The growth and nancial status of professional sports in North America: insights for English soccer leagues?
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Managing Leisure 7, 145–163 ( 2002) The growth and nancial status of professional sports in North America: insights for English soccer leagues? Dennis R. Howard and John L. Crompton Lundquist School of Business, University of Oregon, USA and Department of Recreation, Park and Tourism Sciences, Texas A & M University, USA An overview of the nancial status of professional sports leagues in North America is provided. It reveals that they face similar challenges to those confronting professional soccer teams in England: most teams report annual operating losses; costs, primarily attributed to players’ salaries, are accelerating at a level which outstrips the large growth in revenues that is also occurring; and the wealthiest teams tend to dominate competitions on the playing eld. The North American leagues’ problems of falling attendance, declining ratings, and an economic disconnect with their fan base all contribute to the leagues’ declining nancial health. Strategies used by leagues to control player costs are described. INTRODUCTION and £127 million of the additional costs were attributable to increases in wages and sala- The Deloitte and Touche Annual Review of ries. The deteriorating status of football Football Finance ( 2001) for the 1999/2000 clubs was re ected in the changing fortunes season concluded that the aggregate pre-tax of the Singer and Friedlander Football Fund. losses of Premier and Football League clubs The Fund invested exclusively in football totalled £145 million. Only 15 of the 92 clubs clubs and businesses associated with them. reported an operating pro t. Among the elite In 1997, when it was launched, it raised Premier clubs, nine of the 20 teams showed approximately £30 million and attracted an operating pro t. These losses occurred at nearly 20,000 members ( Miles, 2002) . There a time when English football has never been was much excitement and optimism about richer. In the nine-year period from 1990/91 the investment potential of football. In the to 1999/2000, Deloitte and Touche report that previous year, the share prices of several aggregate income for the 92 teams increased clubs had more than trebled. Manchester by an extraordinary £823 million to its United brie y achieved a market capital- 1999/2000, total of £1.078 million. This in- ization of £1 billion. crease in revenues is projected to continue to The game appeared to be in a nancially reach £1.5 billion in the 2002/03 season. Part strong position since attendances have risen of this projected increase is attributable to consistently each year since 1986. Prior to the substantially larger television fees which that time, they had declined for much of the will grow to £100 million over this period. post-war period. Since the turnaround in The substantial losses that have accrued 1986, attendances have increased from 16 while revenues have escalated re ect the million to around 30 million. However, much clubs’ inability to control costs. Thus, while of the momentum for investing in clubs arose revenues increased by £128 million in from the anticipation of quantum increases in 1999/2000, costs escalated by £188 million, income from the sale of media rights. The Managing Leisure ISSN 1360-6719 print/ISSN 1466-450X online © 2002 Taylor & Francis Ltd http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals DOI: 10.1080/13606710210163364
146 Howard and Crompton television companies competed vigorously these problems while others have failed to do for those rights. The revenue potential from so, may offer insights that are useful in this source was realized, but it was accom- addressing the problems of the English lea- panied by the spiralling costs associated gues. with the purchase of players and paying them exponentially higher wages. As a result, THE GROWTH IN US PROFESSIONAL the value of football stocks has plummeted SPORTS so the Singer and Friedlander Fund was valued at only £7.4 million in March 2000. Professional sports was a major bene ciary Television rights across the ve leading of the longest sustained period of growth in European football leagues of England, Spain, United States’ history. In the 1990s, almost Italy, Germany and France rose 993% in value 180 new professional sports teams came into in the 10 years from 1991, but are projected existence, so the total inventory of pro- to increase by only 8% in the 3 years after the fessional teams at all levels now exceeds 800. 2002/03 season ( The Sunday Times, 2002) . Most of these teams were associated with the The likelihood of future reductions in media 13 new leagues which were launched in that rights income was exacerbated by the de- decade ( e.g. the Xtreme Football League, mise of ITV digital whose 2002 bankruptcy National Rookie League, West Coast Hockey will be prominent in the minds of the media League) . Two trends that were unanticipated representatives charged with renegotiating by analysts at the beginning of the 1990s television rights. This has reinforced the were the spectacular expansion of major and sense of urgency to address football’s nan- minor league hockey in the Sun Belt states, cial crisis. The Deloitte and Touche ( 2001) and the emergence of women’s sports lea- report shows a convincing high correlation gues ( e.g. Women’s National Basketball Asso- ( r2 = 0.89) between clubs’ wage bills for ciation and the Women’s United Soccer players and their league standings on the Association ) . playing eld. Over the previous ve-year There are four so-called major leagues in period, the four Premier League clubs with the United States: the National Football the average highest salary bills were Man- League ( NFL) , Major League Baseball chester United, Liverpool, Chelsea and Arse- ( MLB) , National Basketball Association nal, and all of these teams are consistently ( NBA) and National Hockey League ( NHL) . at the forefront of the Premier League. In The number of teams in these four leagues short, the evidence is strong that money increased from 103 franchizes in 1989 to 123 brings success. by 2001. During that time, the NHL added These challenges of rapidly accelerating eight expansion teams, MLB added four, the revenues being outstripped by even greater NFL added three and the NBA added ve new increases in salaries; substantial operating teams. The most spectacular growth in pro- losses at a time when revenues are at an all fessional team sports, however, occurred at time high level; and the wealthiest teams the secondary level, where the so-called dominating the major competitions are also minor league teams, particularly in hockey characteristic of the challenges confronted and basketball, have expanded in numbers by professional sports leagues in the United substantially. By 2000, over 140 minor league States. The review of these leagues’ nancial hockey teams were playing in arenas challenges in this paper suggests that the throughout the US and Canada. Only base- problems of the English soccer leagues are ball, with a total of 188 franchises, has more not unique. The discussions in the paper of minor league teams. Four new basketball how some of the major leagues have resolved leagues were launched in 2000 alone, includ-
