THE SHAMAN-PRIESTS OF THE CASAS GRANDES REGION, CHIHUAHUA, MEXICO
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THE SHAMAN-PRIESTS OF THE CASAS GRANDES REGION,
CHIHUAHUA, MEXICO
Christine S. VanPool
The Casas Grandes cultureflourished bet~leeizh t well-known
~ regions: Mesoamerica and the North American Soutlzwe.rt.
An analysis of Medio period (A.D. 1200-1450) potter?. suggests that Paquimk, the center of the Casas Grundes world, was
domirzated by shaman-prie.rts. The pottety includes images that docztment a "classic shamanic journey" between this world
and the spirit world. These images can be conrzected to the leaders o f Paquimi and to valuable objectsfrom West Mexico,
indicating that the Casas Grandes leadership had more irz common with the Mesoamerican system ofshanzan-leaders than
with the political system ofrhe Pueblo world ofthe North American Southwest.
La culturn Casas Grandesjorecid entre dos regiones bien conocidas: Mesoame'rica j el suroeste de Norteamkrica. Un an&-
sis de la cerdmica del periodo Medio (1200-1450 D.C.) sugiere qzte Paquimk, el centro del mundo Casas Grandes, fcte donz-
inada por shamanes. La ceramica incluye imdgenes de,fumadores, danzantes, y hurnanos con cabeza de guacamajo, qne
comparten dos diserios, 10s "simbolos de libras" y 10s "circulos con puntos." Estas imdgenes documentan una 'jlornada t@ica
shamanal," entre este mundo y el mundo de 10s espiritus. Las inzdgenes shamanales se pneden conectar con 10s lideres de
Paquimi y con objetos de alto valor del oeste de Me'xico, indicando que el liderato de Casas Grandes tenia mds en cornun con
la sistema Mesoamericana de lideres-shamanes que con la sistenza politica del mundo Pueblo del suroeste de Norteamkrica.
hamans have fascinated anthropologists 1987). In the process, they thereby also validated
since the beginning of the discipline. By the their own personal importance and abilities to
middle of the twentieth century, anthropol- themselves and to their societies (Eliade 1964:35;
ogists such as Mircea Eliade (1964) had found Whitley 2000; Wilbert 1987:156-161).
"striking correspondence in shamanic practices, Although much has been written about shamans
worldviews, and symbolic behaviors in hundreds in ethnographically studied groups, archaeologists
of societies around the world," which led to the con- are discovering new evidence for shamanic prac-
clusion that shamanic practices were "ancient and tices and their importance in the past (Bahn 1991;
profoundly human" (Narby and Huxley 2001:4; see Bawden 1996; Boyd 1996, 1999; Clottes et al.
also Furst 1998). Shamans, commonly defined as 1998; Freidel et al. 1993:33-38; Furst 1998; Mal-
intermediaries between the "natural" and "super- otki 1997; Miller and Taube 1993:152; Schaafsma
natural" worlds, communed with the supernatural 1994; Whitley 2000; Winter 2000:265,298). These
through ritual and ecstatic trances to gain help and discoveries are likely to provide new insights about
knowledge for healing, weather manipulation (e.g., the diverse roles that shamans performed, and they
rain seeking), divination,ensuring successful hunts, illustrate that shamans were among the first polit-
finding lost objects, self-empowerment,killing ene- ical leaders in the New World, holding offices that
mies, or other important activities such as ensur- also make them priests in an anthropological sense
ing fertility and fecundity for the benefit of their as well. Traditionally anthropologists have defined
people (Atkinson 1987; Boyd 1996; Dobkin de priests as members of the corporate structure who
Rios 1976; Eliade 1964:35;Furst 1972; Grim 1983; manipulate spirits, but unlike shamans do not
Joralemon and Sharon 1993; Myerhoff 1976:99; become them. Priests hold full-time office whereas
Narby and Huxley 2001; Peters and Price-Williams shamans are conceptualized as being part-time reli-
.
1980; Robicsek 1978; Whitley 2000: 156; Wilbert gious practioners. In the real world religious prac-
Christine S. VanPool Department of Anthropology, University of New Mexico. Albuquerque, NM 8713 1-1086
American Antiquity, 68(4), 2003, pp. 696-717
Copyright@ 2003 by the Society for American Archaeology
AMERICAN
ANTIQUITY
OCTOBER 2003
Christine S. VanPool] SHAMAN-PRIESTS OF CASAS GRANDES 697
tioners often employ attributes of both (Miller and ing homedlplumed-serpent headdresses and kilts
Taube 1993:152), becoming shaman-priests. (ritual paraphernalia), suggesting that they are
Recent iconographic analyses have demon- involved in ceremonial activities. In a few cases,
strated that shamanic priestslleaders are a funda- painted individuals with pound signs on their chests
mental component of New World chiefdoms and are depicted as macaw- or homed-headed humans.
state-level societies, including the Aztec (Dobkin By tracing the designs on the smokers, dancers, and
de Rios 1976:34; Winter 2000:265,298), the Col- macaw-headed humans, a transformation sequence
ima of West Mexico (Furst 1998), the Maya (Frei- of males smoking, dancing, and metamorphosing
del et al. 1993:33-38; Miller and Taube 1993:152; into supernatural entities can be observed. These
Robicsek 1978), the Olmec (Furst 1968;Miller and individuals represent shamans who are depicted in
Taube 1993:152), and the Moche (Bawden 1996). various stages of a "classic shamanicjourney," trav-
As aresult, shamans were more than religious prac- eling to and from the spirit world.
tioners in many mid-level and complex societies in While these ceramics were being produced, the
the New World before European contact; they Casas Grandes region witnessed the development
served as heads of states and were commemorated of social hierarchy based on institutionalizedhered-
in art and on public architecture (Miller and Taube itary leadership during the late 1200s and 1300s at
1993:33-34). the site of PaquimC (Di Peso 1974; Rakita 2001;
The past role of shamans in the prehispanic cul- Ravesloot 1988). Two main interpretations about
tures of the American Southwest and northern Mex- the extent of PaquimC's authority have been put for-
ico is largely unexplored. With the exception of ward. First, it has been posited using World Sys-
Mimbres iconography (Cox 2001), the few studies tems theory that the leaders at PaquimC had
addressing prehistoric shamanism in the American economic control over the entire Casas Grandes
Southwest have focused on rock art images (Boyd region (Di Peso 1974,1983;Foster 1986; McGuire
1996,1999; Malotki 1997; Schaafsma 1994), and 1993:31-35; Reyman 1987;Whitecotton and Pailes
do not fully consider the role these shamans or 1986). The second argument maintains that the
shaman-priests may have played in political lead- leaders at PaquimC tightly controlled a 30-km core
ership in the area. Yet the depiction of shamans sug- area around PaquimC, and that there were compet-
gests that the cultures of the American Southwest ing peer polities in the region (Whalen and Minnis
and northern Mexico provide an excellent oppor- 1996, 1999, 2001a, b). However, the actual form
tunity to examine the roles of shamans in emerg- of the leadership has been unexplored.
ing social hierarchies. The findings presented here, based on the sym-
Shamanicl spiritual journeys are depicted on bolic content and archaeological context of Casas
Chihuahuan polychrome vessels made during the Grandes imagery, suggests that leadership at
Medio period (A.D. 1200-1450) of the Casas PaquimC was largely based on shamanic practices.
