Unpacking gendered roles across the seaweed value chain in Samoa using photo elicitation methods
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Please do not remove this page Unpacking gendered roles across the seaweed value chain in Samoa using photo elicitation methods Anderson, Courtney; Tiitii, Ulusapeti; Madar, Losan; et.al. https://research.usc.edu.au/esploro/outputs/99697898702621/filesAndLinks?institution=61USC_INST&index=null Anderson, C., Tiitii, U., Madar, L., Tanielu, E., Larson, S., & Swanepoel, L. (2023). Unpacking gendered roles across the seaweed value chain in Samoa using photo elicitation methods. Ocean & Coastal Management, 232, 1–10. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ocecoaman.2022.106420 Document Type: Published Version Link to Published Version: https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ocecoaman.2022.106420 USC Research Bank: https://research.usc.edu.au research-repository@usc.edu.au CC BY-NC-ND V4.0 © 2022 The Authors. Published by Elsevier Ltd. This is an open access article under the CC BY-NC-ND license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/). Downloaded On 2023/05/10 08:37:32 +1000 Please do not remove this page
Ocean and Coastal Management 232 (2023) 106420
Contents lists available at ScienceDirect
Ocean and Coastal Management
journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/ocecoaman
Unpacking gendered roles across the seaweed value chain in Samoa using
photo elicitation methods
Courtney Anderson a, d, Ulusapeti Tiitii b, Losan Madar b, Esmay Tanielu c, Silva Larson a,
Libby Swanepoel a, d, *
a
University of the Sunshine Coast, Maroochydore, Queensland, Australia
b
Fisheries Division, Ministry of Agriculture and Fisheries, Apia, Samoa
c
Conservation International, Asia-Pacific, Samoa
d
Australian Centre for Pacific Islands Research, University of the Sunshine Coast, Australia
1. Introduction (MAF, 2021). Not only are seaweeds a recognised and valued com
modity for many developing nations across the world, including Samoa,
Samoa is an independent island nation in Polynesia, made up of ten they are a nutritious source of food containing many essential amino
islands with the two main inhabited islands being Upolu and Savai’i. It acids, vitamins and fibre (MacArtain et al., 2007; Pereira, 2016; Wells
has a total population of 195, 979 people (increase of 4.3% since 2011), et al., 2017). Seaweed farming is viewed as an environmentally sus
with 51.5% male and 48.5% female and most of the population (75%) tainable small-scale aquaculture practice (Luxton and Luxton, 1999;
living in Upolu (Population and Housing Census, 2016). Savai’i is the Pickering, 2006; Swanepoel et al., 2020), and is considered a low-cost
second most populated island, characterised by its rural environment practice that can generate livelihood and cash income for families
and a higher ratio of families and dependents, compared to Upolu (Luxton and Luxton, 1999; Pickering, 2006; Rimmer et al., 2021). In
(Population and Housing Census, 2016). Employment rates in the rural addition, seaweed farming can also provide a host of social benefits
areas is largely supported by a subsistence economy, which is still the including promoting community connection, cooperation, cultural her
backbone of local food production, consumption and income earning for itage and understanding of health and well-being (Larson et al., 2021;
these areas (Population and Housing Census, 2016). Despite having a Turner and Clifton, 2006).
subsistence economy, Samoans face considerable challenges including In the Pacific Island nation of Samoa, seaweed has a long heritage as
some of the highest rates of malnutrition in the world (Haddad et al., a prized part of culture and tradition, as well as being an important food
2015), along with food insecurity and poor access to nutritious foods as a crop (Butcher et al., 2020; Tiitii et al., 2022). In other parts of the world
consequence of transition to a modern diet (Haddad et al., 2015; NCD such as Asia and Africa seaweed is cultured for commercial processes for
Risk Factor Collaboration, 2017). There is a need to continue to support example, use of raw materials for phycocolloid production in Korea
the development of Samoa to meet the 2030 Sustainable Development (Hwang et al., 2019) and agar extraction in Tanzania (Villanueva et al.,
Goals (SDGs) and ensure equitable outcomes for all. 2010). In comparison, the most common seaweeds cultured or collected
Sustainable aquaculture is viewed as a promising solution to in Samoa these days are the edible seaweeds: limu fuafua (sea grapes,
contribute to meeting the SDG targets (Stead et al., 2002; Techera, 2018; Caulerpa species) and limu a’au (red seaweed, Halymenia species). While
Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations, 2022). In both species are harvested and eaten, consumption and sale of Caulerpa
Samoa, the government is committed to promoting better aquaculture is more commonly reported (Tiitii et al., 2022).
practices and diversifying the number of aquatic species that can be Wild fishing and aquaculture practices (including seaweed) are
cultured and farmed, as a means to increase food and nutrition security important to Samoa, both economically and socially, and livelihoods in
and create job opportunities (Ministry of Agriculture and Fisheries which both men and women participate. In terms of women’s involve
Samoa, 2021). Seaweed, and specifically gender inclusive, ment in fishing, women fishers reportedly make up at least 18% of the
nutrition-sensitive seaweed aquaculture, has been realised as an op fishing workforce in Samoa (Passfield et al., 2001) and harvest around
portunity to address these challenges and to support women and families 23% of all seafood. In the Pacific, men typically undertake roles
* Corresponding author. University of the Sunshine Coast, Maroochydore, Queensland, Australia.
E-mail address: lswanepo@usc.edu.au (L. Swanepoel).