Growth and nancial status of professional sports in North America 147 ing the International Basketball League, the out victory over China in the women’s world National Rookie League, the College Pro cup nal in 1999. With an estimated 40 million League, and the ABA 2000. And, what is US viewers, the cup nal was the most probably surprising even to the most ardent watched soccer match in the history of US football fans in the US is that, by 2001 over 60 network television, and the crowd of 90,185 professional football teams in addition to the at the Rose Bowl was the largest ever for a 32 NFL franchizes, operated in cities through- women’s sporting event. out the US and Canada. In the late 1990s, new women’s leagues The Arena Football League ( AFL) may be were established in basketball ( WNBA and the single most successful league property the now defunct American Basketball launched in the last 15 years. The AFL has League) , soccer ( WUSA) , softball ( WPSL) and expanded from eight teams at its inception in plans for a professional hockey league in the 1987 to19 teams in 2001. In fact, it has grown US and Canada are under serious considera- from one to two separate leagues with the tion. Women’s sports properties accounted creation of its own minor league, called AF2 for $600 million of the $4.5 billion that in 2000. In 2001, there were 47 indoor foot- corporations spent on sports in 1999. A ball teams playing under the Arena Football crucial factor in both the development and League banner. Arena football is a hybrid sustainability of these new properties has version of the outdoor game with similar been corporate support. Corporations began scoring, rules and the basics of blocking and to realize that women’s sports could provide tackling. The one major difference is that it is a highly effective platform for reaching played indoors, on a surface half the size of a women, who make 80% of a household’s regulation football eld, surrounded by pad- purchase decisions in the US. As the execu- ded dasher boards, similar to hockey. The tive director of the Women’s Sports Founda- result is a game called the ‘50-yard indoor tion asserted, women are now serious war’ or the ‘brawl inside the wall’ ( Fitzgerald, consumers of sport, who are ‘no longer 2000) . The league’s model has proven im- watching soap operas and talk shows from mensely successful. In 1999, the NFL ac- 10am to 2pm’ ( Reynolds, 1999, p. 5) . Indeed, quired an exclusive option to purchase 49.9% in the US more than half of women now of the league by 2002. It seems likely that engage in some form of regular exercise, and arena football will become NFL-indoor or one third of all high school girls participate in NFL-arena within the near future. one or more varsity sports. Women’s sports nally emerged as a part One sports property which has ourished of the professional sports landscape in North as a result of corporate America’s growing America over the last half of the 1990s. The interest in aligning with women’s sports, has talent pool produced by the achievements of been the Ladies’ Professional Golf Associa- title IX, which is a federal law requiring tion ( LPGA) . The women’s golf tour experi- women be given equal sporting opportun- enced a remarkable increase in corporate ities to men in high schools and colleges; the support over the last decade, with sponsor- resultant success of women’s national teams supported prize money more than doubling on the world stage at the summer and winter from $17.1 million in 1990 to $36.2 million for Olympics; and the 1999 women’s soccer the 2000 season ( Williams, 2000) . While the world cup provided the impetus for the LPGA continues to grow, the recent experi- launch of several women’s sports leagues. ence of the WNBA and the WPSL indicates The seminal event in the history of women’s that women’s sports leagues will continue to sports in the United States was probably the struggle to nd a secure niche in a cluttered national team’s dramatic penalty kick-shoot- sports marketplace. After a successful debut
148 Howard and Crompton season in 1997, the NBA owned WNBA found established outdoor Major League Lacrosse it dif cult to maintain its initial momentum. ( MLL) . Again, as with any new sports ven- During the 2000 season, league-wide attend- ture, an essential ingredient for success is ance slipped 11% and the league reportedly corporate sponsor support. With the niche continued to lose money ( Mullen, 2001) . On sports, the property’s ability to tap the the plus side however, television ratings, intensity of the sports fan base is the key to while modest, grew 5% during the league’s generating sponsor involvement. As one ana- fourth season and the WNBA was able to add lyst suggests, ‘The intensity of the fan base is six new corporate sponsors. Since its incep- often far more important than its actual size’ tion, the league has steadily expanded from ( Cawley, 2000, p. 25) . The MLL was able to its original eight teams to 16 teams in 2001. leverage the league’s natural appeal to la- Analysts are less sanguine about the crosse enthusiasts in signing its rst three WPSL’s future. The league, launched in 1997, major sponsorship deals with Sports Hel- as Women’s Pro Fastpitch, has struggled to mets, Great Atlantic ( a lacrosse catalogue) , nd its niche in the competitive sports and stick maker Warrior Lacrosse, for re- market. Instead of achieving its initial goal of portedly more than 1 million dollars ( Bern- expanding to at least 12 markets to establish stein, 1999) . a national presence, the WPSL declined from Complementing the extensive involvement the six original teams to just four franchizes of corporations has been the evolution of by the end of its fourth season. Given its cable television as the second key element in severely contracted state, the league faced the growth of niche sports. Cable channels major challenges in sustaining suf cient fan such as ESPN, ESPN2 and the 13 Regional and corporate support to ensure its future. Sports Networks around the country are in Another sports property that has become a constant need of new programming to ll big nancial success in recent years is the US their 24-hour schedules. For example, it was open tennis championships which is argu- anticipation of the expansion of professional ably the single most pro table sporting event rodeo into network television that persuaded in North America. Total revenues grew to the owner of the MLB Texas Rangers and NHL $135 million in 2000, with corporate sponsor- Dallas Stars to buy