The growth and nancial status of professional sports in North America: insights for English soccer leagues?

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Managing Leisure 7, 145–163 ( 2002)

  The growth and Ž nancial status of professional
   sports in North America: insights for English
                  soccer leagues?
                      Dennis R. Howard and John L. Crompton
  Lundquist School of Business, University of Oregon, USA and Department of Recreation,
                Park and Tourism Sciences, Texas A & M University, USA

An overview of the Ž nancial status of professional sports leagues in North America is provided. It
reveals that they face similar challenges to those confronting professional soccer teams in England:
most teams report annual operating losses; costs, primarily attributed to players’ salaries, are
accelerating at a level which outstrips the large growth in revenues that is also occurring; and the
wealthiest teams tend to dominate competitions on the playing Ž eld. The North American leagues’
problems of falling attendance, declining ratings, and an economic disconnect with their fan base all
contribute to the leagues’ declining Ž nancial health. Strategies used by leagues to control player
costs are described.

               INTRODUCTION                           and £127 million of the additional costs were
                                                      attributable to increases in wages and sala-
The Deloitte and Touche Annual Review of
                                                      ries. The deteriorating status of football
Football Finance ( 2001) for the 1999/2000
                                                      clubs was re ected in the changing fortunes
season concluded that the aggregate pre-tax           of the Singer and Friedlander Football Fund.
losses of Premier and Football League clubs           The Fund invested exclusively in football
totalled £145 million. Only 15 of the 92 clubs        clubs and businesses associated with them.
reported an operating proŽ t. Among the elite         In 1997, when it was launched, it raised
Premier clubs, nine of the 20 teams showed            approximately £30 million and attracted
an operating proŽ t. These losses occurred at         nearly 20,000 members ( Miles, 2002) . There
a time when English football has never been           was much excitement and optimism about
richer. In the nine-year period from 1990/91          the investment potential of football. In the
to 1999/2000, Deloitte and Touche report that         previous year, the share prices of several
aggregate income for the 92 teams increased           clubs had more than trebled. Manchester
by an extraordinary £823 million to its               United brie y achieved a market capital-
1999/2000, total of £1.078 million. This in-          ization of £1 billion.
crease in revenues is projected to continue to           The game appeared to be in a Ž nancially
reach £1.5 billion in the 2002/03 season. Part        strong position since attendances have risen
of this projected increase is attributable to         consistently each year since 1986. Prior to
the substantially larger television fees which        that time, they had declined for much of the
will grow to £100 million over this period.           post-war period. Since the turnaround in
   The substantial losses that have accrued           1986, attendances have increased from 16
while revenues have escalated re ect the             million to around 30 million. However, much
clubs’ inability to control costs. Thus, while        of the momentum for investing in clubs arose
revenues increased by £128 million in                 from the anticipation of quantum increases in
1999/2000, costs escalated by £188 million,           income from the sale of media rights. The
          Managing Leisure ISSN 1360-6719 print/ISSN 1466-450X online © 2002 Taylor & Francis Ltd
                                      http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals
                                      DOI: 10.1080/13606710210163364
146                                                                      Howard and Crompton

television companies competed vigorously          these problems while others have failed to do
for those rights. The revenue potential from      so, may offer insights that are useful in
this source was realized, but it was accom-       addressing the problems of the English lea-
panied by the spiralling costs associated         gues.
with the purchase of players and paying
them exponentially higher wages. As a result,
                                                    THE GROWTH IN US PROFESSIONAL
the value of football stocks has plummeted
                                                              SPORTS
so the Singer and Friedlander Fund was
valued at only £7.4 million in March 2000.        Professional sports was a major beneŽ ciary
    Television rights across the Ž ve leading     of the longest sustained period of growth in
European football leagues of England, Spain,      United States’ history. In the 1990s, almost
Italy, Germany and France rose 993% in value      180 new professional sports teams came into
in the 10 years from 1991, but are projected      existence, so the total inventory of pro-
to increase by only 8% in the 3 years after the   fessional teams at all levels now exceeds 800.
2002/03 season ( The Sunday Times, 2002) .        Most of these teams were associated with the
The likelihood of future reductions in media      13 new leagues which were launched in that
rights income was exacerbated by the de-          decade ( e.g. the Xtreme Football League,
mise of ITV digital whose 2002 bankruptcy         National Rookie League, West Coast Hockey
will be prominent in the minds of the media       League) . Two trends that were unanticipated
representatives charged with renegotiating        by analysts at the beginning of the 1990s
television rights. This has reinforced the        were the spectacular expansion of major and
sense of urgency to address football’s Ž nan-     minor league hockey in the Sun Belt states,
cial crisis. The Deloitte and Touche ( 2001)      and the emergence of women’s sports lea-
report shows a convincing high correlation        gues ( e.g. Women’s National Basketball Asso-
( r2 = 0.89) between clubs’ wage bills for        ciation and the Women’s United Soccer
players and their league standings on the         Association ) .
playing Ž eld. Over the previous Ž ve-year           There are four so-called major leagues in
period, the four Premier League clubs with        the United States: the National Football
the average highest salary bills were Man-        League ( NFL) , Major League Baseball
chester United, Liverpool, Chelsea and Arse-      ( MLB) , National Basketball Association
nal, and all of these teams are consistently      ( NBA) and National Hockey League ( NHL) .
at the forefront of the Premier League. In        The number of teams in these four leagues
short, the evidence is strong that money          increased from 103 franchizes in 1989 to 123
brings success.                                   by 2001. During that time, the NHL added
    These challenges of rapidly accelerating      eight expansion teams, MLB added four, the
revenues being outstripped by even greater        NFL added three and the NBA added Ž ve new
increases in salaries; substantial operating      teams. The most spectacular growth in pro-
losses at a time when revenues are at an all      fessional team sports, however, occurred at
time high level; and the wealthiest teams         the secondary level, where the so-called
dominating the major competitions are also        minor league teams, particularly in hockey
characteristic of the challenges confronted       and basketball, have expanded in numbers
by professional sports leagues in the United      substantially. By 2000, over 140 minor league
States. The review of these leagues’ Ž nancial    hockey teams were playing in arenas
challenges in this paper suggests that the        throughout the US and Canada. Only base-
problems of the English soccer leagues are        ball, with a total of 188 franchises, has more
not unique. The discussions in the paper of       minor league teams. Four new basketball
how some of the major leagues have resolved       leagues were launched in 2000 alone, includ-
Growth and Ž nancial status of professional sports in North America                              147