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ocecoaman.2022.106420
Received 10 July 2022; Received in revised form 18 October 2022; Accepted 8 November 2022
Available online 22 November 2022
0964-5691/© 2022 The Authors. Published by Elsevier Ltd. This is an open access article under the CC BY-NC-ND license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-
nc-nd/4.0/).
C. Anderson et al. Ocean and Coastal Management 232 (2023) 106420
associated with offshore activities, whereas women’s roles tend to be production, harvesting, processing, marketing and consumption). As the
inshore including harvesting and processing (Lambeth et al., 2002). In UNDP project was concentrated on the introduction of the new tech
addition, typically, Pacific women are dominant sellers of seaweed nology (farming), the use of photo elicitation as a methodology was
(Lambeth et al., 2002), which is also likely the case in Samoa. However, applied, both as a tool to uncover current and existing experiences as
quantifying the seaweed workforce in Samoa is difficult, as a study by well as a visualisation technique. The findings and their implications for
SPC in 2017 found that seaweed gleaning was not viewed by men and local governance and management of these resources, equitable
women as a fishing activity (Food and Agriculture Organization of the engagement of women and men in seaweed work, and the sustainability
United Nations & Secretariat of the Pacific Community, 2019). We know of local small scale seaweed chains are discussed.
from many other places, such as Africa, India and South-East Asia
(Msuya and Hurtado, 2017), that women are more prominent in the 2. Methods
seaweed workforce. In fact, in Madagascar a recent study reported 60%
of seaweed farmers were women (Funk et al., 2022), and similarly in 2.1. Sample and recruitment
Kenya it was found that women formed the highest proportion of
seaweed farmers (75.2%) (Mirera et al., 2020). Likewise, across coun Participants (≥18 years) were conveniently sampled from 10
tries in the Indo-Pacific, women have been shown to play a significant geographically dispersed coastal villages on Savai’i island of Samoa
role in seaweed harvesting and processing (Eranza et al., 2015; Peri from across five different districts (Fig. 1). Selection of villages for the
vasamy et al., 2014; Sopamena and Pattiselanno, 2018). UNDP project (and subsequently this research) was guided by the in-
The prominence of women in the seaweed industry has important country research team and was based on criteria including social and
implications for women’s social and economic outcomes. Typically, in economic demographics and location of village. Status of local seaweed
come generated from most traditional fishing effort flows to men, production was also considered, to ensure a diverse sample was selected
whereas in seaweed fisheries women can economically benefit through and included villages where seaweed is produced (grown, harvested,
participation in activities across the chain from harvesting through to processed) and/or sold at market outlets as well as villages where
selling (Lambeth et al., 2002; Larson et al., 2021). Studies have also seaweed is not growing naturally (therefore represents an opportunity to
demonstrated how women’s participation in this work can support support with the UNDP seaweed farming activity). Villages had between
nutrition outcomes for families, as women fishers play an important role 219 and 1111 community members, of which 6–14% participated in our
in household food security (Harper et al., 2020). study.
In addition to quantifying the roles of men and women in seaweed Recruitment of participants for this research project occurred
work, qualifying these roles in Samoa is also needed to support the alongside the UNDP project introduction activities. As part of the UNDP
sustainability of seaweed as a food supply chain. Understanding the project, an inception meeting was held at the Ministry of Agriculture and
gender roles and contributions is key to managing small scale fishing Fisheries (MAF) in Apia in early September 2021, in which three rep
and coastal management (de la Torre-Castro et al., 2017; Gopal et al., resentatives from each village were invited (Village Mayor or “Sui o le
2020; Lawless et al., 2019), as well as ensuring equitable economic Nu’u”, a Women Representative (Sui Tamaitai o le Nu’u) and a men
benefits are realised (Malak-Rawlikowska et al., 2019). In addition, representative (“Matai”). The inception workshop provided the research
place-based understanding of gender equality and economic empower team the opportunity to explain the purpose of this study and outline the
ment accounts for other informal measures, such as harmonious re research activities involved.
lationships, respect and recognition of different contributions made by The in-country research team, made up of researchers from MAF,
women and men (McKinnon et al., 2016). In Samoa, the social structures followed culturally appropriate practices and observed roles of estab
of the Fa’amatai play an important role in both village decision making lished governance structures under the Fa’amatai. The villages were
and management of village marine resources (Government of Samoa, initially contacted through the village mayor with a signed letter from
1990; Hassell et al., 2011). Therefore, enhancing our understanding of the Fisheries Division explaining the study purpose and requested for
what is happening at a village level is the first step towards equitably their participation. This is the normal process of contacting villages
engaging women and men in sustainable food supply chains, which in under the Community- Based Fisheries Management Program (CBFMP).
turn provides reliable access to fresh food and income thus improving The MAF staff were instrumental in establishing connection with village
health and livelihoods. officials to conduct the study. The in-country research team spent two
The Ministry of Agriculture and Fisheries, Fisheries Division (from weeks travelling to each target village on Savai’i Island to conduct the
here on referred to as MAF) has been working with edible seaweed for
many years, including introducing the red seaweed Kappaphycus in the
1990s (SPC, 2012) and evaluating existing seaweed stocks of Caulerpa
and building capacity in post-harvest and farming techniques in 2011
(SPC, 2022). However, previous efforts in establishing aquaculture
practices in communities have not been fully realised or sustained.