Grandes Culture in an area that includes northern However, the institutionalized leadership that was
Mexico, southern New Mexico and Arizona, and present is more indicative of priests. The merging
west Texas (Figure 1). As will be discussed more of shamanic imagery in the context of priests there-
fully below, shamans are represented as effigy ves- fore indicates the presence of shaman-priests.Casas
sels of males kneeling and smoking, and as danc- Grandes leadership was thus similar to, and may
ing anthropomorphic bird figures painted on jars. have been influenced by, Western Mexico shaman-
Designs such as serpents, sashes, pound signs, and priest practices and validated by the adoption of
small circles with central dots that are associated West Mexican traits including I-shaped ball courts,
with the effigies of smokers distinguish them from copper bells, and marine shells.
female effigies and polychrome vessels decorated
with geometric designs. Two of the designs (pound The Shamanic Journey
signs and small circles with a central dot found on Cross-cultural studies of simple, mid-level, and
the legs and chest) that characterize the smokers complex societies indicate that shamans partici-
are also associated with specific figures painted on pate in rituals that allow them to travel to the super-
jars. These individuals are frequently depicted in natural world. Most undergo what Sharon
odd stances, perhaps indicating dancing, and wear- (1993:166; see also Myerhoff 1976) calls the
AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 68, No. 4, 2003
II Dutch Ruin
New Mexico
Hueco Tanks
Arizona
Villa Ahumada
Sonora
Rancho.
Tres Rios
Cerro ellApache PAC-Ch-112
Figure 1. Map of the Casas Grandes Region.
"shamanic journey in the classical sense," which
-
Dowson 1988;Narby and Huxley 2001; Robicsek
he illustrates using Peruvian cumrzderos.Myerhoff 1978:47). Once in trance, the spiritual essence of
(1976:102-103) and Sharon (1 993:166) argue that the shaman is transformed, leaves his body (most
the classic chamanic journey consists of three shamans are male), often in the form of an animal
phases: (1) leaving the realm of the mundane, that or a human with the characteristics of an animal or
is the physical world; (2) traveling to the super- bird, and departs the world of the here-and-now for
natural; and (3) returning to the world of the mun- the spirit world (Dohkin de Rios 1976:61-62,73).
dane. As he journeys to the spirit world, the shaman fre-
The transition between the world of the mun- quently experiences the sensation of flying (Harner
dane and the supernatural world is frequently facil- 1973:xxi; Whitley 2000:23). Upon arriving in the
itated by inducing trance states using psychoactive spiritual world the shaman communes with super-
plants, chanting, self-mutilation, sensory depriva- natural beings, bringing them gifts and prayers
tion, sleep deprivatio~i,ritual dancing, and/or fast- from his people, in order to gain their help and
ing (Boyd 1996; Dobkin de Rios 1976; Harner knowledge for healing, divination, successf~~l
1973,1980;Joralemon 1984;Lewis-Williams and hunts, weather control, and other benefits includ-
Christine S. VanPool] SHAMAN-PRIESTS OF CASAS GRANDES 699
ing his own empowerment (Bawden 1996:70, Eli- Boyd 1996, 1999; Brown 1997:475; Dobkin de
ade 1964;Furst 1968,1998;Grim 1983; Joralemon Rios 1976:34; Eliade 1964; Friedel et al. 1993;
and Sharon 1993; Myerhoff 1976,1978; Robicsek Furst 1968,1972,1998; Grim 1983; Harner 1973;
1978; Whitley 2000; Wilbert 1987). Using the Schaafsma 1994; Sharon 1993; von Gernet
knowledge gained from the supernatural, the 2000:78; Whitley 2000).
shaman either completes important tasks while in Shamans often use psychoactive drugs to induce
trance (such as helping with a difficult pregnancy), ritual trances (Dobkin de Rios 1976; Furst 1972;
secures a promise for some important resource such Harner 1973;Wilbert 1987;Winter 2000). Most are
as rain, or returns with the knowledge necessary to plants derived from a few families, especially the
complete tasks in the mundane world (Bawden alkaloid-rich Solanaceae or nightshade family,
1996:70; Grim 1983; Sharon 1993:165-169; Whit- which includes tobacco (Nicotiana spp.) (Schultes
ley 2000:28-29). and Hofmann 1979;Wilbert 1987:137). Historical,
Because shamans travel between the spirit world ethnographic, and pharmacological studies demon-
and the world of the mundane, they are liminal strate that tobacco is hallucinogenic when taken in
people who, in the words of Myerhoff (1976: 103), large doses (Joralemon 1984; Schultes and Hof-
"are at the thresholds of form, forever betwixt and mann 1979:172-75; von Gernet 1992, 2000:74;
between." The transition to and from the spirit Wilbert 1987: 1-148). When taken in extreme
world requires that they have "exquisite balance, doses, it causes the heart rate to lower so much that
never becoming too closely tied to the mundane or it cannot be easily detected and renders the smoker
the supernatural" (Myerhoff 1976:99-100). Wilbert catatonic, causing the body to become rigid
(1987:156) has argued that shamans derive their (Wilbert 1987:142,157-158). For all practicalpur-
power from their ability to metaphorically "die," poses the shaman appears dead, a state attributed
allowing their spirit to leave this world and to travel to the shaman physically leaving his body (Wilbert
to the other world (see also Boyd 1996:156; Eli- 1987:157-158). Although the specific use of
ade 1964). They then defy death, successfully res- tobacco varied greatly from group to group, tobacco
urrecting themselves when they return. As a result, has been one of the most important and widely
the shamanicjourney is arecurring "rite of passage" used psychoactive plants consumed by New World
between the living and the dead (Myerhoff shamans (Brown 1997:474;Huckell1998; Switzer
1976:104-106). Turner (1969) argues that all rites 1969:1;Whitley 2000; Wilbert 1987;Winter 2000).
of passages are full of dangers. Consequently, the It is believed to be one of the first plants used to
rites associated with shamans are elaborated with initiate ecstasy trances in the New World, and it is
rituals and symbols to ensure safe passage between associated with pipe ceremonialism and bird
the worlds (e.g., Bawden 1996:65-75; Sharon imagery in groups throughout the Americas (von
1993:166-168). Often animal tutelary spirits, fre- Gernet 1992:137,2000:79-80; Wilbert 1987:184).
quently in the form of birds, are sent with the It was and still is consumed in a number of ways
shamans to guide and aid them during their flights such as chewing, licking, eating, snuffing, and ene-
(Bawden 1996:65-70; Harner 1973; Sharon 1993; mas, although smoking was the most common
Wilbert 1987). means of ingestion; Wilbert (1987: 124,141)found
that in 233 of the 300 South American groups he
Shamanism and Tobacco in the Anzericas studied who used tobacco, smoking was the most
Shamans have been documented throughout the effective and preferred form of consumption.