the Mesquite rodeo in ship support almost doubling from 1995 to 1999 ( Mesquite is a suburb of Dallas) . His $27 million. The United States Tennis Asso- instincts were veri ed in 2001 when the ciation reported an income of $90.29 million professional bull riders’ world challenge after expenses, so the net operating pro t event graduated from ESPN2 to NBC in the represented 69% of total revenues ( Kaplan, fall of 2001 ( Shropshire, 2001) . The demand 2000) . The pro t margin is remarkable when to ll cable programming has created attrac- compared to most major league teams which tive exposure opportunities for other niche operate at a loss. sports like track and eld, bowling and bass Finally, the late 1990s and early 2000s saw shing on a national level, and for lacrosse the growth of many new, ‘niche sports’, like and roller hockey on a local or regional billiards, lacrosse and pro rodeo. These level. sports attract a small but avid following, and their appeal is often con ned to a particular THE ECONOMIC REALITY OF region. Lacrosse, a game historically con- PROFESSIONAL SPORTS ned to the east coast and pockets of interest in the midwest, has established two pro- In 2001, the estimated total market value of fessional leagues; the indoor National La- the 123 franchises across the four major crosse League ( NLL) and the more recently leagues in the US and Canada had grown to
Growth and nancial status of professional sports in North America 149 Fig 1. Economic value of the major leagues about $30 billion, more than doubling their lost money each year, usually between market value in 1990. The relative economic $200 to $300 million each year. During valuation of each league is shown in Figure 1. the 2000 season, the NHL lost $150 The cumulative revenues generated by the million. teams in the Big Four Leagues in 2001 edged Professional sport executives attribute the over $10 billion. failure of franchises to make a pro t to their Despite their value and the magnitude of inability to generate suf cient revenues to their nancial resources, a majority of teams meet the acceleration in operating costs in some leagues, are losing money on an which has occurred in the past decade. annual basis. Consider the following data: However, some analysts claim their pur- c Since 1993, net income has steadily ported losses are the result of creative declined across all leagues except for accounting and are paper rather than real the NFL; the average net earnings in losses. All agree that irrespective of how the 1999–2000 was just 4%. operational nancial status of the franchises c 75% of the teams in the NHL and 70% of is viewed, their owners enjoy substantial the teams in Major League Baseball, capital appreciation of their assets. These nished in the red in 1999–2000. issues are reviewed in the following sub- c Since 1994, Major League Baseball has sections.
150 Howard and Crompton Revenues cannot keep pace with They pre-sold over 3 million tickets every expenses year. Yet the team claimed, in a Securities The fundamental problem for many teams is Exchange Commission ( SEC) ling, that only that although revenues are rising, costs are their successful appearance in post-season increasing at a more accelerated rate. The playoffs allowed them to turn a modest pro t and loss reports of professional sports pro t. Excerpts from a prospectus led by at the individual team level show that a the Cleveland Indians with the SEC to offer number of teams are facing serious nancial $73.6 million public stock sale, stated: problems. The Anaheim Angels reported Management believes that the Indians’ local more than $42 million in operating losses revenue potential has already been realized, during the rst three seasons of the Walt and that future increases in net income, are Disney Company’s ownership of the MLB likely to be substantially less than in the past team ( Shaiken, 1999) . Over the same time- 5 years. Without the contribution of post- season playoff revenues, the team would not frame, from 1997 through 1999, the NHL’s have produced a pro t in 1997. Vancouver Canucks reported losses of C$91 million ( Kerr, 2000) . Surprisingly, many of the Creative accounting teams at the top of their respective leagues While league of cials and team owners con- are reporting serious losses. One year after sistently report that their franchises are winning the NBA championship, the San losing lots of money, the actual extent and Antonio Spurs claimed that the team lost $6 magnitude of these claims are dif cult to million to $7 million in 1999, and projected substantiate. Very few professional sport losses of $30 million by 2002. Even the teams are publicly held corporations. Owner- venerable NFL team, the Green Bay Packers, ship in most cases is mainly in the hands of reported an operating loss of nearly $500,000 private individuals, families or closely held in 2000. During the 2000 season, the Packers’ corporations, all of which are under no legal expenses, primarily players’ salaries, in- obligation to disclose detailed nancial in- creased at a rate three times greater than formation about their team’s operations. team revenues. The Arizona Diamondbacks Financial experts and players’ association reported an operational loss of $15.8 million representatives have repeatedly challenged in 2000. In an effort to bring a winning ball the authenticity of the owners’ claims of club to Phoenix in just its second year of nancial distress, claiming that ‘creative ac- operation, the MLB expansion team doubled counting’ procedures used by the owners its payroll to $70 million in 1999. Despite the made the teams’ nancial positions look team’s excellent performance on the eld, much worse than they really were. A former attendance declined, as did revenues. As a president of the Toronto Blue Jays reputedly result, the team had to make a cash call of $24 stated: million to its owners/investors in order to Under generally accepted accounting princi- meet the Diamondbacks large payroll ( Gil- ples, I can turn a $4 million pro t into a $2 bertson, 2000) . million loss, and I can get every national The Cleveland Indians MLB team are a accounting rm to agree with me. ( Zimbalist, troubling example of how hard it is even for 1992, p. 62) the most successful teams to make money This was a reference to the roster deprecia- in the current economic environment. After tion allowance provided to the owners of the opening of Jacobs Field in 1996, the professional sports teams. Under a special Cleveland Indians were one of the most provision, called the ‘Veeck tax shelter con- successful teams in all of professional sports. vention’, ( after Bill Veeck, a legendary gure