Recognising the need for community-based development and support,
coupled with a growing interest in seaweed as a commodity by com
munities, MAF in partnership with the UNDP commenced a new project
in 2021 under the Revitalisation, Expansion and Diversification of
Agriculture and Fisheries (REDSAF) program to support efforts to revi
talise sea-grape farming. The UNDP Project involved the introduction
and setting up of seaweed farming infrastructure (cages and trays) as a
new method of seaweed aquaculture (specifically for sea grapes) in
selected coastal villages.
To better support women and men in seaweed work and inform
future management processes, this research project was conducted
alongside the aforementioned UNDP project. The overarching aim of
this exploratory study, therefore, was to engage with both women and
men in coastal communities of Samoa, to explore perceptions of their Fig. 1. Map of Savai’i and the villages selected to participate in the focus
current and potential role in local seaweed food supply chain (seaweed groups (green dot, white text). Maps Data: Google, ©2020.
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C. Anderson et al. Ocean and Coastal Management 232 (2023) 106420
project activities. At each village this involved a traditional welcome is presented in this paper. The second part of the FGD was a facilitated
ceremony, the set-up of the seaweed farms (related to the UNDP project) discussion that aimed to uncover barriers and enablers to participation
and conducting focus group discussions (this project). Participants for in the value chain and will be presented elsewhere. Prior to data
the focus group discussions were purposively recruited by the in-country collection, MAF fisheries staff were trained in conducting focus group
research team members to ensure representation of men and women of discussions using the photo elicitation process. Two staff were present
all ages and potential roles. Participation of villagers was voluntary and and facilitated each focus group and photo elicitation activity.
ethical approval for this study was obtained from the Human Research Following participants’ consent and prior to commencing the focus
Ethics Committee at the University of the Sunshine Coast, Australia groups, participants were asked to complete a short online demographic
(Ethics approval number: A211612). survey (using Wi-Fi-enabled tablets provided) which included gender,
age, village, role/which part of the supply chain they work in. Men’s and
2.2. Conceptual framework women’s groups were run separately in line with cultural customs, and
each group followed the same photo elicitation process, as outlined
The design of this study was based upon the concept of the func below.
tioning of the value chain1 and the market systems approach proposed The method and design for the group interview process using photo
by the International Labour Organisation (ILO, 2021). The aim of value elicitation was modified based on best practices and steps suggested by
chain mapping is to better understand the ‘core’ exchanges taking place other studies (Bignate, 2010; Cooper and Yarbrough, 2010; Krueger and
in the value chain, and who is involved. This approach allowed for Casey, 2009; Rodriguez and Bjelland, 2008). The photo elicitation
identification of main actors involved, as well as important transactions component was run as an interactive activity, in which the photographs
and relationships in the flow of a product (in this case seaweed) from were presented and displayed in front of all participants. As participants
raw materials through to final retail (in this case local markets and discussed the roles of women and men (actual/perceived and poten
village or family consumption). tial/future), they selected photos which illustrated their point of view
(Fig. 2) and then placed the photo onto the corresponding section of the
grid drawn on butcher’s paper (Fig. 3).
2.3. Methodology – photo elicitation approach
2.4. Data analysis
A photo elicitation approach was used as part of the study design. At
its most basic, photo elicitation interview simply calls for photographs to
Quantitative demographic data collected via the online survey was
be used in the interview process (Biag, 2014). The implementation dif
summarised using Excel (Version 2112). A digital audio recording of
fers in how participants are selected, the way photos are collected, how
each focus group was recorded, which is the preferred documentation,
the photo interview is conducted, and how the resulting visual data are
as it records knowledge accurately and within the cultural context, and
analysed. Typically, researchers identify the topic for investigation and
thus reduces the likelihood of misinterpretation (Liamputtong, 2011;
invite participants to the study. Either researchers or participants take
Malsale et al., 2018). The recordings were summarised from the native
pictures relevant to a particular question or topic (Biag, 2014; Bignate,
language into English by experienced in-country researchers as the
2010; Rodriguez and Bjelland, 2008). Then researchers use pictures to
primary source of data. The photographs representing the various roles
guide interviews and elicit dialogue and to analyse data and report
and activities and their placement on the butcher’s paper grid that was
findings (Biag, 2014; Bignate, 2010; Rodriguez and Bjelland, 2008). In
agreed upon by each group, were digitally captured as a photo-board
the case of this project, the photos gathered were used to guide
and used as secondary sources of data. The summary of the latter part
semi-structured group interviews, namely focus group discussions
of the FGD (on barriers and enablers to participation) were also used as
(FGDs).
supplementary data to provide additional context.
For this study, photos depicting men and women participating in
Constant comparison analysis was used, as developed by Glaser and
various aspects of the seaweed food supply chain were provided by the
Strauss (1967) and Strauss (1987), whereby data was analysed accord
in-country research team. The Samoan research team were briefed as to
ing to their relationship to each other, to the research questions and to
type and nature of desired photos and were sent example photos sourced
the various nodes of the seaweed value chain. Coding, sorting and
from previous seaweed projects from the Indo-Pacific region (FIS/2010/
comparing of qualitative data was undertaken using NVivo software.