ing the International Basketball League, the        out victory over China in the women’s world
National Rookie League, the College Pro             cup Ž nal in 1999. With an estimated 40 million
League, and the ABA 2000. And, what is              US viewers, the cup Ž nal was the most
probably surprising even to the most ardent         watched soccer match in the history of US
football fans in the US is that, by 2001 over 60    network television, and the crowd of 90,185
professional football teams in addition to the      at the Rose Bowl was the largest ever for a
32 NFL franchizes, operated in cities through-      women’s sporting event.
out the US and Canada.                                 In the late 1990s, new women’s leagues
   The Arena Football League ( AFL) may be          were established in basketball ( WNBA and
the single most successful league property          the now defunct American Basketball
launched in the last 15 years. The AFL has          League) , soccer ( WUSA) , softball ( WPSL) and
expanded from eight teams at its inception in       plans for a professional hockey league in the
1987 to19 teams in 2001. In fact, it has grown      US and Canada are under serious considera-
from one to two separate leagues with the           tion. Women’s sports properties accounted
creation of its own minor league, called AF2        for $600 million of the $4.5 billion that
in 2000. In 2001, there were 47 indoor foot-        corporations spent on sports in 1999. A
ball teams playing under the Arena Football         crucial factor in both the development and
League banner. Arena football is a hybrid           sustainability of these new properties has
version of the outdoor game with similar            been corporate support. Corporations began
scoring, rules and the basics of blocking and       to realize that women’s sports could provide
tackling. The one major difference is that it is    a highly effective platform for reaching
played indoors, on a surface half the size of a     women, who make 80% of a household’s
regulation football Ž eld, surrounded by pad-       purchase decisions in the US. As the execu-
ded dasher boards, similar to hockey. The           tive director of the Women’s Sports Founda-
result is a game called the ‘50-yard indoor         tion asserted, women are now serious
war’ or the ‘brawl inside the wall’ ( Fitzgerald,   consumers of sport, who are ‘no longer
2000) . The league’s model has proven im-           watching soap operas and talk shows from
mensely successful. In 1999, the NFL ac-            10am to 2pm’ ( Reynolds, 1999, p. 5) . Indeed,
quired an exclusive option to purchase 49.9%        in the US more than half of women now
of the league by 2002. It seems likely that         engage in some form of regular exercise, and
arena football will become NFL-indoor or            one third of all high school girls participate in
NFL-arena within the near future.                   one or more varsity sports.
   Women’s sports Ž nally emerged as a part            One sports property which has  ourished
of the professional sports landscape in North       as a result of corporate America’s growing
America over the last half of the 1990s. The        interest in aligning with women’s sports, has
talent pool produced by the achievements of         been the Ladies’ Professional Golf Associa-
title IX, which is a federal law requiring          tion ( LPGA) . The women’s golf tour experi-
women be given equal sporting opportun-             enced a remarkable increase in corporate
ities to men in high schools and colleges; the      support over the last decade, with sponsor-
resultant success of women’s national teams         supported prize money more than doubling
on the world stage at the summer and winter         from $17.1 million in 1990 to $36.2 million for
Olympics; and the 1999 women’s soccer               the 2000 season ( Williams, 2000) . While the
world cup provided the impetus for the              LPGA continues to grow, the recent experi-
launch of several women’s sports leagues.           ence of the WNBA and the WPSL indicates
The seminal event in the history of women’s         that women’s sports leagues will continue to
sports in the United States was probably the        struggle to Ž nd a secure niche in a cluttered
national team’s dramatic penalty kick-shoot-        sports marketplace. After a successful debut
148                                                                        Howard and Crompton

season in 1997, the NBA owned WNBA found           established outdoor Major League Lacrosse
it difŽ cult to maintain its initial momentum.     ( MLL) . Again, as with any new sports ven-
During the 2000 season, league-wide attend-        ture, an essential ingredient for success is
ance slipped 11% and the league reportedly         corporate sponsor support. With the niche
continued to lose money ( Mullen, 2001) . On       sports, the property’s ability to tap the
the plus side however, television ratings,         intensity of the sports fan base is the key to
while modest, grew 5% during the league’s          generating sponsor involvement. As one ana-
fourth season and the WNBA was able to add         lyst suggests, ‘The intensity of the fan base is
six new corporate sponsors. Since its incep-       often far more important than its actual size’
tion, the league has steadily expanded from        ( Cawley, 2000, p. 25) . The MLL was able to
its original eight teams to 16 teams in 2001.      leverage the league’s natural appeal to la-
   Analysts are less sanguine about the            crosse enthusiasts in signing its Ž rst three
WPSL’s future. The league, launched in 1997,       major sponsorship deals with Sports Hel-
as Women’s Pro Fastpitch, has struggled to         mets, Great Atlantic ( a lacrosse catalogue) ,
Ž nd its niche in the competitive sports           and stick maker Warrior Lacrosse, for re-
market. Instead of achieving its initial goal of   portedly more than 1 million dollars ( Bern-
expanding to at least 12 markets to establish      stein, 1999) .
a national presence, the WPSL declined from           Complementing the extensive involvement
the six original teams to just four franchizes     of corporations has been the evolution of
by the end of its fourth season. Given its         cable television as the second key element in
severely contracted state, the league faced        the growth of niche sports. Cable channels
major challenges in sustaining sufŽ cient fan      such as ESPN, ESPN2 and the 13 Regional
and corporate support to ensure its future.        Sports Networks around the country are in
Another sports property that has become a          constant need of new programming to Ž ll
big Ž nancial success in recent years is the US    their 24-hour schedules. For example, it was
open tennis championships which is argu-           anticipation of the expansion of professional
ably the single most proŽ table sporting event     rodeo into network television that persuaded
in North America. Total revenues grew to           the owner of the MLB Texas Rangers and NHL
$135 million in 2000, with corporate sponsor-      Dallas Stars to buy the Mesquite rodeo in
ship support almost doubling from 1995 to          1999 ( Mesquite is a suburb of Dallas) . His
$27 million. The United States Tennis Asso-        instincts were veriŽ ed in 2001 when the
ciation reported an income of $90.29 million       professional bull riders’ world challenge
after expenses, so the net operating proŽ t        event graduated from ESPN2 to NBC in the
represented 69% of total revenues ( Kaplan,        fall of 2001 ( Shropshire, 2001) . The demand
2000) . The proŽ t margin is remarkable when       to Ž ll cable programming has created attrac-
compared to most major league teams which          tive exposure opportunities for other niche
operate at a loss.                                 sports like track and Ž eld, bowling and bass
   Finally, the late 1990s and early 2000s saw     Ž shing on a national level, and for lacrosse
the growth of many new, ‘niche sports’, like       and roller hockey on a local or regional
billiards, lacrosse and pro rodeo. These           level.
sports attract a small but avid following, and
their appeal is often conŽ ned to a particular
                                                          THE ECONOMIC REALITY OF
region. Lacrosse, a game historically con-
                                                            PROFESSIONAL SPORTS
Ž ned to the east coast and pockets of interest
in the midwest, has established two pro-           In 2001, the estimated total market value of
fessional leagues; the indoor National La-         the 123 franchises across the four major
crosse League ( NLL) and the more recently         leagues in the US and Canada had grown to
Growth and Ž nancial status of professional sports in North America                         149