Americas from the time of European contact and One of the earliest iconographic representations
have been studied ethnographically among a wide of tobacco smoking is found among the Maya, who
variety of groups (e.g., Eliade 1964; Joralemon and smoked cigars (Robicsek 1978). Classic (A.D.
Sharon 1993:4-12; Loftin 1986; Robicsek 1978; 300-900) Maya art has many depictions of lords
Whitley 2000; Wilbert 1987; Winter 2000). They and gods smoking cigars (Friedel et al. 1993; Miller
have also been identified among archaeologically and Taube 1993:169; Robicsek 1978). According
and ethnographically studied groups ranging in to the Popol Vuh (the Mayan creation story),
political complexity from hunter-gatherers to state- shaman-priest rulers smoked and chewed tobacco,
level societies such as the Aztec (Bawden 1996:67; deprived themselves of sleep, fasted, and continu-
700 AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 68, No. 4,2003
ally prayed to initiate their trance states and thereby and repeating the rhythms of the cosmos through
induce visions to communicate with supernatural dance and other activities thus connect Pueblo men
deities and become supernatural beings (Friedel et to supernatural beings.
al. 1993; Tedlock 1996:192-194). Iconographic evidence indicates that South
Tobacco a130 has a long history of use in the American and Mesoamerican shaman-priests were
American Southwest (Adams 1990; Huckell from the ruling class (Bawden 1996:65-70; Frei-
1998:73; Switzer 1969; Winter 2000). Two pit- del et al. 1993:33-38; Miller and Taube
houses at the Stone Pipe Site in the Tucson Basin 1993:33-34; Townsend 1998:28); not all males
in southeastern Arizona (800 B.C.-A.D. 150) communally participated in smoking and prayer to
yielded 101 tobacco seeds (Huckell 1998). One contact the supernatural as was the case among
structure also contained an unusually long pipe most Southwestern groups. Furthermore, Meso-
(15.6 cm) and produced a radiocarbon date of over american shamans contacted the spiritual world by
2000 B.P. (Ferg 1998:595; Huckell 1998:73). directly traveling to it during ecstasy trances, not
Another early site (Basketmaker 111, A.D. indirectly through smoke and prayers (Winter
621-660), in the Prayer Rock District of north- 2000:41-55). For example, Mayan shaman "K'ul
eastern Arizona, had several pipes with nicotine ahaw" or "divined lords" were able to travel
residues, a Lino Gray jar containing well-preserved between the worlds by opening a portal between
tobacco remains, and yucca leaf packets contain- them using the itz of the sky. Itz was "the magical
ing tobacco and lime (Jones and Morris 1960). stuff brought forth in ritual and as secretions from
Lime (calcium carbonate) is commonly used in all sorts of thingsv-living and inanimate (Freidel
tobacco mixtures to increase the hallucinogenic et al. 199351, 411). In the world of the mundane
effects of the nicotine (Wilbert 1987:18). Contin- it could be found as the sap of a tree or tears of the
ued use of tobacco is evident throughout the eyes (Freidel et al. 1993:411412). Spiritual itz
remainder of southwestern prehistory (Adams nourished and maintained humanity. Mayan
1990; Switzer 1969; Winter 2000:41-53) and it is shamans are often depicted in iconography as hav-
still used by modem Pueblo groups, the Akimel ing jaguar elements such as jaguar skins on the
O'odham (Pima), and Tohono O'odham (Papago) face, and the legs or paws of the jaguars, indicat-
(Loftin 1991:38; Parsons 1996:297 [1939]; Switzer ing that they themselves metamorphosed into
1969:13-15; Titiev 1992 [1944]: 107; Winter anthropomorphic jaguars as part of the shamanic
2000:4146). transformation (Furst 1968; Miller and Taube
Among the Pueblos, native tobacco smoke is 1993:102-104, 152). Thus, these shaman-priests
considered sacred and is perhaps the most common were divine leaders who transformed into super-
form of prayer for men, an activity open to all ini- natural jaguar beings, traveled between the worlds,
tiated males (Loftin 1986, 1991; Parsons and controlled the essences of all things (itz) dur-
1996:370-373 [1939]). Most Pueblo groups, as ing important rituals so that humankind continued
well as the Akimel O'odham and Tohono O'odham, to exist. Their spiritual power was also conceptu-
believe gods inhale the odor and essence (spiritual alized as political power in the world of the mun-
dimension) of the smoke. If offered with a good dane, thereby reinforcing their social status and
heart, and if the associated ceremonies and prayers legitimizing their leadership.
are done correctly. the people will be rewarded with Unlike Mesoamerican shaman-priests who were
the blessing of rain, fertility, and health (Loftin conceptualized as divine leaders and supernatural
1991:38; see also Parsons 1996:172 [1939]; Titiev deities that ruled their societies, Pueblo ritual par-
1992:107 [1944]; Winter 2000:41-46). When ticipants could be any initiated males with none
Pueblo men smoke and pray for rain (Loftin conceived of as supernatural deities or divine rulers
1986:181,1991:38; Parsons 1996:370-373 [1939]; (Loftin 1986,1991;Parsons 1996:370-373 [1939];
Stevenson 1985:189 [1904]; Winter 2000:4445) Winter 2000:44-45). Thus, spiritual power
they can embody a "spark of the sacred, and at obtained by Pueblo shamans did not translate into
proper times, align that embodied essence with the divine leadership.
sacred itself in order to participate in the rhythms I argue that Medio period (A.D. 1200-1450)
of their cosmos" (Loftin 1991:38-39). Smoking Casas Grandes shamanism combines elements ofChristine S. VanPool] SHAMAN-PRIESTS OF CASAS GRANDES 701
both Southwestern and Mesoamerican systems. chrome pottery for trade (also see Brown 1998:65;
Casas Grandes shaman-priests may have been sim- Douglas 1992; Minnis 1988; Phillips 1989:384;
ilar to Pueblo, Akimel O'odham, and Tohono O'od- VanPool and Leonard 2002; Woosley and Olinger
ham men in that they smoked tobacco and prayed 1993). Di Peso (1974:418), Rakita (2001), and
for the blessing of rain, fertility, and health, as well Ravesloot (1988:25-28) have demonstrated that
as to connect with their supernatural entities. How- PaquimC had a hierarchical social organization that
ever, Casas Grandes shaman-priests are similar to was reflected in mortuary practices. PaquimC is
those from Mesoamerican groups in that they are unique to the region, having much more ceremo-
depicted transforming into supernatural deities. nial architecture and apparent ritual artifacts and
Based on iconographic and archaeological evi- contexts when compared to other large sites like
dence, I argue that the structure of ritual and polit- Galeana, which measures 1 km by .3 km and is in
ical leadership was more similar to the established the neighboring Rio Santa Maria drainage (VanPool
Mesoamerican trend of hierarchical shamanic lead- et al. 2000; see also Whalen and Minnis 2001 a).