098 and FIS/2015/038). Next, the Samoan research team created all
During the first stage, data was chunked into smaller units and each unit
photos required, thus ensuring that all photos used in the project were
was assigned a descriptor code. In the second stage, codes were grouped
culturally meaningful and appropriate (Supplementary Material Table).
together into categories. In the final stage, the research team developed
Specific care was taken to ensure no gender biases were formed in the
themes that expressed the content of each category group. Researcher
selection of photos (i.e. selected photos depicted both women and men
triangulation was used to help ensure credibility as well as dependability
participating in all aspects of the seaweed food supply chain). All photos
and confirmability of the findings. Triangulation was undertaken by
were collated into a photo-kit, where the identity of any people in the
both the MAF in-country research team and the Australian research
photographs was obscured and/or permission obtained where appro
team.
priate (Torre and Murphy, 2015).
Fig. 4 provides an overview of the photo elicitation method used.
The focus group discussion sessions were undertaken during
Results are described in the following section and related to the nodes of
September and October 2021 and were conducted in two parts. For the
the seaweed value chain and associated gender roles, as perceived by the
first, a semi-structured group interview process using photo elicitation
participants.
was employed, in which photographs (Supplementary Material Table)
were used as stimuli to promote ideas and discussions. The photo elic
3. Results
itation activity aimed to unpack gendered roles and responsibilities, and
3.1. Participants
1
We use ‘value chain’ and ‘value chain analysis’ terminology in the paper, as
these are the terms most commonly referred to in the literature and ones In total, 10 FGDs were held with women and 10 with men, and a total
readership is familiar with. We do not however suggest that seaweed farming of 135 people participated from across the 10 selected villages (Table 1),
and collection in Samoa are currently organised as value chain, rather, averaging 6–8 participants per group. The majority of participants
improvement of the current sporadic supply chain into a functional value chain (84%) were married, and 43% identified as female and 57% as male.
is an aspiration. Mean household size was 6.8 people, and 75% of participants had a level
3
C. Anderson et al. Ocean and Coastal Management 232 (2023) 106420
Fig. 2. Women and men participating in the photo elicitation activity.
Fig. 3. The research team facilitating the photo elicitation activity.
income by only 10% and 1% of participants, respectively. While only
one person identified seaweed as the main source of income, a propor
tion of participants (19%) reported that they were engaged in seaweed
work in various modes (Table 1) with main tasks being gleaning
seaweed from the inner and outer reef, followed by processing and
selling (Table 2).
3.2. Two value chains for seaweed – existing and ‘new’
The findings of the photo elicitation and focus group discussions
revealed two seaweed value chains. The first chain being an existing
seaweed value chain from wild gleaning (both inshore and offshore) of
naturally growing seaweeds, namely limu fuafua (sea grapes, Caulerpa
species) and limu a’au (red seaweed, Halymenia species). The second
value chain revealed a ‘new’ seaweed farming methodology (offshore
farming of limu fuafua sea grapes) being introduced to the villages.
For many of the villages, gleaning wild seaweed was not new
(Table 3). Half the villages had experience in gleaning and harvesting
wild seaweed. Four of these villages explained they actively harvest
seaweed to sell (markets, roadside vendors, and hotels) and the villages
of Luua and Siufaga are particularly well-known for harvesting and
selling seaweed in Savai’i and Upolu.
In regard to the other villages where wild gleaning was not occur
ring, one village (Fogapoa) was aware of seaweeds growing abundantly
in their reef and shores, but they were not actively harvesting or selling
them. The remaining four villages (Fagae’e, Asau, Satuiatua and Siutu)
noted that edible seaweeds were not growing wild in their marine areas,
and thus there had been no history of wild gleaning. For these villages,
the ‘new’ seaweed farming method presented new opportunity to
establish a village-based seaweed food supply chain.
In terms of the ‘new’ formal seaweed farming of sea grapes (limu
Fig. 4. Overall sequential approach to the photo elicitation methodology used.
fuafua), seven out of the 10 villages specifically expressed that they had
no previous experience in the formal seaweed farming and in particular
of secondary school education or higher. Remittance played an impor
the new farming method introduced (in cages). Therefore, some were
tant role in household finance (42% of participants). Other important
not clear or sure on the roles required and thus whose responsibility
source of income included land agriculture (30% of participants), while
work would be, however the PEI exercise allowed them to visualise some
fishing and seaweed work were reported as one of the main sources of
of this. Participants in one village (Vaisala) had been involved in
4
C. Anderson et al. Ocean and Coastal Management 232 (2023) 106420
Table 1 Table 3
Sociodemographic characteristics of participants (n = 135). Participating village name, size and geographical location, and previous or
Characteristics Participants
current experience in seaweed.
Village District Population size Previous or current experience
n (%)
name of villagea in edible seaweed, as reported
Sex by the village
Male 77 (57%)
Luua Faasaleleaga III 300 Harvesting and selling wild
Female 58 (43%)
seaweed for many years.
Age
Experience with farming
Age mean (±SD) 50.47 (±15.64)
method not stated.
18–24 years 14 (10%)
Malae Faasaleleaga III 219 History of wild gleaning of
25–34 years 10 (8%)
seaweed (women were reported
35–49 years 33 (24%)
to be once prominent).
>50 years 78 (58%)
Experience with farming
Marital Status
method not stated.
Married (ua faaipoipo) 113 (84%)
Siufaga Faasaleleaga III 575 Harvesting and selling wild
Single/Never married (e le’I faaipoipo) 18 (13%)
seaweed for many years.
Widowed (ua maliu le toalua) 3 (2%)
Farming method is new.