Fig 1. Economic value of the major leagues

about $30 billion, more than doubling their          lost money each year, usually between
market value in 1990. The relative economic          $200 to $300 million each year. During
valuation of each league is shown in Figure 1.       the 2000 season, the NHL lost $150
The cumulative revenues generated by the             million.
teams in the Big Four Leagues in 2001 edged
                                                 Professional sport executives attribute the
over $10 billion.
                                                 failure of franchises to make a proŽ t to their
  Despite their value and the magnitude of
                                                 inability to generate sufŽ cient revenues to
their Ž nancial resources, a majority of teams
                                                 meet the acceleration in operating costs
in some leagues, are losing money on an
                                                 which has occurred in the past decade.
annual basis. Consider the following data:
                                                 However, some analysts claim their pur-
  c   Since 1993, net income has steadily        ported losses are the result of creative
      declined across all leagues except for     accounting and are paper rather than real
      the NFL; the average net earnings in       losses. All agree that irrespective of how the
      1999–2000 was just 4%.                     operational Ž nancial status of the franchises
  c   75% of the teams in the NHL and 70% of     is viewed, their owners enjoy substantial
      the teams in Major League Baseball,        capital appreciation of their assets. These
      Ž nished in the red in 1999–2000.          issues are reviewed in the following sub-
  c   Since 1994, Major League Baseball has      sections.
150                                                                          Howard and Crompton

Revenues cannot keep pace with                      They pre-sold over 3 million tickets every
expenses                                            year. Yet the team claimed, in a Securities
The fundamental problem for many teams is           Exchange Commission ( SEC) Ž ling, that only
that although revenues are rising, costs are        their successful appearance in post-season
increasing at a more accelerated rate. The          playoffs allowed them to turn a modest
proŽ t and loss reports of professional sports      proŽ t. Excerpts from a prospectus Ž led by
at the individual team level show that a            the Cleveland Indians with the SEC to offer
number of teams are facing serious Ž nancial        $73.6 million public stock sale, stated:
problems. The Anaheim Angels reported                 Management believes that the Indians’ local
more than $42 million in operating losses             revenue potential has already been realized,
during the Ž rst three seasons of the Walt            and that future increases in net income, are
Disney Company’s ownership of the MLB                 likely to be substantially less than in the past
team ( Shaiken, 1999) . Over the same time-           5 years. Without the contribution of post-
                                                      season playoff revenues, the team would not
frame, from 1997 through 1999, the NHL’s
                                                      have produced a proŽ t in 1997.
Vancouver Canucks reported losses of C$91
million ( Kerr, 2000) . Surprisingly, many of the   Creative accounting
teams at the top of their respective leagues        While league ofŽ cials and team owners con-
are reporting serious losses. One year after        sistently report that their franchises are
winning the NBA championship, the San               losing lots of money, the actual extent and
Antonio Spurs claimed that the team lost $6         magnitude of these claims are difŽ cult to
million to $7 million in 1999, and projected        substantiate. Very few professional sport
losses of $30 million by 2002. Even the             teams are publicly held corporations. Owner-
venerable NFL team, the Green Bay Packers,          ship in most cases is mainly in the hands of
reported an operating loss of nearly $500,000       private individuals, families or closely held
in 2000. During the 2000 season, the Packers’       corporations, all of which are under no legal
expenses, primarily players’ salaries, in-          obligation to disclose detailed Ž nancial in-
creased at a rate three times greater than          formation about their team’s operations.
team revenues. The Arizona Diamondbacks             Financial experts and players’ association
reported an operational loss of $15.8 million       representatives have repeatedly challenged
in 2000. In an effort to bring a winning ball       the authenticity of the owners’ claims of
club to Phoenix in just its second year of          Ž nancial distress, claiming that ‘creative ac-
operation, the MLB expansion team doubled           counting’ procedures used by the owners
its payroll to $70 million in 1999. Despite the     made the teams’ Ž nancial positions look
team’s excellent performance on the Ž eld,          much worse than they really were. A former
attendance declined, as did revenues. As a          president of the Toronto Blue Jays reputedly
result, the team had to make a cash call of $24     stated:
million to its owners/investors in order to           Under generally accepted accounting princi-
meet the Diamondbacks large payroll ( Gil-            ples, I can turn a $4 million proŽ t into a $2
bertson, 2000) .                                      million loss, and I can get every national
   The Cleveland Indians MLB team are a               accounting Ž rm to agree with me. ( Zimbalist,
troubling example of how hard it is even for          1992, p. 62)
the most successful teams to make money             This was a reference to the roster deprecia-
in the current economic environment. After          tion allowance provided to the owners of
the opening of Jacobs Field in 1996, the            professional sports teams. Under a special
Cleveland Indians were one of the most              provision, called the ‘Veeck tax shelter con-
successful teams in all of professional sports.     vention’, ( after Bill Veeck, a legendary Ž gure
Growth and Ž nancial status of professional sports in North America                               151

among the owners of MLB teams) , the IRS               Capital appreciation
allows owners to claim half of what they paid          In addition to the special tax beneŽ ts they
to purchase a team as depreciation on player           receive, owners of sports teams have been
contracts. SpeciŽ cally, the owner can assign          able to count on steep increases in the
50% of the franchises purchase price to                market value of their teams. Historical re-
player contracts. And then, for tax purposes           cords of franchise sales indicate that team
the roster can be treated as a declining or            sales prices have increased at double digit
‘wasting’ asset, depreciating the value of the         rates over the past 30 years. In 1920, George
contract over a Ž ve-year period.                      Halas paid $100 for the NFL Chicago Bears. In
   The following illustration clariŽ es how an         a more contemporary context, in 1984 the
owner can take advantage of this tax shelter-          owner of the NFL Denver Broncos paid $70
ing provision ( Quirk and Fort, 1999, p. 105) :
                                                       million to purchase the team. A decade later,
  Suppose someone buys an NFL team for $200            the NFL Tampa Bay Buccaneers were sold for
  million. The new owner assigns 50% of the            $197 million. By 2001, according to Forbes
  purchase price to player contracts, ( the            magazine, all three of these NFL franchizes
  maximum allowed under the law) , that is,
                                                       were estimated to be worth around $500
  $100 million, and then depreciates the con-
  tracts over Ž ve years at $20 million per year.
                                                       million. As Table 1 indicates, huge capital
  Suppose that revenue is $100 million per             gains are not conŽ ned to NFL teams. From
  year, and that costs, exclusive of player            1995 to 2000, the average value of MLB teams
  contract depreciation, are $90 million. Then,        increased by $126 million, at an annual rate of
  for the Ž rst Ž ve years of operation of the         appreciation of around 17%. Both the NBA
  team, the books of the team will look like           and NHL also demonstrated impressive dou-
  this:                                                ble digit gains.
      Revenue                      $100   million        Table 1 indicates that proŽ t taking is best
      Less costs                   $ 90   million      understood from a franchise appreciation
      Less depreciation            $ 20   million      perspective. Given the considerable cost of
      Pre-tax proŽ ts             –$ 10   million      buying a team, return on investment is
Depreciation is simply a bookkeeping entry             difŽ cult to justify on the basis of annual
with no actual cash expended to cover this             operating income performance. Many teams
expense, so a $10 million proŽ t is trans-             are struggling to break even from one season
formed by legitimate accounting procedures             to the next, and the average net proŽ t
to a $10 million pre-tax loss. Some analysts           generated by major sport franchises of
believe that this tax shelter enhances the             around 6% is well below market rates
after tax return to an owner to such an extent         of return for investments of comparable risk.
that it increases the value of a team by as            However, when ownership investment is con-
much as 40%.                                           sidered on the basis of asset appreciation,