ership, in which the shaman-priests were consid- Minnis and Whalen (1995, see also Whalen and
ered rulers who wielded enormous secular and Minnis 1996, 1999, 2001b: 161-167) recently
spiritual power. argued that Paquimt exerted a strong influence over
an area just 30 km in size, and its interaction with
Casas Grandes Regional Ceremonial Center: surrounding communities is best typified by peer
PaquimC polity competition. Others argue that Paquimt's
The Casas Grandes archaeological culture reached sphere of influence was much greater (Braniff
its broadest distribution during the Medio period 1999:82; Gamboa 2002; Hendrickson 2000: 17;
(A.D. 1200-1450), encompassing northern Mex- Narez 1991:17; Schaafsma and Riley 1999a:S-9).
ico, southeastern Arizona, southern New Mexico, Regardless of the nature of its influence, PaquimC
and westernmost Texas (LeBlanc 1986:116-1 18; was the "heart" of the Casas Grandes culture
Ravesloot 1998; Schaafsma and Riley 1999a:5-8) (Phillips 1989:383) and was a "Ceremonial City"
(Figure 1). It is characterized by the formation of (Lekson 1999a:15; see also Braniff 1999; Schaaf-
large aggregated communities, such as PaquimC sma 2000). Fish and Fish (1999:40) have proposed
(formally called Casas Grandes) and Galeana, and that Paquimt may have been the "destination of
the production of Chihuahuan polychromes, red- regional pilgrimages, serving to ideologically rein-
and-black-painted ceramics on a light tan-to-brown force and unite outlying populations" (see also
paste or slip (Phillips 1989:382-383). Smaller com- Schaafsma 2000). The significant investment of
munities and villages are found within the region labor in the construction of monumental architec-
as well in a variety of topographical locales from ture that includes 18 platform mounds and spe-
flood plains to cliff and rock shelters high in the cially shaped rooms indicates a community-wide
Sierra Madre Occidental (Gamboa 2002; Kelley et emphasis on ritual activity (Fish and Fish 1999;
al. 1999; MacWilliams 2001; Phillips 1989:383; Lekson 1999a; Schaafsma 2000).
Schaafsma and Riley 1999b:237-239; Whalen and It is also clear that shell species and shell orna-
Minnis 2001b). ment styles, copper bells, and macaws found in
Measuring 1 km in diameter, Paquimt was both large quantities at PaquimC are from the Colima,
the largest Casas Grandes site and the site with the Jalisco, and Nayarit coastal regions of West Mex-
most apparent ritual architecture including two ico, suggesting that Paquime imported West Mex-
large I-shaped ball courts, a T-shaped ball court, ican prestige goods (Bradley 1996:iii; Braniff
platform mounds of various shapes and sizes, and 1993:77; Di Peso et al. 1974; Foster 1995; Kelley
a wide range of ritual rooms (Brown 1998; Di Peso 1980, 1986, 1993, 1995; Lekson 1999a; McGuire
1974; Fish and Fish 1999:40; Lekson 1999x15; 1986:25; Vargas 2001:209) as well as symbols of
Narez 1991; Phillips 1989:382; Wilcox 1995). Di power such as the feathered serpent icon (Braniff
Peso (1974, 1977) argued that PaquimC was a 1993:77,82;Kelley 1986:84-85; Schaafsma 2000).
regional economic and social center ruled by The presence of these trade items and symbols at
pochteca traders where specialists produced PaquimC has led researchers to argue for a cultural
numerous goods including exotic birds and poly- connection with the people as well (Bradley702 AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 68, No. 4, 2003
2000:238; Braniff 1993; Schaafsma 1997:91; Economically valuable artifacts and ritual para-
Turner 1999:232; Vargas 2001:207-209). These phernalia such as copper tinklers, small stone effi-
items and turquoise from the American Southwest gies, and turquoise and shell beads were strewn
are argued to be part of a West Mexican political along the stairs leading down into the well (Di Peso
prestige economy that enabled select individuals et al. 1974:377-81). These items may have been
to elevate their political and social prestige (Bradley ritual offerings to water deities or items used dur-
1996; Braniff 1993:82, 1999; Lekson 1999b; ing ceremonies conducted for rain (Walker and
McGuire 1986:251). Helms (1988, 1998) argues MaGahee 2001).*
that elites obtain goods and knowledge from dis- In addition to architectural traits and goods from
tant lands to empower themselves and legitimize West Mexico, the Casas Grandes region is charac-
their knowledge of the sacred. The West Mexican terized by finely made and intricately decorated
prestige goods at PaquimC came from a consider- polychrome vessels (Brown 1998:68). These ves-
able distance over the Sierra Madres, indicating sels included effigies of human males and females,
that the developing elites at PaquimC legitimized macaws, owls, snakes, badgers, fish, lizards, and
their social position by importing goods and knowl- large animals such as mountain sheep, which often
edge from West Mexico (see also Braniff 1993; Kel- bear a striking resemblance to Mesoamerican
ley 1986; Lekson 1999b; McGuire 1986). imagery (Braniff 1993:77; Kelley 1986:84-85).
Ball courts (I-shaped and T-shaped) that are The effigy vessels are detailed enough to allow the
morphologically similar to those used in determination of the sex of human figures and the
Mesoamerica are further e~~idence for Mesoamer- specific species of some animals (VanPool2001).
ican influence at PaquimC (Braniff 1999:82; Di Rinaldo (in Di Peso et al. 1974:6:86) argued
Peso 1974; Harmon 2002; Naylor 1995; Schaaf- that eccentric vessels (e.g., cruciform and triangu-
sma 2000; Whalen and Minnis 1996;Wilcox 1991). lar forms) and effigy vessels were used for ritual
Ballgames served important religious, political, activities based on analogies with historic groups
and economic roles (Braniff 1993: 79-80; Miller and on contextual data from PaquimC. He found
and Taube 1993:4243; Santley et al. 1991; Schele that 55 of 69 eccentric and effigy ves\els were
and Freidel1990; Whalen and Minnis 1996;Wilcox unsooted with no evidence of usewear. Effigy ves-
1995:289-292). All three ball courts at PaquimC sels therefore provide an ideal place to begin study-
had a center hole in the court covered with a stone. ing Casas Grandes symbolism, because they are
These holes have been interpreted to be an axis fairly realistic representations of humans and ani-
mundi, which is the symbolic emergence place mals but also likely reflect significant symbolism,
from the underworld and the passageway between themes, and ritual activities (see also Braniff 1999).
the worlds in Mesoamerican cosmology (also see As such, they provide symbolic information in a
Miller and Taube 1993:4244; Wilcox and Stem- less ambiguous manner than abstract designs.
berg 1983:209). Di Peso (1974:414415) argued
Casas Grandes Male E f i g y Pots
that the T-shaped ball court in particular was a "reli-
gious" court based on three subfloor caches of "sac- During my analysis of Casas Grandes iconography,
rificial" burials. One individual, for example, was I examined 35 female effigies and 45 male effigies;
buried with her severed right arm draped over her of the latter, 22 are effigies of smoking males. Four
shoulders (Di Peso 1974:414). of the smokers have provenience information; two
The House of the Walk-in Well was another are from the site of PaquimC (Di Peso 1974:570),
important ritual area in Paquime (see VanPool one is from Dutch Ruin in southern New Mexico
2001; Walker and MaGahee 2001). The well was (Lekson 2000:279, 284), and the other is from a
a hidden subterranean water source in the center of small roomblock near the site of Galeana, 55 km
the city with limited access and perhaps served as southeast of PaquimC (Figure 1).The remainder are
a center for rituals related to water (Di Peso unprovenienced.