Separated/divorced (valavala/tete’a) 1 (1%)
Fogapoa Faasaleleaga II 302 Wild seaweed grows
No. of children
abundantly, but not being
No children 14 (10%)
actively harvested nor sold.
1 5 (4%)
Farming method is new
2 to 4 44 (33%)
Saipipi Faasaleleaga III 694 Have traditional knowledge of
5 25 (19%)
harvesting wild seaweed
6 or more 47 (35%)
(mothers used to do it).
Household size mean (±SD) 6.81 (4.18)a
Harvesting wild seaweed occurs
Highest level of education
occasionally (for family food or
Tertiary education (Certificate or University) 7 (5%)
village occasions). Farming
Secondary school (senior/Year 11–13) 95 (70%)
method is new.
Secondary school (year 8–10) 24 (18%)
Fagae’e Gagaifomauga 200 Wild seaweed does not grow
Primary School (year 7) 1 (1%)
III naturally in their marine areas.
Not stated 8 (6%)
Farming method is new.
Main sources of incomeb
Asau Vaisigano East 1111 Wild seaweed does not grow
Fishing 14 (10%)
naturally in their marine areas.
Seaweed 1 (1%)
Farming method is new.
Agriculture/plantation 40 (30%)
Vaisala Vaisigano East 465 Wild seaweed grows, and
Government 18 (13%)
occasionally being harvested
Remittance 57 (42%)
for food or sold/supplied to
Pension 9 (7%)
nearby hotels. Village has
Other 40 (30%)
previously done seaweed
Currently undertaking seaweed work/roles
farming through the Fisheries
Yes 25 (19%)
Division
No 110 (81%)
Satuiatua Palauli West 291 Wild seaweed does not grow
a
28 participants (21%) reported that 10 or more people usually live in the naturally in their marine areas.
household. Farming method is new.
b
Percentages do not add to 100% as respondents could select multiple Siutu Palauli West 449 Wild seaweed does not grow
naturally in their marine areas.
responses.
Farming method is new.
a
2016 census data (Samoa Bureau of Statistics).
Table 2
Involvement in various seaweed related tasks by participants (n = 25) who re farmed limu fuafua (‘new’ chain), and the roles of men and women
ported currently undertaking seaweed work/roles.
(actual and potential) as identified by participants. The later nodes
Task N %c (processing through to consuming) were not necessarily seen by par
Collecting seaweed (gleaning from the outer reef) 13 52% ticipants as two separate processes, but rather a single agreed process
Collecting seaweed (gleaning from the inner reef/shallow water) 10 40% emerged (incorporating seaweed from both farmed and wild growing/
Farming seaweed in shallow water from the shore 1 4% harvesting nodes) based on their previous/current experience and how
Farming seaweed in deep water from a boat 0 0%
Processing seaweed (making products, kitchen work) 5 20%
they visualised it to be in the future. Hence in Fig. 5 the seaweed value
Selling/marketing seaweed or seaweed products 5 20% chains merge after the harvest node and follow similar functions from
Leading/running a seaweed business 2 8% processing through to end consumers. The findings relating to the roles
Sharing knowledge or teaching others 3 12% of men and women in the chains and their various nodes are presented in
Other 4 16%
the following sections (3.3–3.5).
c
Percentages do not add to 100% as respondents could select multiple
responses.
3.3. Inputs, growing and harvesting – existing chain wild seaweed
seaweed farming as this was done before by the village in collaboration
with MAF in the past years. The other two villages did not state either 3.3.1. Role of women and traditional knowledge in wild seaweed value
way. chains and work
The photo elicitation process allowed participants to discuss the Inputs to the wild seaweed chain were not discussed in detail during
experience from current and previous work in relation to roles, as well as this exercise. However, the role of existing and traditional knowledge as
visualise who would do various roles where these would be ‘new’ or an input was highlighted. In describing the roles within wild seaweed
future roles. Fig. 5 provides an overview of the two value chains con gleaning and harvesting, the prominence of women as having a lead or
sisting of wild gleaned limu fuafu and limu a’au (existing chain) and significant role was also emphasised by some villages. Two villages
described the traditional knowledge relating to seaweed harvesting
5C. Anderson et al. Ocean and Coastal Management 232 (2023) 106420
Fig. 5. Local Samoan seaweed value chains, consisting of wild gleaned limu fuafu and limu a’au (existing chain) and farmed limu fuafua (‘new’ chain). Arrows
indicated flow of tasks. The two chains merge to a single chain from the processing nodes through to the end consumer. M = Men and young men (untitled men),
W=Women, S=Shared role. Capital letter indicates stronger presence/potential lead role. Dashed boxes indicate opportunities/tasks identified in the subsequent FGD
that explored barriers and enablers to participation, but gender roles were not attributed to these.
passed down from their mothers and the women in the village. A male female participant suggested that if it was possible to have her own farm,
participant (from Village 2) described how ‘back in the day’ women she and her family would run it as a business as they do with their taro
were the only ones who were responsible in seaweed harvesting and plantation, whereby taro is managed as a ‘cash crop’ for its commercial
production in their village. He went on to explain how the men were value and source of income.
never involved until seaweed hit the market and market demand Some groups also spoke about the role of the Village Council (within
increased. Once men became involved in harvesting, the participant the existing village social structures) for overarching responsibility and
explained it was “like women abandoned their role in limu (seaweed)” delegation of tasks and roles. While this was an accepted social norm,
(Male participant, Village 2). some women spoke about how village governance structures and deci
sion making can impact or limit women’s ability to access the reef (such
as needing access permission from the Village Council). A few partici
3.4. Inputs, growing and harvesting – seaweed farming chain pants from the women’s groups suggested a need for the women’s
committee or voice included in this process, such a women’s represen
3.4.1. Organising seaweed for success – a collective effort tation on a delegated village fisheries management committee.