Table 1 Average value of league teams from 1995–2000 (in millions)

                                                                                            %Annual
League         1995        1996           1997      1998      1999      2000       $ Diff   increase

NFL            $160        $177           $202      $285      $380      $423       +$263     24.2%
NBA            $113        $127           $150      $170      $183      $207       +$94      12.9%
MLB            $107        $111           $115      $134      $194      $233       +$126     17.2%
NHL            $71          $74            $90      $125      $135      $148       +$77      16.5%
Sources: Financial World and Forbes
152                                                                      Howard and Crompton

the Ž nancial rewards of team ownership are       last Ž ve years, the NBA’s average attendance
evident.                                          has fallen by about 2%. During the 1999–2000
   While the cost of ownership continues to       season, 11 of the NBA’s 29 teams showed
rise at unprecedented levels, it appears that     substantial declines, with four reporting dou-
there are still more wealthy individuals inter-   ble digit gate losses from the previous sea-
ested in buying teams than there are avail-       son. On the ice, only nine of the 27 teams
able franchises. As long as demand exceeds        comprising the NHL reported increased at-
supply, the value of professional sport fran-     tendance in 1999–2000, while half the teams
chises will continue to climb. While so called,   suffered moderate to severe losses. The NHL
‘psychic income’ beneŽ ts ( e.g. prestige, sta-   declines are particularly troubling for a
tus, fame, fun) remain as compelling motives      league that depends on gate receipts for 60%
for team ownership, contemporary owners of        of its total revenues. Attendance eroded
professional sport franchises also recognize      steadily over the last four years of the 1990s,
that well managed sport properties afford         with league-wide percentage of capacity Ž g-
them abundant tax sheltering beneŽ ts during      ures falling from 93% in 1996–97 to 88.9%
their initial years of ownership and the          during the 1999–2000 campaign.
prospect of an attractive return on invest-          Even the venerable NFL, with its limited
ment over the long haul.                          inventory of just eight home games per
                                                  season, has reason to be concerned. During
                                                  the 2000 season, 16 of the league’s 31 teams
   THE LEAGUES’ DECLINING HEALTH
                                                  showed no growth. What may be more
The four major leagues are confronted with        troubling is the rising report of ‘no shows’
four major problems: falling attendance, de-      ( no longer reported by the league) in many
clining ratings, a saturated marketplace and      NFL stadiums. An example is the Carolina
an economic disconnect with their fan base.       Panthers, who, in only the third year of
Each of these issues is discussed in the          operation, saw an average of more than 7,000
following sub-sections.                           no shows per game. That was a 317% in-
                                                  crease in empty seats compared to their
Falling attendance                                inaugural 1996 season ( Swift, 2000) .
A majority of teams in the four biggest
leagues, reported  at or declining attend-       Declining ratings
ances in 1999–2000. During the 2000 MLB           Most league executives, particularly in the
campaign, more than one third of the league’s     NFL and NBA, profess relatively little concern
total seating inventory went unsold. Even the     about stagnant or sagging attendance, pro-
stirring home-run duel between Mark               claiming that the typical fan is now a tele-
McGuire and Sammy Sosa during the summer          vision    fan.   Certainly,   more      sports
of 1998, which many pundits called baseball’s     programming is available on free or cable
‘comeback season’, was not able to re-            television than ever before. And, with the
invigorate major league attendance. In fact,      emergence of regional sports networks to
the overall increase in MLB attendance of         compete with ESPN’s delivery of around the
four per cent in 2000 was attributable entirely   clock broadcasting, fans have unprecedented
to just one team, the San Francisco Giants,       opportunities to watch their favourite teams.
who experienced a 67% jump in attendance          Although the four major networks now de-
when they moved into their new Pac Bell           vote an increased portion of their program-
Park. Without the Giants’ extraordinary at-       ming to sports – which in aggregate exceeds
tendance spike, overall major league gate         2000 hours each year – unfortunately, fewer
Ž gures would have been down 2%. Over the         viewers appear to be watching games involv-
Growth and Ž nancial status of professional sports in North America                         153

ing teams from the NBA, NHL, MLB, or the        too many choices and consumers may be
NFL. Ratings for all four leagues have been     overwhelmed. As Business Week proclaimed,
sinking for the past decade ( McGraw, 1998) .   ‘It’s a brutal battle, especially as audiences
Between 1987 and 2000, ratings for MLB were     fragment amid the  urry of competing
down 30%, for the NBA 14% and for the NFL       choices’ ( Stevens and Grover, 1998, p. 89) . As
22%. Some, like the President of the            entertainment providers, sports teams are
NFL, believe that the glut of sports enter-     part of this highly competitive environment.
tainment options increasingly available to      They are competing for the scarce time and
fans has diluted network numbers. There are     disposable dollars of the same consumers
more people watching sports on television,      that all other entertainment companies are
but they are watching it on a lot more          seeking to attract. The challenge of compet-
channels ( McGraw, 1998) .                      ing in such a cluttered marketplace is ex-
                                                acerbated because consumer spending on
Saturated marketplace                           entertainment in 2001 declined dramatically
Ironically, the prosperity that undergirded     as the economy entered a recession.
the unprecedented growth of the sports
industry over the past decade has been a        Economic disconnect
major contributor to one of the most serious    A more ominous explanation for the various
challenges confronting sport teams – a sat-     league rating declines is that working and
urated marketplace. Consumers now have          middle class families, the traditional bedrock
more entertainment options available than       fans of professional sports, are gradually
ever before. Indeed, a respected national       losing interest in watching major league
business publication proclaimed that the        games because they can no longer afford to
long-term robust economy which charac-          attend them. There is ample evidence of a
terized the 1990s had stimulated the creation   growing economic disconnect between pro-
of so many new sport and entertainment          fessional sports and most Americans. Table 2
alternatives that the US now faced an ‘enter-   shows the steady and substantial increase in
tainment glut’ ( Stevens and Grover, 1998) .    the cost of attending games across all four
   Although new sports teams and properties     leagues. Using the Fan Cost Index ( FCI)
expanded substantially, so did other enter-     created by Team Marketing Report, which
tainment options. Major entertainment and       estimates the average cost for a hypothetical
media companies like Disney, Time-Warner        family of four to attend a professional team
and Viacom invested heavily in movie stu-       sports event, comparisons are provided for
dios, broadcast and cable networks, online      the major leagues over a 10-year period.
ventures, new record labels and theme parks.       The results show the price of attendance
It is projected that the total number of        rising four to six times greater than the rate
channels available to television viewers will   of in ation. The NBA and NHL lead the way,
increase from about 75 in 2000 ( mostly cable   with more than 100% price increases over the
channels) to 1000 by 2010, ‘when digital        decade. In 2001, at an average of $53.14, the
compression of television signals makes         cost of a ticket to attend an NFL game had
room for hundreds of channels, and the          eclipsed all of the other leagues. But, the NBA
linkage of televisions and computers be-        and NHL were not too far behind, with ticket
comes a reality’ ( Stevens and Grover, 1998,    prices averaging, $51.34 and $47.70, respec-
p. 90) . At the same time, the exponential      tively. For a family of four to attend an NHL
growth of web sites is creating further         ( $264.11) or NFL ( $303.33) game during the
choices for consumers. Some industry ana-       2000 season, amounted to about 30% of an
lysts are worried that there may already be     average household’s weekly earnings. Even
154                                                                                Howard and Crompton