1974:356; Di Peso et al. 1974:4:377). To descend Di Peso (1974:570) and Woosley (2001:177-
into the Walk-in Well, one passed a human skull- 178) suggest that the smoker effigies are represen-
cap embedded in the floor of the entrance (Di Peso tations of shamans. All the smokers are male as evi-
et al. 1974:4:372-81; Walker andMaGahee 2001). dent from their genitalia (see also Di PesoChristine S. VanPool] SHAMAN-PRIESTS OF CASAS GRANDES 703
1974:715). They are depicted in various squatting Seven jars with painted individuals have been
(including kneeling) positions (Color Photo 1, recorded. On six of these jars, the painted individ-
p. 709), with their right knees (or less frequently, uals have either the pound signs on both the chest
both knees) flexed to their chest, a position com- and legs, or the pound signs on their chest and small
mon for male effigies but never found among circles on the legs or stomach. In contrast to their
female effigies with a single e ~ c e p t i o nIn
. ~my sam- frequency on male effigies and on painted figures,
ple, 2 1 of the 22 smokers have the right knee flexed only two additional pots in my sample of over 2,000
to the chest with the right elbow resting on the right Chihuahuan polychromes have a pound sign; one
knee and the right hand placed in front of the mouth, is an eye decoration in a homed serpent motif and
holding the pipe, usually between the thumb and the second is on the vulva of a female effigy pot.
index finger. The remaining smoker is left-handed, The small dotted circles are on 3 1 vessels painted
and thus has his body position reversed so that his with geometrics, besides the smoker effigies and
left hand holds the pipe and his left knee is drawn the vessels with painted figures.
to the chest. The painted figures with pound signs and small
By Western standards the squatting position dotted circles are frequently depicted in odd pos-
would be uncomfortable and may reflect a com- tures that may represent dancing movements. They
mon shamanic practice of adopting an uncomfort- are associated with homed/plumed serpent imagery
able stance; ethnographically studied shamans hold and headdresses that appear to be adorned with
uncomfortable positions, such as squatting on their macaw feathers6These attributes suggest the indi-
heels for long periods of time, to show their bal- viduals are involved in ceremonial activities. For
ance and strength (Meyerhoff 1976: 102). A strik- example, a Ramos Polychrome jar (Color Photo 2,
ingly similar pose is seen in "crouching male p. 709) depicts two sets of two individuals with
smoker Ixtlan del Rio figures" from the Nayarit area pound signs and small circles with dots. Both fig-
of West Mexico (Di Peso 1974:570; see Furst ures wear headdresses and are in bent postures sug-
1998:168 for an image of such a smoker). They too gesting they are performing a dance or another
have their legs flexed very close to their bodies, hold important ritual activity.
pipes, and have painted interlocking step motifs and Additionally, the painted dancers with head-
squiggly lines (rain symbols) similar to those seen dresses are not depicted wearing leggings or with
on some of the Casas Grandes smokers. the facial markings observed on the smokers. As
While many designs such as similar clothing and part of their rituals, Casas Grandes shamans may
facial markings are found on both male and female have discarded their clothing and facial markings
effigies, two motifs are limited to male effigies, to indicate their disconnection to the world of the
smoker effigies, dancers, and anthropomorphic fig- mundane and their usual identity when they began
ures painted on jars. These motifs are isolated small their journey to the spirit world, a common prac-
circles with a central dot and pound signs with or tice during liminal ceremonies (Turner 1969).
without a central dot. What these motifs might Images of individuals wearing homed or plumed
symbolize is unknown, but they could be tattoo^,^ serpent headdress are not unique to the Casas
images of self mutilation, or self f l ~ g g i n gall , ~ of Grandes region. Similar human figures wearing
which are known to be used by shamans to help horned/plumed serpent headdresses that may have
induce altered states. Regardless of their meanings, been involved in ritual activity are illustrated on
I argue that the redundancy and co-occurrence of three Mimbres Black-on-white bowls (ca. A.D.
these two symbols on these individuals indicate 1000-1 100) from southwestern New Mexico, and
that the kneelers, smokers, and painted individuals a kiva mural from Pottery Mound (ca. A.D.
are members of the same group. 1300-1500) in central New Mexico (Figure 2).
Five kneelers and ten smokers are depicted with Unlike the Casas Grandes figures, two of the Mim-
either the pound signs or the dotted circles (e.g., bres figures are shown possibly decapitating a male
Color Photo lb; see also Figure 163 from Woosley (Figure 2a, b), but the other one has an odd stance
2001: 177), and one smoker effigy has both of these suggestive of dance movements (Figure 2c) (Brody
symbols. Like the smoker effigies, painted indi- 1977:15).A partially intact kiva mural from Kiva
viduals frequently have one of the two key motifs. 7 at Pottery Mound illustrates a figure with a sim-704 AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 68, No. 4,2003 Figure 2. Other American Southwest figures wearing hornedlplnmed serpent headdresses. (A) Mimbres figure wearing a horned serpent headdress (redrawn from Davis 1995:180). (B)M i b r e s figure wearing a horned serpent headdress (redrawn from Brody et al. 1983:118). (C) Mimbres figure wearing a horned serpent headdress (redrawn from Brody 1977:Sl). (D) Pottery Mound figure wearing a horned serpent headdress (redrawn from Hibben 1975:113).
Christine S. Vanpool] SHAMAN-PRIESTS OF CASAS GRANDES
Figure 3. Drawing of a Ramos Polychrome jar from the House of the Walk-in-Well (redrawn from Di Peso et al.
1974:6:272).
ilar horned/plumed serpent headdresstmask, but viduals on this bowl has pound signs on his chest
due to poor preservation it is difficult to determine and a macaw head, and both appear to be flying.
what activities he or she is conducting (Figure 2d). They carry homed serpentstmacaws under their
The Casas Grandes painted human in Figure 3 left arms, while a bird rides along with them on top
closely resembles the figures illustrated in Color of their left legs.