Growth and nancial status of professional sports in North America 151 among the owners of MLB teams) , the IRS Capital appreciation allows owners to claim half of what they paid In addition to the special tax bene ts they to purchase a team as depreciation on player receive, owners of sports teams have been contracts. Speci cally, the owner can assign able to count on steep increases in the 50% of the franchises purchase price to market value of their teams. Historical re- player contracts. And then, for tax purposes cords of franchise sales indicate that team the roster can be treated as a declining or sales prices have increased at double digit ‘wasting’ asset, depreciating the value of the rates over the past 30 years. In 1920, George contract over a ve-year period. Halas paid $100 for the NFL Chicago Bears. In The following illustration clari es how an a more contemporary context, in 1984 the owner can take advantage of this tax shelter- owner of the NFL Denver Broncos paid $70 ing provision ( Quirk and Fort, 1999, p. 105) : million to purchase the team. A decade later, Suppose someone buys an NFL team for $200 the NFL Tampa Bay Buccaneers were sold for million. The new owner assigns 50% of the $197 million. By 2001, according to Forbes purchase price to player contracts, ( the magazine, all three of these NFL franchizes maximum allowed under the law) , that is, were estimated to be worth around $500 $100 million, and then depreciates the con- tracts over ve years at $20 million per year. million. As Table 1 indicates, huge capital Suppose that revenue is $100 million per gains are not con ned to NFL teams. From year, and that costs, exclusive of player 1995 to 2000, the average value of MLB teams contract depreciation, are $90 million. Then, increased by $126 million, at an annual rate of for the rst ve years of operation of the appreciation of around 17%. Both the NBA team, the books of the team will look like and NHL also demonstrated impressive dou- this: ble digit gains. Revenue $100 million Table 1 indicates that pro t taking is best Less costs $ 90 million understood from a franchise appreciation Less depreciation $ 20 million perspective. Given the considerable cost of Pre-tax pro ts –$ 10 million buying a team, return on investment is Depreciation is simply a bookkeeping entry dif cult to justify on the basis of annual with no actual cash expended to cover this operating income performance. Many teams expense, so a $10 million pro t is trans- are struggling to break even from one season formed by legitimate accounting procedures to the next, and the average net pro t to a $10 million pre-tax loss. Some analysts generated by major sport franchises of believe that this tax shelter enhances the around 6% is well below market rates after tax return to an owner to such an extent of return for investments of comparable risk. that it increases the value of a team by as However, when ownership investment is con- much as 40%. sidered on the basis of asset appreciation, Table 1 Average value of league teams from 1995–2000 (in millions) %Annual League 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 $ Diff increase NFL $160 $177 $202 $285 $380 $423 +$263 24.2% NBA $113 $127 $150 $170 $183 $207 +$94 12.9% MLB $107 $111 $115 $134 $194 $233 +$126 17.2% NHL $71 $74 $90 $125 $135 $148 +$77 16.5% Sources: Financial World and Forbes
152 Howard and Crompton the nancial rewards of team ownership are last ve years, the NBA’s average attendance evident. has fallen by about 2%. During the 1999–2000 While the cost of ownership continues to season, 11 of the NBA’s 29 teams showed rise at unprecedented levels, it appears that substantial declines, with four reporting dou- there are still more wealthy individuals inter- ble digit gate losses from the previous sea- ested in buying teams than there are avail- son. On the ice, only nine of the 27 teams able franchises. As long as demand exceeds comprising the NHL reported increased at- supply, the value of professional sport fran- tendance in 1999–2000, while half the teams chises will continue to climb. While so called, suffered moderate to severe losses. The NHL ‘psychic income’ bene ts ( e.g. prestige, sta- declines are particularly troubling for a tus, fame, fun) remain as compelling motives league that depends on gate receipts for 60% for team ownership, contemporary owners of of its total revenues. Attendance eroded professional sport franchises also recognize steadily over the last four years of the 1990s, that well managed sport properties afford with league-wide percentage of capacity g- them abundant tax sheltering bene ts during ures falling from 93% in 1996–97 to 88.9% their initial years of ownership and the during the 1999–2000 campaign. prospect of an attractive return on invest- Even the venerable NFL, with its limited ment over the long haul. inventory of just eight home games per season, has reason to be concerned. During the 2000 season, 16 of the league’s 31 teams THE LEAGUES’ DECLINING HEALTH showed no growth. What may be more The four major leagues are confronted with troubling is the rising report of ‘no shows’ four major problems: falling attendance, de- ( no longer reported by the league) in many clining ratings, a saturated marketplace and NFL stadiums. An example is the Carolina an economic disconnect with their fan base. Panthers, who, in only the third year of Each of these issues is discussed in the operation, saw an average of more than 7,000 following sub-sections. no shows per game. That was a 317% in- crease in empty seats compared to their Falling attendance inaugural 1996 season ( Swift, 2000) . A majority of teams in the four biggest leagues, reported at or declining attend- Declining ratings ances in 1999–2000. During the 2000 MLB Most league executives, particularly in the campaign, more than one third of the league’s NFL and NBA, profess relatively little concern total seating inventory went unsold. Even the about stagnant or sagging attendance, pro- stirring home-run duel between Mark claiming that the typical fan is now a tele- McGuire and Sammy Sosa during the summer vision fan. Certainly, more sports of 1998, which many pundits called baseball’s programming is available on free or cable ‘comeback season’, was not able to re- television than ever before. And, with the invigorate major league attendance. In fact, emergence of regional sports networks to the overall increase in MLB attendance of compete with ESPN’s delivery of around the four per cent in 2000 was attributable entirely clock broadcasting, fans have unprecedented to just one team, the San Francisco Giants, opportunities to watch their favourite teams. who experienced a 67% jump in attendance Although the four major networks now de- when they moved into their new Pac Bell vote an increased portion of their program- Park. Without the Giants’ extraordinary at- ming to sports – which in aggregate exceeds tendance spike, overall major league gate 2000 hours each year – unfortunately, fewer gures would have been down 2%. Over the viewers appear to be watching games involv-