                Table 2 The rising cost of attending major league sports
                                                                  %
                League           1990-91        2000–01         Change         Proj. 2006

                MLB               $77.41    $145.83         +88%                  $221
                NBA             $138.82     $282.72        +104%                  $462
                NFL             $152.55     $303.33         +99%                  $493
                NHL             $132.62     $264.11        +131%                  $461
                               From 1991-2000 CPI rose 21.4% in US
                *Based on Fan Cost Index (FCI) calculated by TMR to represent average cost
                for family of four attending a major league game (two adult and two child’s
                tickets, four sodas, four hot dogs, two beers, two programs, two caps).

                Sources: Team Marketing Report (April 2000, October 2000, November 2000,
                and September 2001) and USA Today, January 22, 1998, p. 3.

MLB, which takes pride in being pro sports’            professional sporting events on a regular
biggest bargain, raised its cost of attendance         basis, it is not surprising to Ž nd consumer
by 88%. It is clear that attending a live major        interest dissipating for both live and tele-
league sport event is now beyond the reach             vised offerings of major league sports. It has
of most of the population. Indeed, nine out of         been suggested that the greatest danger
ten Americans say ticket prices are so high            facing professional sports is fan ‘apathy.’ For
that it is difŽ cult for them to attend a              example, a 1998 Los Angeles Times poll
professional sporting event ( Howard, 1999) .          reported that almost two thirds of respon-
   Data conŽ rm the increasingly narrow dem-           dents did not consider an NFL team in the
ographics of those attending big league                Los Angeles area to be of any importance to
games. They indicate that more af uent                them ( McGraw, 1998) . A similar situation
spectators have replaced middle class and              appears to have emerged among top teams in
blue-collar fans. A columnist proclaimed,              the English premier league. Roy Keane, the
‘going to ball games is becoming a perk of the         Manchester United captain, famously be-
new rich’ ( Angell, 1998, p. 9) . His proclama-        moaned the replacement of the hard-core,
tion is given credence by a report indicating          enthusiastic, loud, genuinely loyal suppor-
that the household income of Washington DC             ters by relatively wealthy season ticket hold-
area residents attending Baltimore Orioles             ers who watched the game quietly while
games averaged $87,500, whereas the aver-              eating their prawn sandwiches!
age household income of those residing in                With ticket prices displacing all but the
the Baltimore DC area is around $53,000                most af uent consumers, teams – partic-
( Fehr, 1997) . Other compelling evidence in-          ularly in the NBA and NHL – have devoted an
dicating the gentriŽ cation of big league ap-          increasing proportion of their seating in-
peared in American Demographics ( Dortch,              ventory to corporate ticket buyers. A survey
1996) . The analysis found that adults with            conducted by the NBA’s Minnesota Timber-
household incomes of $75,000 and above                 wolves found that 62% of season tickets sold
were 72% more likely to attend major league            in the lower bowl of their arena were owned
baseball games than households with ag-                by corporations ( Swift, 2000) . While teams
gregate incomes of less than $35,000. When             may be able to sell an increasing share of
only such a narrow segment of the market               their most expensive tickets to businesses,
( 13.6% of US households have incomes in               the trend leads to other problems. It has been
excess of $75,000) can afford to attend                pointed out that:
Growth and Ž nancial status of professional sports in North America                           155

Fig 2. Reasons why fans stay home

  the corporate fan, who has replaced the core          CONTROLLING PLAYER COSTS: A
  fan, is a Ž ckle beast, choosy about which             PRESCRIPTION FOR RECOVERY
  game he’ll use his precious free time to
  attend. Mid-week against the Milwaukee            The single greatest operational expense for
  Bucks, or the Nashville Predators? That’s a       major league teams is player costs. It is a
  pass. If the suit bothers to give the tickets     conundrum familiar to English soccer clubs,
  away, he’s likely to hand them over at the last   recently highlighted by David Beckham’s new
  minute to some secretary in personnel, who        contract with Manchester United raising his
  might prefer to be home watching Regis [a         guaranteed salary for the next four years
  popular television game show] make people         from £40,000 to £90,000 per week. Even
  sweat. ( Swift, 2000, p. 75)                      before the Beckham contract, Manchester
                                                    United’s salary bill was £1.3 million per week
It is no wonder, then, that no shows are a
                                                    ( Cave and Millard, 2002) . According to esti-
growing concern to the major leagues. Some
                                                    mates provided by various industry sources,
teams, like the NBA’s Charlotte Hornets, were
                                                    player payroll costs in the American leagues
Ž lling less than half the number of seats that
                                                    represent about two-thirds of the total opera-
were actually sold late in the 2000 season.         tional expenses incurred by teams. Salary
Sold but unŽ lled or unused tickets can have        increases during the 1990s in every major
serious Ž nancial repercussions because,            sports league were extraordinary. As Table 3
‘When no one is in that seat, not only do we        illustrates, the NBA led the way. In 1991, the
lose the value of the ticket, we lose conces-       average NBA player was a millionaire. Ten
sion money, merchandise money and pro-              years later, the average had more than
gram money’ ( Swift, 2000, p. 76) .                 trebled to $3.93 million. From 1990 through
    While pricing is a serious issue facing the     2001, player salaries increased more than
managers of professional sports teams, a poll       two and half times in all four major pro-
commissioned by Sports Illustrated, indicates       fessional leagues.
there are a number of other serious issues             The deputy commissioner of the NBA
that managers must address ( Figure 2) .            declared, ‘we have an economic system that
156                                                                                 Howard and Crompton