Overall, the seaweed farm was perceived as a collective village asset
and project, requiring men and women to work collaboratively and 3.4.2. Setting up the farming
share roles across the value chain to ensure its success. This sentiment The initial setting up work, specifically the weaving and sewing of
was summarised by various groups who all agreed that “it’s a combined cages and preparing the trays with seaweed seedlings was perceived as
effort needed from all the 4 groups (men, boys, women and girls) to achieve shared work that all villagers could be a part of. This was because both
the successfulness of this project.” (Men’s group, Village 3) and “a collab men and women have sewing and weaving skills, as well as the
orative effort from all groups will bring success to this project” (Women’s perception that on-shore activities are more accessible and safe for
group, Village 5). The initial necessary inputs to seaweed farming everyone to help out with and take part in. In addition, some groups also
(including planning, acquisition of materials and preliminary set up described the importance of involving everyone at the start to generate a
activities such as onshore activities like tying ropes, weaving cages) sense of collective ownership over the project and actuate the collective
were perceived as areas where women and men could participate jointly skills available: “[Preparing cages] is a shared role, because that’s the initial
in shared roles. Participants also recognised the range of skills required phase of setting up the farm, so everyone should be there to set up the farm so
across the whole chain and the individual skills each group could that it will be success” (Male participant, Village 4).
contribute to the collective: “… there are special areas where each group is The building and installation of cages for the seaweed farms was seen
specially involved” (Men’s group, Village 2). as men’s role (namely young/untitled men and strong/able chiefs). This
This theme of collective effort and success was also evident when area of the value chain was perceived as work that is physical and re
discussing the photos that displayed villagers celebrating and showing quires strength to perform and/or required working in the deep water
off their successful harvest (see Supplementary Material Table, Photo (reef). Key tasks discussed as men’s roles included transporting/carrying
31). Groups labelled this as a ‘shared role’ during the photo elicitation materials, hammering and heavy lifting, carrying the cages to the boats
and spoke about the collective benefits that would come to the village and out to the reef, installing the rebars in the sea and building the cages,
through food and income. monitoring the seaweed underwater using scuba diving, and harvesting
While seaweed farming was largely viewed as a collective, a small the seaweed (bringing the full trays back to shore when ready for har
number of participants were interested in the privatisation potential of vest). These roles were perceived as male roles by the majority of men’s
seaweed farming and gleaning (creating small business opportunities) to and women’s groups: “installing and the setting up of cages would be the
be able to provide household income and livelihood. For example, one
6C. Anderson et al. Ocean and Coastal Management 232 (2023) 106420
men’s role especially the young boys (untitled men) because they are strong that women would be better trusted to handle money for the benefit of
and it’s a norm for them to do such task” (Women’s group, Village 1), the family, an example being that men would use the money to purchase
however a small number of men’s and women’s groups acknowledged alcohol instead of spending for the family needs.
that the installation, monitoring and harvesting of seaweed could be a
shared responsibility and role: “For harvesting activity both men and 3.5.3. Cooking of seaweed at home will be mostly done by women
women can carry out this role because there are also women who are strong Preparing food for the household was viewed as the normal role of
like men and are able to swim out and harvest limu (seaweed)” (Male women and girls (typically a social norm in the household) and so the
participant, Village 8). Nevertheless, there was still a recognition that role of cooking seaweed for household consumption was viewed as
men were more likely to undertake deep water work: “The installation of primarily the role of women. In contrast, there were some groups (both
cages can be done by both men and women but men would be more likely to men and women’s groups) argued that this could be a shared role, as
dive underwater and secure the cages” (Women’s group, Village 9). both men and women can cook and should have this responsibility.
The primary reasons provided for these being men’s work included
that being on the reef and diving was an accepted role and social norm 4. Discussion
for men to do, coupled with the risk associated with being on the sea and
safety concerns for women such as drowning, large waves and tides (this This study explored the perceived roles of women and men in the
came from both men and women). Groups also spoke about how the reef Samoan seaweed value chain. The findings from the photo elicitation
is far from shore which requires physical strength to get there and that activity and the focus group discussions were analysed by gender, and
the water where seaweed grows is deep and requires diving. It was felt our results show the division of roles (actual and potential) across two
that men tended to already have skills and capability in relation to scuba seaweed value chains as perceived by men and women in the villages. As
diving compared to women, as well as the required strength for swim seen in other studies using photo elicitation methods (Bignate, 2010;
ming to and out at the reef. Van Auken et al., 2010) the use of photographs made the process of data
Other input provisions such as planning and management, acquisi collection more authentic by facilitating participants’ ability to associate
tion of materials and tools, funding and training were not discussed meaning as well as allowing participants to visualise a new chain.