Photo 2 in that he has pound signs on his chest. Given their iconographic context, that the
Instead of wearing a hornedplumed-serpent head- shamans are depicted with birds is not surprising.
dress, his headdress is shown next to him and he As previously mentioned, birds are common tute-
has a horn (see alsoVanPo01 2002:43 for additional lary animals among New World shamans (von Ger-
image). This image suggests the individual is trans- net 1992, 2001;Wilbert 1987). Both von Gernet
forming into a homed being and is metamorphos- (1992: 137,2001:80) and Wilbert (1987: 184) have
ing into what he represented while wearing the argued for an association of bird imagery and
headdress (see Loftin 1991). In addition, Furst tobacco as ubiquitous, indicating it is a physiolog-
(1998:178-181) argues that shamans throughout ical and biochemical reaction from nicotine intox-
the Americas including the Colima, Jalisco, and ication, which causes people to "see" flashes of
Nayarit areas in West Mexico are depicted with movement that are commonly interpreted as birds
horns protruding from the forehead, demonstrat- while in trance (Wilbert 1987:133-148). The birds
ing their power. The homed men in Casas Grandes and the hornedplumed serpents may be tutelary
iconography may therefore further indicate a cul- spirits who guide the shaman through his journey
tural linkage with West Mexico. and help him bring back critical information or per-
Thus, individuals decorated with the pound sign form tasks while in the spirit world (see Bawden
and small circles with a central dot are depicted 1996; Grim 1983; Harner 1973; Joralemon and
smoking, dancing, and transforming into super- Sharon 1993).
natural beings. The transformation of these indi- Only two other vessels with macaw-headed
viduals depicted in the imagery is akin to that seen anthropomorphs have been recorded. The macaw-
in other New World shamans, especially the "full headed anthropomorph is associated with the tute-
blown tobacco shamans" of South America and the lary bird on one of the vessels and with the
Huichol (West Mexican) (Wilbert 1987; Winter hornedlplumed serpent on the other. Neither of
2000:266). these individuals is wearing clothes, as seen in the
By following the pound sign on the shamans, earlier phase of the shamanic journey.
we can further trace the shamanicjourney and trans- When the vessels are viewed as a continuum
formation of the shamans into supernatural deities (Figure 5), they present a depiction of the classic
who cross over to the spirit world. Figure 4 shows shamanic journey. The Casas Grandes shamanic
two roll-out drawings from a Ramos Polychrome journey begins in the mundane world as depicted
bowl (Di Peso 1974:534-535). Each of the indi- by "kneelers and smokers" who may have been706 AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 68, No. 4, 2003
Figure 4. Drawings of a Ramos Polychrome howl (redrawn from Di Peso 1974535,536).
smoking tobacco perhaps laced with datura or pey- formed supernatural entities and are shown in flight
ote. As the Casas Grandes shamans begin to leave (Figure 4), their arrival in the supernatural world is
the mundane world, they lose their ordinary identi- more clearly illustrated in Figure 6. This figure is
ties as indicated by the loss of their clothes and a roll-out drawing of a jar portraying macaw-
facial markings. On one vessel they are clearly headed humans with tail feathers and pound signs
shown with their arms in the air, suggesting they are on their chests interacting with supernatural enti-
about to begin their "flight" (see Fields and Zamu- ties including the hornedplumed serpent, a macaw
dio-Taylor 2001 :44, Figure 18). They also begin to design that I refer to as the "double-headed dia-
transform into supernatural beings, as illustrated in mond macaw,'' and the tutelary bird, which was
Figure 3, in which the shaman is becoming a homed depicted with the traveling shaman in Figure 4. The
being, not just a person wearing a headdress. The pound signs again indicate that these anthropo-
macaw-headed individuals illustrate the complete morphic figures are the transformed shamans.
transformation. They have lost their human identity Additionally,the vessel's design lacks the highly
and have become supernatural entities. structured layout typical of other Casas Grandes
While the shamans are clearly depicted as trans- ceramics. Most Casas Grandes polychromejars are
decorated on the sides; rarely are they decorated
on the bottom (Brooks 1973:11). Usually there are
two decorative panels, one on each side of the jar
(Brooks 1973:11; Kidder 1916:261;VanPool and
VanPool 2002). These are often subdivided into
four triangular panels (Hendrickson 2000:36; Kid-
der 1916:261-262). In contrast, the vessel repre-
sented in Figure 6 has been painted on part of the
bottom, and the sides of this vessel have not been
divided into panels. There is little "empty space"
- 9
on the pot, and it is iconographically complex com-
pared to other vessels. (Three additional vessels
Figure 5. Schematic of the Casas Grandes shamanic jour- have similar macaw-headed imagery, one of which
ney. is on display at the El Paso Museum of Archaeol-Christine S. VanPool] SHAMAN-PRIESTS OF CASAS GRANDES 707
Figure 6. Roll-out of a Ramos Polychrome jar (adapted from Justin Kerr, New York, Photograph No. K1548).
ogy at Wilderness Park and is used as the museum's shamanic journey are general conceptualized as
logo. These vessels also flaunt the highly struc- individuals who die, thereby allowing their spirits
tured Casas Grandes layout and are painted on the to travel into the spirit world.
bottom.) The intentional abandonment of the nor- The difference between shamanic death and an
mal Chihuahuan polychrome design layout may individual's ultimate death is that the shaman's
indicate that the structure of the mundane world is spirit is able to return to the world of the mundane,
gone. Thus, the layout and the supernatural deities inhabit his body, and in effect allow the shaman to
illustrate that the shaman traveled to "the underly- be resurrected. It is in fact the shaman's ability to
ing chaos of the unconceptualized domain which "conquer" death that contributes to shamans' high
has not yet been made a part of the cosmos by the social status and perceived spiritual strength (Myer-
cultural activity of naming and defining" (Myer- hoff 1976; Wilbert 1987:157).