              Table 3 League salary increases from 1990-91 to 2000-01
              Year                 MLB              NFL             NBA              NHL

              2001-01           $2,217,887      $1,320,000       $3,930,000      $1,385,000
              1999-00           $1,938,849        $996,000       $3,170,000      $1,350,000
              1997-98           $1,341,000        $751,000       $2,600,000      $1,200,000
              1993-94           $1,012,424        $645,000       $1,350,000        $430,000
              1990-91             $597,537        $351,800         $990,000        $320,000
              Increase             271%            275%             297%            333%
              Sources: National Football League Players Association, National Basketball Players
              Association.

we think is out of whack’ ( Howard, 1999,               Players Association ending a Ž ve-year labour
p. 81) . But, this declaration was not a revela-        dispute. Under the agreement, for the Ž rst
tion to most of those who owned or operated             time, players whose contracts had expired
those franchises. The owners are ultimately             were allowed the right as ‘free agents’ to
responsible for paying the players’ salaries,           move to a team willing to make the best offer.
but the chairman of the MLB Chicago White               In exchange for free agency, the players and
Sox and NFL Bulls, expressed frustration at             owners agreed to a salary cap under which
the lack of constraint demonstrated by fellow           teams were restricted to spending not more
owners by commenting ‘in paying ball-                   than 64% of the league’s ‘designated gross
players, we are at the mercy of our dumbest             revenues’ on player salaries ( in effect, this
competitor’ ( Howard, 1999, p. 81) . Each               pool of money included the combined gate
league has attempted, with varying degrees              receipts of NFL teams and the monies from
of success, to bring spiralling salaries under          the league’s national television contract) .
some form of control. The varying systems               The CBA also established a minimum, guar-
involving ‘hard’ and ‘soft’ salary caps, free           anteeing players no less than 58% of the
agency constraints, and luxury taxes have all           designated revenues. The salary cap or pay-
been intended to act as a ‘drag’ on the rapid           roll maximum in 1994 was $34.6 million. As
in ation of player salaries. In every instance,        league revenues have grown, so has the
however, owners’ efforts to impose a con-               amount teams can pay their players. By the
straint on roster costs have met with Ž erce            2001 season, the salary cap had reached
resistance from the collective bargaining unit          $67.4 million, up from $64.5 million in 2000.
or players association representing the inter-             Players, however, or more accurately the
ests of players in each of the leagues. Every           agents representing players in contract nego-
league endured at least one labour con ict             tiations, were able to circumvent the im-
over the past decade. Major League Baseball             posed salary ceiling shortly after the CBA
has led the way with six lockouts or strikes            agreement went into effect. They negotiated
since 1972. The following sub-sections pro-             a loophole, sometimes referred to as the
vide an overview of the current state of each           ‘Sanders Provision’ after Deion Sanders,
of the major leagues with respect to their              the Ž rst player to secure the arrangement. It
ability to control or constrain player sala-            allows teams to pay players substantial up
ries.                                                   front signing bonuses, but count only a small
                                                        portion of the bonus payment toward their
National Football League                                cap. Teams are allowed to pro-rate the
In 1993, the NFL owners signed a collective             amount of the bonus over the length of
bargaining agreement ( CBA) with the NFL                the player’s contract. So hypothetically, let’s
Growth and Ž nancial status of professional sports in North America                            157

say Deion Sanders signed a $50 million deal        amount of revenue sharing among its owners,
with the Washington Redskins for Ž ve years,       since as much as 77% of the total revenues
including a $10 million signing bonus. For cap     generated by the league is shared among its
purposes, even though the Redskins could           32 teams. Revenues from the national tele-
have paid Sanders as much as $18 million in        vision broadcast contract, which escalate
year one of the agreement: $10 million up          from $2 billion in 2000 to $2.8 billion in 2005,
front bonus and $8 million in salary ( assum-      are shared equally among teams, amounting
ing a salary payment schedule of $8 million        to team shares of $60 million to $70 million
per year for Ž ve years for a total of $40         annually. The result is that the NFL is clearly
million) , the team would only have to count       the healthiest of any of the major sports
$10 million against their cap ( $8 million in      leagues in North America. Not only does it
Ž rst-year salary and $2 million as a pro rata     enjoy the greatest Ž nancial parity, it also
share of the signing bonus ) . Although the        beneŽ ts from the greatest competitive parity.
team actually paid out $18 million, due to         During the 1999 season, 13 of the league’s
the signing bonus loophole it only had             then 31 teams Ž nished with records be-
to charge $10 million toward the team’s            tween seven wins and nine losses and nine
salary cap. This is why the Washington             wins and seven losses. The NFL has the
Redskins team payroll in 2000 was $88 mil-         highest and most consistent team valuations,
lion, as much as $25 million above the NFL’s       the strongest television ratings, and the most
cap. According to the NFL Players Associa-         ardent fan following.
tion ( NFLPA) , the team had a total base salary      In contrast to the NFL’s focus on revenue
expenditure of $31 million, and signing bonus      sharing, English football clubs have moved in
payments of around $56 million ( Lombardo,
                                                   the opposite direction. Before 1984, clubs
2000) . While the Redskins had the highest
                                                   equally shared the admission revenues from
ever payroll, the NFLPA estimated the aver-
                                                   every match. Today the home clubs keep all
age NFL team spent $65 million on player
                                                   the revenues. Thus, the large well-supported
salaries for the 2000 season. What allows
                                                   clubs accrue much more income, and any
some teams the ability to maintain salary
                                                   expectation of parity of competition has
expenditures well above the cap is that some
                                                   disappeared. If no revenue sharing is in-
NFL owners have been able to generate
                                                   troduced, then the emergence of an elite half
signiŽ cant additional income that does not
                                                   dozen clubs, analogous to the ‘old Ž rm’
have to be shared as a part of league wide
                                                   situation of Rangers and Celtic in Scotland,
revenues, such as income from luxury suites,
concessions, naming rights deals, and in           appears inevitable.
stadium signage. So, for example, because
                                                   Major League Baseball
the Redskins play in a stadium owned by the
team that generates close to $100 million in       Unfortunately MLB, which often is charac-
annual revenues, most of which is exempt           terized as ‘America’s pastime’, from a Ž nan-
from the league’s shared designated gross          cial perspective pales in comparison to the
revenue system, the team is capable of             NFL. Major League Baseball has no salary
paying huge bonuses that don’t count en-           cap. Indeed, the league has no real mecha-
tirely against the cap ( Lombardo, 2000) .         nism in place to constrain salary in ation.
   Although teams that play in lucrative sta-      Under the collective bargaining agreement
diums have an economic advantage, the              which expired at the end of the 2001 season,
league’s underlying economic structure has         players with six years of ‘big league’ experi-
created substantial Ž nancial parity among         ence were eligible to become free agents.
NFL franchises. The NFL has the greatest           When their contracts expired, these players
158                                                                       Howard and Crompton

