, it would not be excluded that the number of parties represented in the Chamber of Deputies would decrease from nine to five. Nevertheless, the opposite scenario will likely to happen. Probably, eight subjects will be elected with the exception of one of the left-wing parties – either Social Democratic or Communist Party, not being impossible that both of them will fail. The 2021 election will thus confirm a deep crisis of the traditional Czech left. The 1 I analysed the formation of the opposition blocs and their ideological affinity in greater detail in the November briefing: https://china-cee.eu/2020/11/13/czech-republic-political-briefing-new-dynamics-of-the-domestic- politics-forming-blocs-against-the-hegemon/. 3
leftist agenda has been adopted by the ANO and the Pirate Party, in the second case in a specific, liberal-progressivist interpretation. Paradoxically, therefore, traditional leftist voters from lower and middle class from regions could support the populist and Eurosceptic Freedom and Direct Democracy movement or national-conservative Tricolour Citizens´ Movement, established by a son of the former President Václav Klaus after his expulsion from the Civic Democratic Party in 2020. This year, communists will commemorate the centenary of the founding of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia. The centenary, however, can bring their defeat as the support for the successor Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia (KSČM) has been decreasing year by year. As soon as they do not get through to the Chamber of Deputies, it will be utterly difficult to get back in the future. Seemingly, the party could get a second wind in case of an alteration in the leadership as it has been led by Vojtěch Filip since 2005. A congress which was to be held last year has been postponed due to the epidemic crisis and will probably be summoned in the following months. If the delegates elect the member of the European Parliament Kateřina Konečná a new chairman, the party could gain broader support and even overshadow the social democrats. Conclusion The election will likely to be won by the ANO which, however, will not be able to gain a majority in the lower chamber as no opposition coalitions want to cooperate with the movement. Under certain circumstances, the current model could continue but it requires a relative success of the Social Democratic Party and the Communist Party, which is rather improbable. A crucial role can be played by President Miloš Zeman who has different possibilities how to influence on the post-election processes and negotiations. He will give preference to Andrej Babiš and in case Babiš does not succeed in forming the Government, Zeman could appoint an interim, in fact presidential cabinet as in the past, or work towards calling of a new election. Nevertheless, these prospects may be changed by the unpredictable epidemic development. 4
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