during the photo elicitation activity. However, these inputs were dis Overall, while we found that both genders participate across the two
cussed in the session on enablers and barriers that followed and were seaweed value chains (farmed and wild gleaning). Our findings pointed
identified by participants as necessary inputs, with emphasis on these towards the notion that seaweed is traditionally a women’s asset in
being provided by external actors such as MAF. The enablers and bar Samoa, with women historically responsible for all harvesting, pro
riers to participating in the value chain are reported elsewhere in more cessing, and marketing of seaweed. Women were acknowledged as
detail, but for completeness they have been included in Fig. 5. holders of traditional knowledge relating to seaweed practices, with
both men and women participants describing the passing on of knowl
3.5. Processing, marketing and consumption edge from their mothers and women. Our findings showed that even
today women are still viewed as holding a significant role in the pro
From here, the results related to tasks across the processing, mar cessing and marketing nodes across both chains. In terms of harvesting
keting and consumption nodes are presented as part of a ‘merged’ value however, women were perceived to have a role in wild gleaning at low
chain (from both wild and farmed seaweed). tide only, whereas in the farming chain off-shore tasks (including
growing, monitoring and harvesting of seaweed on the reef) were more
3.5.1. Women are better at cleaning and packaging likely perceived as men’s work. The division of roles in this way aligns
Once the seaweed is back on shore, most groups felt that the onshore with current knowledge on how fishing activities are undertaken in the
harvesting, weighing and sorting of seaweed could be a shared role that Pacific, with men focusing on offshore areas and women’s activities
everyone could participate in. However, when it came to cleaning the confined to inshore areas such as harvesting at low tide and seafood
seaweed, both men and women felt that women should have re processing for family (Lambeth et al., 2002). The engagement of women
sponsibility over this task. This was because women were perceived as and men in this way is also similar to other aquaculture value chains
performing this task better than men, as women were regarded as having across the world, including the Southeast Asian region and parts of Af
attention to detail and established experience in doing these types of rica (Larson et al., 2021; Satapornvanit et al., 2015; Veliu et al., 2009).
roles. This quote from one of the male participants summarises this While our findings in relation to gender segregation of roles were not
sentiment: “Because women can do things neatly and completed. If this is unexpected, we saw indications that the establishment of a development
given to us, then you will see sea grapes still attaching to corals” (Male initiative (in this case a ‘new’ seaweed farming method) may have
participant, Village 6). negative gendered impacts. The tasks required in the early parts of the
In a similar way, packaging of the seaweed in leaves was seen by farming chain involve ‘heavy’ physical labour and working on the reef
most as a role that could be shared between men and women although (deep water). In our analysis we found that these tasks were perceived as
where women could potentially play a lead role. Some of the men’s men’s work due to strength required and risk involved, hence partici
groups acknowledged the packaging and presentation skills of women: pation in these early nodes were primarily perceived as roles for men. In
“women are responsible in cleaning and packaging of limu (seaweed) as this this case, gender informed the perception of who could perform these
is their area of expertise” (Men’s group, Village 5) and referring to women roles, rather than an individual’s ability or desire. This issue is common
skill of “teuteu mea” meaning ‘to make things beautiful’ (Men’s group, in fisheries-dependent societies, and broadly informs who can access
Village 3). and control resources within a given fishery (Treviño and
Murillo-Sandoval, 2021). While women in our study were viewed to be
3.5.2. Selling seaweed is both a women’s role and shared role able to participate in the initial set up activities (onshore) and wild
Selling seaweed was identified as a shared role and responsibility, gleaning in shallow water and low tide, these were often spoken about in
although there were some comments to indicate that there is potential the context of being shared roles with men. Therefore, we found that the
for women and girls to have a stronger role here. Selling of seaweed in introduction of a formal seaweed farming method not only reinforced
roadside stalls or in the village were more likely perceived as shared traditional gender segregation of roles but may create new opportunities
roles, while women were seen as more likely to engage in market sales. that are geared towards men more than women.
For example, for some villages the women are the ones who already go As well as skewing labour efforts towards men, there is also a risk of
to formal fish markets and perform these roles, so the selling of seaweed creating a value chain that redirects economic benefits away from
was viewed to be an extension of this. A women’s group also discussed women and towards men. In Samoa, women are generally more
7C. Anderson et al. Ocean and Coastal Management 232 (2023) 106420
dominant in local trade-related and small-scale marketing nodes, such as Understanding the barriers to participation alone is not sufficient to
the fish markets and road-side stalls (SPC, 2018), but in our study we drive transformative change. Improving participation and economic
saw that the introduction of farming (which brings with it increased outcomes also requires taking a strengths-based approach to gender, by
revenue opportunities) has potential to reduce women’s roles in these promoting and building on existing assets and capabilities of women,
nodes. This was evident in discussions where some villages perceived rather than focusing on barriers and disadvantages (Larson et al., 2022).
the sale of seaweed as a shared role rather than women-led, which would In the case of seaweed aquaculture, supporting and strengthening the
traditionally be a role led by women. In addition, an increase in pro role and value of women in seaweed can be achieved through the in
duction could also mean women have increased responsibility (and clusion of gender-sensitive approaches in coastal fisheries management
therefore more time required) in the processing node such as cleaning (da Silva Mourão et al., 2021). It is well recognised that when coastal
seaweed, which may also impact on their ability to participate in the planning and management initiatives are only drawing on experiences
market and trade node. During discussions we heard how women held a and knowledge of men, it is difficult to appreciate the full scope of
prominent role in seaweed work “back in the day” and how men were threats and constraints as well as opportunities (Diamond et al., 2003).