could offer their services to the highest         disparity ( Rofe, 2000) . And, the disparity may
bidder.                                           widen as the Yankees are currently consider-
   Compounding the problem further from a         ing a new local television deal which would
cost control perspective is that owners do        give them $838 million over the next 10 years.
not have the ability to control payroll ex-       In contrast, in 2000 the Twins received $5
penses when negotiating with players who          million from the sale of their local television
have three to six years of experience. Players    broadcast rights.
in this category, while not eligible for free        The signiŽ cant revenue disparity in major
agency, are allowed by a clause in the            league baseball has translated into a serious
bargaining agreement to go to binding arbi-       competitive disadvantage for have not
tration in the event of a salary dispute with     teams. The Blue Ribbon Panel commissioned
the team. Final resolution of the dispute is      by MLB to evaluate the economic conditions
made by an independent arbitrator who is          and prospects for major league baseball
required to choose between the salary de-         revealed that teams with the highest payrolls
mand made by the player and the salary offer      had won virtually all of the post season
made by the team. In this process, the player     playoff games since the settlement of the
and management each submit a Ž gure, and          1994 strike. The study found that no team
the arbitrator selects one or the other; no       which was not in the top tier or upper 25% of
compromise is allowed. Over the years, the        payroll spending, won a single World Series
owners have won more than half the deci-
                                                  game over the previous Ž ve seasons. During
sions. However, owners would suggest that
                                                  the 2000 season, the defending world cham-
most of their victories have been pyrrhic in
                                                  pion New York Yankees became the Ž rst
that even when they win, players are still
                                                  major professional league team in North
rewarded with considerably higher salaries
                                                  America with a payroll in excess of $100
than they received the previous season. For
                                                  million. The last place Minnesota Twins
example, in a typical year, the three players
                                                  salary bill that season was $17 million. Thus,
who lost their cases received average salary
                                                  ‘the single biggest indicator of a team’s
increases of 20% ( USA Today, 1996) . Thus,
there is ‘little downside risk’ for players       opportunity for success from one year to the
because the salary Ž gures owners present in      next is whether the team’s payroll is among
arbitration are invariably higher than their      the top few teams in the league. Period’
current levels of compensation. In the Ž rst 18   ( Costas, 2000, p. 58) .
years of arbitration only 20 players emerged         The competitive imbalance prevailing in
with pay cuts ( Zimbalist, 1992) . The result     MLB is the league’s most pressing challenge.
has been an extraordinary increase in overall     A leading national publication declared that
MLB salaries of 705% in the 20–year period        ‘as many as two thirds of the teams in major
from 1982 to 2001.                                league baseball have no chance of contend-
   Many teams have not been able to keep up       ing for the World Series – now, or anytime
with the relentless escalation in player sala-    soon’ ( Bodley and Brady, 1999, p. C10) . The
ries. Nowhere is the gap between the ‘haves’      league has attempted to address the serious
and ‘have nots’ more evident than in base-        disparity but has not been successful. The
ball. Over the last decade, the revenue           owners’ thwarted attempt to institute a sal-
disparity between large and small market          ary cap precipitated a damaging players
teams has grown dramatically. In 1999, the        strike, which led to the cancellation of the
New York Yankees generated a total of $179        World Series in 1994 and a shortened 1995
million in gross revenues, compared to the        season. While the owners were unsuccessful
Minnesota Twins $52 million – a $127 million      in imposing a cap, the 1996 agreement with
Growth and Ž nancial status of professional sports in North America                           159

the MLB Players Association did establish a        National Basketball Association
‘luxury tax’ on the Ž ve teams with the highest    After remarkable growth through most of the
payrolls. In 1999, the luxury tax provision        1990s, the NBA faded over the last few years.
required the teams with the Ž ve highest           With the retirement of mega star Michael
salaries to pay a 34% tax on every payroll         Jordan and his magical championship run
dollar spent above $70.5 million. The tax bill     with the Chicago Bulls in 1998 and the labour
that year for the Yankees came to $4.8             dispute that led to the cancellation of 464
million. Given the limited scope ( just Ž ve       league games in 1999, league attendance
teams) and impact ( the team with the Ž fth        steadily declined, television ratings sunk to
highest payroll in 1999, the Boston Red Sox,       the lowest in years, and merchandise sales
paid a tax of just $21,000) the luxury tax has     plummeted ( Tagliabue, 2000) . After negotia-
proven to be an ineffective deterrent to           tions over a new collective bargaining agree-
salary in ation in baseball.                      ment ( CBA) collapsed in June 1998, the NBA
   Perhaps, the single best hope for establish-    owners locked out the players for the third
ing an economic system that allows all 30          time since 1995. The struggle occurred over
MLB’s teams to compete, depends on                 how much of the league’s $2 billion in gross
whether the recommendations of the Com-            revenues would be shared with the players.
missioner’s Blue Ribbon Panel ever come to         The NBA claimed that the league operated at
fruition. The 87-page report issued in 2000,       a deŽ cit during the 1997–98 season for the
urged MLB to:                                      Ž rst time in almost 20 years. League ofŽ cials
                                                   attributed the steady decline in the league’s
  c   institute a ‘competitive-balance tax’ of     operating proŽ ts to rapidly escalating player
      50% on all club payrolls in excess of $84    salaries, which in 1997–98 amounted to 57.2%
      million;                                     of the league’s total revenues. Under the
  c   create a revenue sharing mechanism in        existing labour contract, the players’ share
      which teams would contribute at least        was projected to reach 61% during the
      40%, and as much as 50% of all their local   1998–99 season. Negotiations stalemated
      net revenues from gate receipts and          when the owners wanted to impose a Ž xed
      television contracts.                        limit on salaries at 48% of the total NBA
                                                   revenues. The NBA Players Association held
These recommendations and others would             out for a 60% share.
increase the percentage of revenues shared            After a 190-day lockout, resulting in an
among the league’s 30 teams from the pres-         abbreviated 50-game season ( regularly 82
ent 35% to roughly 60% ( Ozanian and Bade-         games) , the NBA and its players reached a
hausen, 2000) . The proposal would reduce          settlement in January 1999. The new six-year
the revenue gap between the league’s richest       CBA ensured players would receive no less
and poorest teams, promising at least the          than 48% and no more than 55% of the
potential of greater competitive parity.           league’s pooled revenues, referred to as
The challenge facing MLB is to convince the        ‘Basketball Related Income’ ( BRI) . Most im-
owners of those teams with the highest             portantly to the owners, the new agreement
payrolls and greatest revenues that it is in       afforded teams much greater Ž nancial stabil-
their best interest to share ‘their wealth’        ity by setting caps for maximums on the
with their less fortunate league brethren. In      salaries players can earn based on the num-
addition, the league must win the approval of      ber of years of service a player has had in the
the players union in order to adopt addi-          league. Under the new agreement, players
tional revenue sharing.                            with zero to Ž ve years of NBA service are
160                                                                        Howard and Crompton