hoff 1976:102), or, to use Turner's (1969)term, they It is unlikely, however, that Casas Grandes death
reached antistructure. Their successful return from symbolism is indicative of general deaths. The use
this realm is illustrated by the fact that their jour- of the pound signs and circles with a limited group
ney is portrayed on these ceramics. of males indicates that the symbolism does not
apply to females or even most males. Thus, it does
Additional Interpretations not represent death for all Casas Grandes individ-
Most researchers studying symbolism agree that uals. Furthermore, the association of the homed ser-
symbols have multiple meanings (Hodder 1986; pent imagery, commonly associated with water
Leone 1986; Robb 1998,1999). This is true of the rituals in Mesoamerica and the American South-
imagery discussed here. For example, some of the west (Schaafmsa 1980,1998:41,2000),with males
imagery could reflect general death symbolism, dancing and smoking from pipes (cloud blowers),
with the horizontal individuals represented in Fig- strongly insinuatesthat individuals are conducting
ure 4 representing dying individuals who have lost water rituals (Loftin 1986, 1991; Titiev 1992:107
their humanism as seen with the loss of clothing, [1944]; Winter 2000:4146), and are not under-
and have transformed into a spirit. The horizontal taking the general passage of individuals from liv-
figures could reflect individuals who are in the lim- ing to dead. This portion of the symbolism therefore
inal state between mundane and spirit worlds. The appears to be tied to rain making and probably does
arrival of the deceased individual into the spirit not represent the general process of death. Although
world is marked by his association with the the horizontal figures themselves could represent
hornedplumed serpents and double-headed dia- at one level the general process of death, the smok-
mond macaw motif, two important deities in Casas ers and dancers represent water rituals at a differ-
Grandes cosmology (Figure 6). Such an interpre- ent level. The pound signs and circles on the
tation is consistent with both the imagery in gen- horizontal figures, the smokers, and the dancers,
eral and the arguments presented above. As however, suggest that the two levels of potential
previously mentioned, shamans undertaking the meanings are tied together. General shamanic sym-708 AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 68, No. 4,2003
bolism can account for each level of the symbol- but with two exceptions are not found on female
ism while at the same time explain how the spe- effigies or other Casas Grandes ceramic vessels. In
cific meanings such as death and water rituals may particular, the pound sign is found on three male
be tied together. heelers, six smokers, five dancers, and five anthro-
One reviewer for this paper also suggested that pomorphic figures with human bodies and homed
the dancers with homed serpent headdresses could or macaw heads, suggesting these individuals are
represent kachinas (Color Photo 2). This is a dis- part of a discrete group. This demonstrates that
tinct possibility given that horned serpents and Casas Grandes males participated in the "classical
kachinas are often used together in water rituals in three-part shamanic journey" and were shamans in
many Pueblos of the Southwest (Bunzel the anthropological sense (see Myerhoff 1976;
1992515-5 16; Schaafsma and Wiseman 1992:179; Sharon 1993). The shamans smoked tobacco,
Stevenson 1985 [1904]; Titiev 1992 [1944]; Tyler which could have been combined with other pow-
1991:20-21; Wright 1985:5&51). If these dancers erful drugs such as datura and peyote alkaloids, as
are kachinas they may represent ancestors just as observed among many groups in South America
they do among the Pueblo people today (Hieb 2000; (Wilbert 1987), the Huichol of West Mexico (Furst
Wright 1985:2).If so, then the shamanic practice is 1972, 1998; Myerhoff 1978) and the modem-day
again symbolicallytied to death and the other world Tarahumara in the Casas Grandes region (Winter
(see Hieb 2000:25 for the association of kachinas 2000:50-52), and danced, aided by prayer, medi-
and death).These dancers with homed serpent head- tation, fasting, sleep deprivation and auto-violence,
dress could be ancestors and shamans at the same to induce an ecstasy trance. While in trance they
time. In the Mayan World, shamansldivine leaders were conceptualized as being dead, with their spir-
were considered to be the incarnated ancestors its leaving the world of the mundane and traveling
(Miller and Taube 1993:32). Thus Casas Grandes to the "other" world in the form of macaw-headed
art could have multiple meanings integrating ances- anthropomorphs. They then communed with
tors, kachinas, and shamans. supernaturals and finally returned to the mundane,
If these figures seen in Color Photo 2 are kachi- defying death.
nas then they might be an early form that is struc- The pipes held by Casas Grandes smoker effi-
turally different from those found prehistorically gies appear to be small cylinders that are similar to
and historically among the Pueblos to the north. In nine stone pipes found at PaquimC. Seven of the
Casas Grandes iconography the individuals are pipes were found in the side rooms of the House
wearing headdresses instead of masks. This may of the Walk-in Well (Di Peso et al. 1974:7:305-
be a moot point that is significant only to Western 306), along with two "shamanic caches" (jars with
thinking, but it could also reflect a difference in the mineral concretions, quartz, and small fetishes),
religious systems; Cole (1989) and Adams and a largejar with depictions of two shamans.The
(2000:35) both argue that masks are "the only reli- pipes indicate that smoking was an important part
able indicator" of kachinas. Additionally, the of the actual ritual behavior at PaquimC, not just an
plethora of kachinas present elsewhere (e.g., the activity portrayed on pots. Given the contexts of
Sun Kachina and the Deer Kachina) are not evi- the pipes, the shamanic caches, and the olla deco-
dent in the Casas Grandes system, which instead rated with shamans, it is plausible to conclude that
emphasizes the horned serpent imagery specifi- shamans used the House of the Walk-in Well while
cally. As a result, it seems unlikely that the Casas engaged in smoking rituals. If so, then the smok-
Grandes system can be strictly modeled using anal- ing, pipes, shaman caches, and shamanic iconog-
ogy with the Puebloan cultures of the American raphy at the House of the Walk-in Well constitute
Southwest, although they may have shared many an "iconic family" that according to Knight
common threads. (1986:676) is a "set of sacra particularly associ-
ated with a corresponding cult institution." This
Discussion cult institution at PaquimC was in all likelihood
Two motifs, the pound signs and circles, are found concerned with water making or rejuvenation,
on male kneeler effigies, male smoker effigies, given the context of the Walk-in Well.
painted dancers, and painted supernatural entities, The journey depicted on these Casas GrandesChristine S. VanPool] SHAMAN-PRIESTS OF CASAS GRANDES Color Photo 1. Smoker effigies. (A) Ramos Polychrome male effigy (courtesy of the El Paso Centennial Museum, University of Texas at El Paso, Catalog No. A 36.1.30). (B) Ramos Polychrome male effigy (courtesy of the Amerind Foundation, Dragoon, Accession No. 3391. Photograph by Jonathan Williams).
AMERICAN ANTIQUITY Color Photo 3. Ramos Polychromesmoker effigy vessel (courtesy of the Natural History Museum of Los Angeles County, Los Angeles. Photograph by Chris Coleman). pots strongly suggests the presence of smoking ple to come from far and wide for cures, predic- shamanism in the Casas Grandes region. The pres- tions, or prayers for rain and crops. ence of the seven pipes, at least two smoker effi- In addition to the two motifs that are effectively gies, the shamanic caches, and a vessel depicting limited to the shamans, the smokers are decorated shamans (Figure 3) in the rooms of the House of with other symbols. Of importance to this discus- the Walk-in Well, indicate that this shamanic ide- sion is that the smokers are sometimes (4 of 22) ological system was well formulated at PaquimC depicted with sashes that are composed of running and was an integrated component of the practiced bands of dotted circles (Color Photo 3). This same ritual system. If Fish and Fish (1999:44) and banding, depicted on female effigies (6 of 35) and Schaafsma (2000) are correct that people in the other male effigies (6 of 20), is commonly used to Casas Grandes region undertook pilgrimages to depict the bodies of serpentson 8 of 33 vessels with PaquimC, the shamans of Paquim6 may have had serpents (Color Photo 4; for additional images see tremendous political and spiritual significance. As Lekson 2002:28, Figure 2.18; Narez 19915). I a ritual center, the shamans at PaquimC may have argue elsewhere (VanPo012000) that this banding been considered to be very powerful, causing peo- is a shorthandexpression for a serpent. "In religious
Christine S. VanPool] SHAMAN-PRIESTS OF CASAS GRANDES
Color Photo 4. Rani05 Polgrhrome snake effigy vessel (cou~rtesyof the El Paso Centennial hluscum, University of Texas
at El Paso, Catalog No. A 36.1.91).
terms, serpents may have been the most important tant ritual contexts: one in the House of the Walk-in
fauna of Mesoamerica," and they have been Well and two at the Mo~mdof the Offerings.
reported as having been a "pan-Mesoamerican The vessel from the House of the Walk-in Well
'vehicle of rebirth, and transformation"' (Miller (41.4 cm tall) has depictions of two "horned"
and Taube 1993:148-150). Both Mesoamerican shamans (Figure 3), indicating an association of
groups and various Southwestern groups believed shamans and serpent imagely. The other two large
that serpents come from the underworld, and their jars (40.0 and 46.8 cm tall, respectively) from the
modern descendents still use live snakes in their cer- Mound of the Offerings are Ramos Polychrome
emonies (Crown 1994:167; Ellis and Hammack vessels that contained postcranial human remains.