Growth and nancial status of professional sports in North America 153 ing teams from the NBA, NHL, MLB, or the too many choices and consumers may be NFL. Ratings for all four leagues have been overwhelmed. As Business Week proclaimed, sinking for the past decade ( McGraw, 1998) . ‘It’s a brutal battle, especially as audiences Between 1987 and 2000, ratings for MLB were fragment amid the urry of competing down 30%, for the NBA 14% and for the NFL choices’ ( Stevens and Grover, 1998, p. 89) . As 22%. Some, like the President of the entertainment providers, sports teams are NFL, believe that the glut of sports enter- part of this highly competitive environment. tainment options increasingly available to They are competing for the scarce time and fans has diluted network numbers. There are disposable dollars of the same consumers more people watching sports on television, that all other entertainment companies are but they are watching it on a lot more seeking to attract. The challenge of compet- channels ( McGraw, 1998) . ing in such a cluttered marketplace is ex- acerbated because consumer spending on Saturated marketplace entertainment in 2001 declined dramatically Ironically, the prosperity that undergirded as the economy entered a recession. the unprecedented growth of the sports industry over the past decade has been a Economic disconnect major contributor to one of the most serious A more ominous explanation for the various challenges confronting sport teams – a sat- league rating declines is that working and urated marketplace. Consumers now have middle class families, the traditional bedrock more entertainment options available than fans of professional sports, are gradually ever before. Indeed, a respected national losing interest in watching major league business publication proclaimed that the games because they can no longer afford to long-term robust economy which charac- attend them. There is ample evidence of a terized the 1990s had stimulated the creation growing economic disconnect between pro- of so many new sport and entertainment fessional sports and most Americans. Table 2 alternatives that the US now faced an ‘enter- shows the steady and substantial increase in tainment glut’ ( Stevens and Grover, 1998) . the cost of attending games across all four Although new sports teams and properties leagues. Using the Fan Cost Index ( FCI) expanded substantially, so did other enter- created by Team Marketing Report, which tainment options. Major entertainment and estimates the average cost for a hypothetical media companies like Disney, Time-Warner family of four to attend a professional team and Viacom invested heavily in movie stu- sports event, comparisons are provided for dios, broadcast and cable networks, online the major leagues over a 10-year period. ventures, new record labels and theme parks. The results show the price of attendance It is projected that the total number of rising four to six times greater than the rate channels available to television viewers will of in ation. The NBA and NHL lead the way, increase from about 75 in 2000 ( mostly cable with more than 100% price increases over the channels) to 1000 by 2010, ‘when digital decade. In 2001, at an average of $53.14, the compression of television signals makes cost of a ticket to attend an NFL game had room for hundreds of channels, and the eclipsed all of the other leagues. But, the NBA linkage of televisions and computers be- and NHL were not too far behind, with ticket comes a reality’ ( Stevens and Grover, 1998, prices averaging, $51.34 and $47.70, respec- p. 90) . At the same time, the exponential tively. For a family of four to attend an NHL growth of web sites is creating further ( $264.11) or NFL ( $303.33) game during the choices for consumers. Some industry ana- 2000 season, amounted to about 30% of an lysts are worried that there may already be average household’s weekly earnings. Even
154 Howard and Crompton Table 2 The rising cost of attending major league sports % League 1990-91 2000–01 Change Proj. 2006 MLB $77.41 $145.83 +88% $221 NBA $138.82 $282.72 +104% $462 NFL $152.55 $303.33 +99% $493 NHL $132.62 $264.11 +131% $461 From 1991-2000 CPI rose 21.4% in US *Based on Fan Cost Index (FCI) calculated by TMR to represent average cost for family of four attending a major league game (two adult and two child’s tickets, four sodas, four hot dogs, two beers, two programs, two caps). Sources: Team Marketing Report (April 2000, October 2000, November 2000, and September 2001) and USA Today, January 22, 1998, p. 3. MLB, which takes pride in being pro sports’ professional sporting events on a regular biggest bargain, raised its cost of attendance basis, it is not surprising to nd consumer by 88%. It is clear that attending a live major interest dissipating for both live and tele- league sport event is now beyond the reach vised offerings of major league sports. It has of most of the population. Indeed, nine out of been suggested that the greatest danger ten Americans say ticket prices are so high facing professional sports is fan ‘apathy.’ For that it is dif cult for them to attend a example, a 1998 Los Angeles Times poll professional sporting event ( Howard, 1999) . reported that almost two thirds of respon- Data con rm the increasingly narrow dem- dents did not consider an NFL team in the ographics of those attending big league Los Angeles area to be of any importance to games. They indicate that more af uent them ( McGraw, 1998) . A similar situation spectators have replaced middle class and appears to have emerged among top teams in blue-collar fans. A columnist proclaimed, the English premier league. Roy Keane, the ‘going to ball games is becoming a perk of the Manchester United captain, famously be- new rich’ ( Angell, 1998, p. 9) . His proclama- moaned the replacement of the hard-core, tion is given credence by a report indicating enthusiastic, loud, genuinely loyal suppor- that the household income of Washington DC ters by relatively wealthy season ticket hold- area residents attending Baltimore Orioles ers who watched the game quietly while games averaged $87,500, whereas the aver- eating their prawn sandwiches! age household income of those residing in With ticket prices displacing all but the the Baltimore DC area is around $53,000 most af uent consumers, teams – partic- ( Fehr, 1997) . Other compelling evidence in- ularly in the NBA and NHL – have devoted an dicating the gentri cation of big league ap- increasing proportion of their seating in- peared in American Demographics ( Dortch, ventory to corporate ticket buyers. A survey 1996) . The analysis found that adults with conducted by the NBA’s Minnesota Timber- household incomes of $75,000 and above wolves found that 62% of season tickets sold were 72% more likely to attend major league in the lower bowl of their arena were owned baseball games than households with ag- by corporations ( Swift, 2000) . While teams gregate incomes of less than $35,000. When may be able to sell an increasing share of only such a narrow segment of the market their most expensive tickets to businesses, ( 13.6% of US households have incomes in the trend leads to other problems. It has been excess of $75,000) can afford to attend pointed out that:
Growth and nancial status of professional sports in North America 155 Fig 2. Reasons why fans stay home the corporate fan, who has replaced the core CONTROLLING PLAYER COSTS: A fan, is a ckle beast, choosy about which PRESCRIPTION FOR RECOVERY game he’ll use his precious free time to attend. Mid-week against the Milwaukee The single greatest operational expense for Bucks, or the Nashville Predators? That’s a major league teams is player costs. It is a pass. If the suit bothers to give the tickets conundrum familiar to English soccer clubs, away, he’s likely to hand them over at the last recently highlighted by David Beckham’s new minute to some secretary in personnel, who contract with Manchester United raising his might prefer to be home watching Regis [a guaranteed salary for the next four years popular television game show] make people from £40,000 to £90,000 per week. Even sweat. ( Swift, 2000, p. 75) before the Beckham contract, Manchester United’s salary bill was £1.3 million per week It is no wonder, then, that no shows are a ( Cave and Millard, 2002) . According to esti- growing concern to the major leagues. Some mates provided by various industry sources, teams, like the NBA’s Charlotte Hornets, were player payroll costs in the American leagues lling less than half the number of seats that represent about two-thirds of the total opera- were actually sold late in the 2000 season. tional expenses incurred by teams. Salary Sold but un lled or unused tickets can have increases during the 1990s in every major serious nancial repercussions because, sports league were extraordinary. As Table 3 ‘When no one is in that seat, not only do we illustrates, the NBA led the way. In 1991, the lose the value of the ticket, we lose conces- average NBA player was a millionaire. Ten sion money, merchandise money and pro- years later, the average had more than gram money’ ( Swift, 2000, p. 76) . trebled to $3.93 million. From 1990 through While pricing is a serious issue facing the 2001, player salaries increased more than managers of professional sports teams, a poll two and half times in all four major pro- commissioned by Sports Illustrated, indicates fessional leagues. there are a number of other serious issues The deputy commissioner of the NBA that managers must address ( Figure 2) . declared, ‘we have an economic system that
156 Howard and Crompton Table 3 League salary increases from 1990-91 to 2000-01 Year MLB NFL NBA NHL 2001-01 $2,217,887 $1,320,000 $3,930,000 $1,385,000 1999-00 $1,938,849 $996,000 $3,170,000 $1,350,000 1997-98 $1,341,000 $751,000 $2,600,000 $1,200,000 1993-94 $1,012,424 $645,000 $1,350,000 $430,000 1990-91 $597,537 $351,800 $990,000 $320,000 Increase 271% 275% 297% 333% Sources: National Football League Players Association, National Basketball Players Association. we think is out of whack’ ( Howard, 1999, Players Association ending a ve-year labour p. 81) . But, this declaration was not a revela- dispute. Under the agreement, for the rst tion to most of those who owned or operated time, players whose contracts had expired those franchises. The owners are ultimately were allowed the right as ‘free agents’ to responsible for paying the players’ salaries, move to a team willing to make the best offer. but the chairman of the MLB Chicago White In exchange for free agency, the players and Sox and NFL Bulls, expressed frustration at owners agreed to a salary cap under which the lack of constraint demonstrated by fellow teams were restricted to spending not more owners by commenting ‘in paying ball- than 64% of the league’s ‘designated gross players, we are at the mercy of our dumbest revenues’ on player salaries ( in effect, this competitor’ ( Howard, 1999, p. 81) . Each pool of money included the combined gate league has attempted, with varying degrees receipts of NFL teams and the monies from of success, to bring spiralling salaries under the league’s national television contract) . some form of control. The varying systems The CBA also established a minimum, guar- involving ‘hard’ and ‘soft’ salary caps, free anteeing players no less than 58% of the agency constraints, and luxury taxes have all designated revenues. The salary cap or pay- been intended to act as a ‘drag’ on the rapid roll maximum in 1994 was $34.6 million. As in ation of player salaries. In every instance, league revenues have grown, so has the however, owners’ efforts to impose a con- amount teams can pay their players. By the straint on roster costs have met with erce 2001 season, the salary cap had reached resistance from the collective bargaining unit $67.4 million, up from $64.5 million in 2000. or players association representing the inter- Players, however, or more accurately the ests of players in each of the leagues. Every agents representing players in contract nego- league endured at least one labour con ict tiations, were able to circumvent the im- over the past decade. Major League Baseball posed salary ceiling shortly after the CBA has led the way with six lockouts or strikes agreement went into effect. They negotiated since 1972. The following sub-sections pro- a loophole, sometimes referred to as the vide an overview of the current state of each ‘Sanders Provision’ after Deion Sanders, of the major leagues with respect to their the rst player to secure the arrangement. It ability to control or constrain player sala- allows teams to pay players substantial up ries. front signing bonuses, but count only a small portion of the bonus payment toward their National Football League cap. Teams are allowed to pro-rate the In 1993, the NFL owners signed a collective amount of the bonus over the length of bargaining agreement ( CBA) with the NFL the player’s contract. So hypothetically, let’s