capped at $9 million per season; players with       dened by a weak Canadian dollar and high
six to nine years of league experience are          Canadian taxes. The purchasing power of
capped at $11 million; and veterans with 10         the Canadian dollar has slipped 30% in value
or more years of service can earn a maximum         compared to the US dollar over the last
of $14 million per season. The new CBA also         decade. The declining value of Canadian
built in some long-term cost control by             currency has created an increasingly stress-
setting a Ž xed or maximum limit on salary          ful dilemma for Canadian teams. Although
increases at 10%. In an effort, however, to         the franchises collect revenue in their native
promote roster stability, the agreement stipu-      currency, in order to stay competitive with
lated that a player re-signing with his existing    American-based teams they have to pay
team could receive a pay raise of 12.5% per         salaries in US dollars. In early 1999, the
year over the length of his contract. The new       currency exchange difference on a $50 mil-
agreement, while costly, provides the NBA           lion payroll would have been about $20
with one clear advantage over all the other         million. The Montreal Canadians pay prop-
leagues, the ability to control and anticipate      erty taxes on their arena of around $10
its greatest expense, player salaries.              million per year which is triple the combined
                                                    taxes paid by all the US based NHL teams.
National Hockey League                              There appears to be no relief in sight for the
The National Hockey League is in the most           Canadian franchises. In 2000, the Canadian
precarious Ž nancial position of any of the         Federal Government withdrew a tax credit
major leagues. Like MLB, it has minimal             plan which would have provided teams C$2
revenue sharing and no real mechanism in            million a year, claiming there was no public
place to control salary growth. Unfortu-            support for the plan.
nately, the league is locked into its collective       One bright note for the NHL is the tele-
bargaining agreement until 2004. This agree-        vision deal the league signed with ABC/ESPN
ment established a cap only on rookie sala-         in 2000. The Ž ve-year broadcast contract
ries, set at a maximum of $975,000 per              through the 2005–06 season, pays the league
season. The agreement provides few restric-         $600 million, a signiŽ cant increase over its
tions on free agency. The result is that player     previous contract with Fox that paid the
salaries are growing at a much faster rate          league $200 million. However, with no mean-
than team revenues. The league’s economic           ingful revenue sharing proposal in sight, and
troubles have been exacerbated by several           the likelihood of uncontrolled salary growth
other problems. With a relatively small na-         through at least 2004, the short-term Ž nan-
tional television contract ( teams received         cial prospects for many NHL teams looks
$4.3 million per year at the end of the 1990s,      grim. In 1999, it was estimated that 20 of the
compared to NFL teams’ $60–70 million) NHL          NHL’s then 28 teams were losing money. It
teams depended on gate receipts on average          will be interesting to see whether the NHL
for 60% of their overall revenues. This situa-
                                                    commissioner’s prescription for a ‘prosper-
tion made it particularly difŽ cult for the 14 or
                                                    ous NHL future’ will ever be realized. In his
15 teams that experienced attendance de-
                                                    state of the NHL address in 2000, the commis-
clines in recent years. With no provision for
                                                    sioner offered the following plan:
sharing gate revenues – home teams keep
100% of the ticket sale income – the revenue          c   Continue to increase revenues by mov-
imbalance has widened among NHL teams.                    ing into even more new money generat-
   The Ž nancial stress has been particularly             ing arenas and stimulating interest in
acute for the NHL’s Canadian franchises. The              hockey internationally.
six Canadian hockey teams have been bur-              c   Slow skyrocketing salaries with judi-
Growth and Ž nancial status of professional sports in North America                             161

      cious personnel decisions and, ulti-          dwarf the $1.6 billion generated by the
      mately, through a new collective              English leagues. In the English leagues, costs
      bargaining agreeing.                          associated with players’ salaries have esca-
  c   Promote, promote, promote, to build a         lated at a rate substantially greater than that
      younger and broader fan base ( Robin-         of revenues, and there is nothing to suggest
      son, 2000) .                                  that this trend will change in the foreseeable
                                                    future. In addition, English soccer leagues are
          CONCLUDING COMMENTS                       confronted with many of the challenges faced
                                                    by the North American leagues especially a
The urgency to control costs in the English         growing economic disconnect with their tra-
and European soccer leagues is exempliŽ ed          ditional fan base, and competition from other
by the actions of the ‘G14’ group of leading        sources of entertainment. However, there is
European clubs, which includes Manchester           an important difference between Ž nancial
United and Liverpool. They have proposed a          prospects of the English and North American
salary cap in a bid to ease the sport’s             leagues in that the long-term prospects for
economic problems. At a meeting at the 2002         Ž nancial gain in the North American context
European cup Ž nal, they also agreed to             are excellent, while the Ž nancial long-term
reduce their playing staffs and to introduce a      outlook for the owners of English soccer
code of conduct to contain spiralling costs         teams is less sanguine. The Deloitte and
( The Times, 2002) . The details remain elusive
                                                    Touche ( 2001) review asks the question ‘is
but the thinking has changed from ‘should
                                                    football an investment?’ And succinctly an-
there be a cost control mechanism?’ to ‘what
                                                    swers it by concluding, ‘Emotionally – yes.
form should it take, and how quickly can it be
                                                    Financially – in rare cases’ ( p. 43) .
implemented?’
                                                       There are three main reasons why the long-
   There      are    fundamental     differences
                                                    term Ž nancial prospects of North American
between English football and the American
                                                    teams are stronger. First, the value of pro-
leagues in that European laws differ from
                                                    fessional sports franchises has been appre-
American laws; the English leagues have to
contend with promotion and relegation; and          ciating at double digit rates annually for the
the American leagues have a draft system for        past 30 years, providing owners with sub-
recruiting new players into the leagues which       stantial capital gains which more than com-
contributes to parity. Nevertheless, it is likely   pensate them for relatively small operational
that the analyses of approaches to resolving        losses. This occurs because each of the four
the problem adopted by the American lea-            major leagues acts as an independent cartel
gues offer useful insights to the conundrum         restricting the number of teams allowed to
in English soccer. Professional sports leagues      enter the league, so the demand from cities
in North America and professional soccer            seeking to host a team always exceeds
leagues in England enjoyed unprecedented            the supply of teams. This favourable de-
levels of revenues in the 1990s, but in both        mand-supply position ensures the value of
cases it is likely that proŽ table operation will   existing teams remains high. It enables team
be more difŽ cult to achieve in the Ž rst           owners to exact substantial subsidies – typi-
decade of the new millennium. There are             cally in the $10 million to $20 million per year
similarities in the difŽ culties they face even     range – from the public funds of host cities. If
though each of the four North American              host cities refuse to pay such subsidies, the
major leagues generate more annual revenue          team owners then transfer the teams to other
than the English soccer leagues, and their          cities that will provide them because they are
aggregate annual revenues of over $10 billion       anxious to achieve the ‘big city’ status which
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