1968:42; Miller and Taube 1993:197; Parsons Di Peso (1974:418) and Ravesloot (1988:25-28)
1996:709 [1939]; Titiev 1992:152 [1944]) (e.g., argued that these urns contained the most elite buri-
the Hopi consider serpents to be the messengers that als at PaquimC, and recent research by Rakita
carry prayers to the underworld [Loftin 1991;Tyler (2001) reveals that the bodies of these elites were
19641). revisited and venerated during rituals. The associ-
The serpentband is also only rarely found as con- ation of serpent banding with these individuals
tinuous zigzag bands on pots decorated with geo- demonstrates that serpent symbolism was vital to
metric designs (Figure 7). Of the 238 Ramos the elites in their final resting place and was a sym-
Polychrome7vessels excavated from PaquimC, only bol associated with the leadership at PaquimC. The
three geometric vessels have this serpent band motif fact that the vessels from the House of the Walk-in
(Figure 7; Di Peso et al. 1974:6:25&299) (in my sam- Well had both serpent and shamanic imagery and
ple of 2,000 pots this serpent band motif is present was found in association with the pipes and the
only on one additional olla, indicating that the motif other shamanicparaphernalia suggests that serpent
is rarely present on geometric vessels). These vessels imagery was associated with shamans as well. The
are between 40 and 50 cm tall and are found in irnpor- association of serpent symbolism with the eliteAMERICAN ANTIQUITY pol. 68, No. 4,2003
Figure 7. Ramos Polychrome urn from PaquimC (drawn from Ravesloot 1988:26).
burials at PaquimC suggests that the leaders are at ial goods (Helms 1988:5). It may have been the
the very least associated with the shamans, and that PaquimC shaman-priests' perceived spiritual
they may in fact be the same people. knowledge and power coupled with their access to
Schaafsma (2000) and Schaafsma and Riley exotic goods from West Mexico that led to the
(1999b:248) have argued that Casas Grandes may development of PaquimC as a ritual center.
have had "caciques," who exercised religious As aresult, shamanicleadershipat Paquimk was
authority. It seems highly likely that these caciques more indicative of the Mesoamerican pattern of
must have exercised some kind of political control leadership, a pattern that is very different than that
(Schaafsma and Riley 1999b:248). The icono- of the Pueblo religious patterns, where all initiated
graphic and archaeological analyses presented in males participate in smoking and repeating the
this paper appear to support their suggestion, rhythms of the cosmos through dance to connect
adding only that the religious leaders, who had to their supernatural beings (Loftin 1991:38).The
political control, were shaman-priests. Local elites argument that the pattern of shamanic ritual and
at PaquimC may have followed a well-known leadershipis indicative of Mesoamerican influence
Mesoamerican and South American strategy to is further supported by the significant presence at
obtain power by emphasizingtheir access to super- Paquimk of Mesoamerican traits such as I-shaped
natural powers. In this way, they parlayed their ball courts, shell species and shell ornament styles,
spiritual power into political power as well. Helms and copper bells from West Mexico.
(1988:3-5, 1998:3-11) argues that elites make
long-distance journeys, both in the physical and Conclusions
spiritualworlds, to access exotic goods and knowl- By tracing distinctive designs, the pound sign and
edge and to thereby gain and legitimize their sta- the dotted circle, found on effigies of males kneel-
tus in their own societies. In this context, the ing and smoking, and on painted figures of men
spiritual journey and esoteric knowledge of the dancing, and macaw- and homed-headed humans,
shamans represents an "exotic" resource that the "classic shamanicjourney" observedcross-cul-
included knowledge of the "mysteries" of the cos- turally is also observed in Casas Grandes iconog-
mos that is even less accessible than exotic mater- raphy. As with all liminal rituals, the shamanicChristine S. VanPool] SHAMAN-PRIESTS OF CASAS GRANDES 713
passage was marked with important symbols and Tobacco (Nicotiana) Contents: A Case Study from Red
Bow Cliff Dwelling, Arizona. Journal of Ethnobiology
tutelary imagery that helped to ensure safe pas- lO(2): 123-139.
sageways between the worlds (Joralemon and Atkinson, J. M.
Sharon 1993; Turner 1969). In the case of the Casas 1987 The Effectiveness of Shamans in Indonesian Ritual.
American Anthropologist 89:342-355.
Grandes region, shamans were depicted with ser- Bahn, P.
pent symbolism as seen in the serpent bands and 1991 Where's the Beef? The Myth of Hunting Magic in
hornedlplumed serpent headdresses they wore, and Paleolithic Art. In Rock Art and Prehistory, edited by P.
Bahn and A. Rosenfeld, pp. 1-30. Oxbow Monograph 10.
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on the elite burial urns at PaquimC indicates that Bawden, G.
elites and shamans shared a similar symbolism and 1996 The Moche. Blackwell, London.
Boyd, C. E.
that the shamans may have been the institutional- 1996 Shamanic Journeys into the Otherworldof the Archaic
ized elites. If so, the elites at Paquim6 were Chichimec. Latin American Antiquity 7: 152-164.
shamanic-priest leaders, suggesting that PaquimC's 1999 Pictographic Evidence of Peyotism in the Lower
Pecos, Texas Archaic. In The Archaeology of Rock-Art,
social organization was more similar to the edited by P. S. C. T a ~ o nand C. Chippindale, pp. 229-246.
Mesoamerican system of shamanic leaders than Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.
the communal male religious practitioners in the Bradley, R. J.
1996 The Role of Casas Grandes in Prehistoric Shell
American Southwest. By becoming supernatural Exchange Networks Within the Southwest. Unpublished
entities themselves, Casas Grandes shamanic- Ph.D. dissertation, Department of Anthropology,Arizona
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2000 Recent Advances in Chihuahuan Archaeology. In
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The determination that Casas Grandes leader- stein, pp. 221-239. University of Utah Press, Salt Lake
City.
ship was based primarily on shamanic practices Braniff, B. C.
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Brody, J. J.
shamans and priests in the New World. They were 1977 Mimbres Painted Pottety University of New Mexico
often religious practitioners who wielded immense Press, Albuquerque.
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1983 Mimbres P0ttery:AncientArt of the American South-
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Acknowledgments. I sincerely thank David A. Phillips Jr. for 1973 An Analysis of Painted Pottery Designs of the Casas
translating the abstract into Spanish, and Timothy Kohler, Grandes Culture. AWANYU l(2): 11-33.
Carroll Riley, Polly Schaafsma, and two anonymous review- Brown, J. A.
ers for American Antiquity for their thoughtful comments 1997 The Archaeology of Ancient Religion in the Eastern
Woodlands.Annual Review ofAnthropologq.26:464-485.
and helpful editorial advice. I also thank Rafael Cruz
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