Growth and nancial status of professional sports in North America 157 say Deion Sanders signed a $50 million deal amount of revenue sharing among its owners, with the Washington Redskins for ve years, since as much as 77% of the total revenues including a $10 million signing bonus. For cap generated by the league is shared among its purposes, even though the Redskins could 32 teams. Revenues from the national tele- have paid Sanders as much as $18 million in vision broadcast contract, which escalate year one of the agreement: $10 million up from $2 billion in 2000 to $2.8 billion in 2005, front bonus and $8 million in salary ( assum- are shared equally among teams, amounting ing a salary payment schedule of $8 million to team shares of $60 million to $70 million per year for ve years for a total of $40 annually. The result is that the NFL is clearly million) , the team would only have to count the healthiest of any of the major sports $10 million against their cap ( $8 million in leagues in North America. Not only does it rst-year salary and $2 million as a pro rata enjoy the greatest nancial parity, it also share of the signing bonus ) . Although the bene ts from the greatest competitive parity. team actually paid out $18 million, due to During the 1999 season, 13 of the league’s the signing bonus loophole it only had then 31 teams nished with records be- to charge $10 million toward the team’s tween seven wins and nine losses and nine salary cap. This is why the Washington wins and seven losses. The NFL has the Redskins team payroll in 2000 was $88 mil- highest and most consistent team valuations, lion, as much as $25 million above the NFL’s the strongest television ratings, and the most cap. According to the NFL Players Associa- ardent fan following. tion ( NFLPA) , the team had a total base salary In contrast to the NFL’s focus on revenue expenditure of $31 million, and signing bonus sharing, English football clubs have moved in payments of around $56 million ( Lombardo, the opposite direction. Before 1984, clubs 2000) . While the Redskins had the highest equally shared the admission revenues from ever payroll, the NFLPA estimated the aver- every match. Today the home clubs keep all age NFL team spent $65 million on player the revenues. Thus, the large well-supported salaries for the 2000 season. What allows clubs accrue much more income, and any some teams the ability to maintain salary expectation of parity of competition has expenditures well above the cap is that some disappeared. If no revenue sharing is in- NFL owners have been able to generate troduced, then the emergence of an elite half signi cant additional income that does not dozen clubs, analogous to the ‘old rm’ have to be shared as a part of league wide situation of Rangers and Celtic in Scotland, revenues, such as income from luxury suites, concessions, naming rights deals, and in appears inevitable. stadium signage. So, for example, because Major League Baseball the Redskins play in a stadium owned by the team that generates close to $100 million in Unfortunately MLB, which often is charac- annual revenues, most of which is exempt terized as ‘America’s pastime’, from a nan- from the league’s shared designated gross cial perspective pales in comparison to the revenue system, the team is capable of NFL. Major League Baseball has no salary paying huge bonuses that don’t count en- cap. Indeed, the league has no real mecha- tirely against the cap ( Lombardo, 2000) . nism in place to constrain salary in ation. Although teams that play in lucrative sta- Under the collective bargaining agreement diums have an economic advantage, the which expired at the end of the 2001 season, league’s underlying economic structure has players with six years of ‘big league’ experi- created substantial nancial parity among ence were eligible to become free agents. NFL franchises. The NFL has the greatest When their contracts expired, these players
158 Howard and Crompton could offer their services to the highest disparity ( Rofe, 2000) . And, the disparity may bidder. widen as the Yankees are currently consider- Compounding the problem further from a ing a new local television deal which would cost control perspective is that owners do give them $838 million over the next 10 years. not have the ability to control payroll ex- In contrast, in 2000 the Twins received $5 penses when negotiating with players who million from the sale of their local television have three to six years of experience. Players broadcast rights. in this category, while not eligible for free The signi cant revenue disparity in major agency, are allowed by a clause in the league baseball has translated into a serious bargaining agreement to go to binding arbi- competitive disadvantage for have not tration in the event of a salary dispute with teams. The Blue Ribbon Panel commissioned the team. Final resolution of the dispute is by MLB to evaluate the economic conditions made by an independent arbitrator who is and prospects for major league baseball required to choose between the salary de- revealed that teams with the highest payrolls mand made by the player and the salary offer had won virtually all of the post season made by the team. In this process, the player playoff games since the settlement of the and management each submit a gure, and 1994 strike. The study found that no team the arbitrator selects one or the other; no which was not in the top tier or upper 25% of compromise is allowed. Over the years, the payroll spending, won a single World Series owners have won more than half the deci- game over the previous ve seasons. During sions. However, owners would suggest that the 2000 season, the defending world cham- most of their victories have been pyrrhic in pion New York Yankees became the rst that even when they win, players are still major professional league team in North rewarded with considerably higher salaries America with a payroll in excess of $100 than they received the previous season. For million. The last place Minnesota Twins example, in a typical year, the three players salary bill that season was $17 million. Thus, who lost their cases received average salary ‘the single biggest indicator of a team’s increases of 20% ( USA Today, 1996) . Thus, there is ‘little downside risk’ for players opportunity for success from one year to the because the salary gures owners present in next is whether the team’s payroll is among arbitration are invariably higher than their the top few teams in the league. Period’ current levels of compensation. In the rst 18 ( Costas, 2000, p. 58) . years of arbitration only 20 players emerged The competitive imbalance prevailing in with pay cuts ( Zimbalist, 1992) . The result MLB is the league’s most pressing challenge. has been an extraordinary increase in overall A leading national publication declared that MLB salaries of 705% in the 20–year period ‘as many as two thirds of the teams in major from 1982 to 2001. league baseball have no chance of contend- Many teams have not been able to keep up ing for the World Series – now, or anytime with the relentless escalation in player sala- soon’ ( Bodley and Brady, 1999, p. C10) . The ries. Nowhere is the gap between the ‘haves’ league has attempted to address the serious and ‘have nots’ more evident than in base- disparity but has not been successful. The ball. Over the last decade, the revenue owners’ thwarted attempt to institute a sal- disparity between large and small market ary cap precipitated a damaging players teams has grown dramatically. In 1999, the strike, which led to the cancellation of the New York Yankees generated a total of $179 World Series in 1994 and a shortened 1995 million in gross revenues, compared to the season. While the owners were unsuccessful Minnesota Twins $52 million – a $127 million in imposing a cap, the 1996 agreement with