not initially involved in wild seaweed gleaning and harvesting but once In Samoa, under Samoan legislation (Fisheries Act 1988 and Village Fono
demand at markets increased, they became involved and the presence of Act 1990) (Government of Samoa, 1990) and through the
women in this node diminished. Similarly, women have been ‘pushed Community-Based Fisheries Management Program (CBFMP) run by
out’ of fisheries value chains in other parts of Asia and the Pacific. For MAF (Ministry of Agriculture and Fisheries Samoa, 2021), each village is
example, in India the development of the mussel culture industry was responsible for the governance and management of their coastal areas by
traditionally carried out by women, but once it was profitable men implementing their Coastal Fisheries Management Plan. These plans are
became involved in culturing and women were effectively driven out of often connected to areas that are traditionally a women’s domain (e.g.
the industry (Ramchandran, 2011). While the introduction of new value tidal areas and mangroves where gleaning and inshore harvesting oc
chain initiatives may create and support livelihood opportunities, we curs). Women therefore play an important role in the coastal fisheries
must be cognisant to not inadvertently drive women out of the seaweed management, given their knowledge of traditional practices and fishing
value chain (Jennifer, 2016) or distance them from the income-related grounds (Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations &
nodes. This warrants further exploration and consideration in the Secretariat of the Pacific Community, 2019). Although enabling women
context of seaweed value chains in Samoa, to ensure the presence of to participate in community-based fisheries management (CBFM) does
women and therefore flow of income, is not reduced. not always lead to more equitable outcomes (Weeratunge et al., 2010),
Further, the introduction of this new seaweed farming development such governance regimes do affect access, control over and management
also has potential to reinforce existing social and cultural norms, with of fisheries resources and should be driven from the bottom-up in order
implications for gender and participation. For some women in our study, to reflect the needs and wishes of both women and men who depend on
their engagement in the value chain was influenced by cultural norms these resources. As such, it is necessary to ensure there is gendered
and existing social structures, which could limit their ability to access representation in CBFM. Continued involvement of women in the
the reef (such as needing permission from the Village Council). Gover planning, decision-making and management of aquaculture initiatives,
nance regimes are known to significantly affect access, control over and at both village level through committee membership and development
management of resources in fishing communities throughout the world of gender-equitable village institutions; and at the national level,
(Weeratunge et al., 2010). There was also some evidence of where social through promotion of women, women’s roles and female role models,
norms influenced women’s decision to engage in activities that were can achieve outcomes in both gender equity and sustainable aquaculture
perceived as men’s work. Some villages however did challenge social practices. In Samoa, MAF is gender-aware and continues working to
norms around tasks being perceived as men’s only work, with senti wards supporting gender inclusive practices both at community and
ments of “if men can do it, so can women”. Other authors have stressed institution level, and has strong female role models with the fisheries
that the role of cultural and social norms and their impact on agency, team to both lead and advocate this shift.
choice and participation should be acknowledged and addressed (Jen In addition to a gender-inclusive lens, achieving inclusive and sus
nifer, 2016; Larson et al., 2021; SPC, 2018). tainable development also requires this strength and asset-based
The consequence of not considering these impacts, such as socio- approach at the whole-of-village level. Focusing on strengths and ca
cultural norms and altering labour efforts, is that one could do more pacities can support communities to reframe needs and issues as instead
harm than good by creating gender imbalances or diminishing the roles “products of renewed collaborative action” (Mathie and Cunningham,
of women and therefore reducing their access to livelihood and income 2003). In our study, the existing collaborative nature of Samoan villages
opportunities. On the other hand, authors (Barclay et al., 2018; Fröcklin provides a ready opportunity to be further promoted and built upon. For
et al., 2013; Lambeth et al., 2002; Thomas et al., 2021) also caution that most, the seaweed farm was perceived as a collective village asset and
providing employment opportunities to women does not always have project, with many participants emphasising the need for men and
the desired outcome, as women are often expected to maintain their women to work collaboratively, sharing roles across the value chain to
household and community roles, on top of additional work. This is ensure its success. Building on this, we suggest that to further support
referred to as “women’s double day” (Lambeth et al., 2002) or a Samoan villages to achieve sustainable change, a process of appreciative
push-pull situation (Chant and Sweetman, 2012; Dyer, 2017; Roberts cooperation is needed, whereby women and men are supported from the
and Mir Zulfiqar, 2019) and has social and health implications for both bottom-up to draw on their own strengths and codesign their own so
the woman and her family (Lambeth et al., 2002). Furthermore, lution to their unique village needs and issues.
gendered division of labour is dynamic and with shifts occurring over
time and within complex interplays of social, economic and environ 5. Conclusion
mental changes (Barclay et al., 2018). Livelihood initiatives are more
likely to be equitable and sustainable if they are based on the un Fish and fishing including seaweed are important to Samoa, both
derstandings of the distinct and different ways women and men partic economically and socially, where women and men villagers each play a
ipate in livelihoods and hence accommodate these differences to role. This study has confirmed the division of labour with men domi
re-negotiate gender norms and promote agency (Lawless et al., 2019; nating early parts of the seaweed value chain involving offshore activ
Okali, 2006). Therefore, there is a need to further explore these roles and ities and women appearing in the later stages including processing,
the dynamics between men and women within the seaweed value chain marketing and cooking. Care must be taken when introducing new
in cultural and social context of Samoa, and to understand their unique seaweed development initiatives to protect seaweed work as a women’s
barriers to participation. asset, and not inadvertently shifting labour and economic benefits away
8C. Anderson et al. Ocean and Coastal Management 232 (2023) 106420
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