Growth and nancial status of professional sports in North America 159 the MLB Players Association did establish a National Basketball Association ‘luxury tax’ on the ve teams with the highest After remarkable growth through most of the payrolls. In 1999, the luxury tax provision 1990s, the NBA faded over the last few years. required the teams with the ve highest With the retirement of mega star Michael salaries to pay a 34% tax on every payroll Jordan and his magical championship run dollar spent above $70.5 million. The tax bill with the Chicago Bulls in 1998 and the labour that year for the Yankees came to $4.8 dispute that led to the cancellation of 464 million. Given the limited scope ( just ve league games in 1999, league attendance teams) and impact ( the team with the fth steadily declined, television ratings sunk to highest payroll in 1999, the Boston Red Sox, the lowest in years, and merchandise sales paid a tax of just $21,000) the luxury tax has plummeted ( Tagliabue, 2000) . After negotia- proven to be an ineffective deterrent to tions over a new collective bargaining agree- salary in ation in baseball. ment ( CBA) collapsed in June 1998, the NBA Perhaps, the single best hope for establish- owners locked out the players for the third ing an economic system that allows all 30 time since 1995. The struggle occurred over MLB’s teams to compete, depends on how much of the league’s $2 billion in gross whether the recommendations of the Com- revenues would be shared with the players. missioner’s Blue Ribbon Panel ever come to The NBA claimed that the league operated at fruition. The 87-page report issued in 2000, a de cit during the 1997–98 season for the urged MLB to: rst time in almost 20 years. League of cials attributed the steady decline in the league’s c institute a ‘competitive-balance tax’ of operating pro ts to rapidly escalating player 50% on all club payrolls in excess of $84 salaries, which in 1997–98 amounted to 57.2% million; of the league’s total revenues. Under the c create a revenue sharing mechanism in existing labour contract, the players’ share which teams would contribute at least was projected to reach 61% during the 40%, and as much as 50% of all their local 1998–99 season. Negotiations stalemated net revenues from gate receipts and when the owners wanted to impose a xed television contracts. limit on salaries at 48% of the total NBA revenues. The NBA Players Association held These recommendations and others would out for a 60% share. increase the percentage of revenues shared After a 190-day lockout, resulting in an among the league’s 30 teams from the pres- abbreviated 50-game season ( regularly 82 ent 35% to roughly 60% ( Ozanian and Bade- games) , the NBA and its players reached a hausen, 2000) . The proposal would reduce settlement in January 1999. The new six-year the revenue gap between the league’s richest CBA ensured players would receive no less and poorest teams, promising at least the than 48% and no more than 55% of the potential of greater competitive parity. league’s pooled revenues, referred to as The challenge facing MLB is to convince the ‘Basketball Related Income’ ( BRI) . Most im- owners of those teams with the highest portantly to the owners, the new agreement payrolls and greatest revenues that it is in afforded teams much greater nancial stabil- their best interest to share ‘their wealth’ ity by setting caps for maximums on the with their less fortunate league brethren. In salaries players can earn based on the num- addition, the league must win the approval of ber of years of service a player has had in the the players union in order to adopt addi- league. Under the new agreement, players tional revenue sharing. with zero to ve years of NBA service are
160 Howard and Crompton capped at $9 million per season; players with dened by a weak Canadian dollar and high six to nine years of league experience are Canadian taxes. The purchasing power of capped at $11 million; and veterans with 10 the Canadian dollar has slipped 30% in value or more years of service can earn a maximum compared to the US dollar over the last of $14 million per season. The new CBA also decade. The declining value of Canadian built in some long-term cost control by currency has created an increasingly stress- setting a xed or maximum limit on salary ful dilemma for Canadian teams. Although increases at 10%. In an effort, however, to the franchises collect revenue in their native promote roster stability, the agreement stipu- currency, in order to stay competitive with lated that a player re-signing with his existing American-based teams they have to pay team could receive a pay raise of 12.5% per salaries in US dollars. In early 1999, the year over the length of his contract. The new currency exchange difference on a $50 mil- agreement, while costly, provides the NBA lion payroll would have been about $20 with one clear advantage over all the other million. The Montreal Canadians pay prop- leagues, the ability to control and anticipate erty taxes on their arena of around $10 its greatest expense, player salaries. million per year which is triple the combined taxes paid by all the US based NHL teams. National Hockey League There appears to be no relief in sight for the The National Hockey League is in the most Canadian franchises. In 2000, the Canadian precarious nancial position of any of the Federal Government withdrew a tax credit major leagues. Like MLB, it has minimal plan which would have provided teams C$2 revenue sharing and no real mechanism in million a year, claiming there was no public place to control salary growth. Unfortu- support for the plan. nately, the league is locked into its collective One bright note for the NHL is the tele- bargaining agreement until 2004. This agree- vision deal the league signed with ABC/ESPN ment established a cap only on rookie sala- in 2000. The ve-year broadcast contract ries, set at a maximum of $975,000 per through the 2005–06 season, pays the league season. The agreement provides few restric- $600 million, a signi cant increase over its tions on free agency. The result is that player previous contract with Fox that paid the salaries are growing at a much faster rate league $200 million. However, with no mean- than team revenues. The league’s economic ingful revenue sharing proposal in sight, and troubles have been exacerbated by several the likelihood of uncontrolled salary growth other problems. With a relatively small na- through at least 2004, the short-term nan- tional television contract ( teams received cial prospects for many NHL teams looks $4.3 million per year at the end of the 1990s, grim. In 1999, it was estimated that 20 of the compared to NFL teams’ $60–70 million) NHL NHL’s then 28 teams were losing money. It teams depended on gate receipts on average will be interesting to see whether the NHL for 60% of their overall revenues. This situa- commissioner’s prescription for a ‘prosper- tion made it particularly dif cult for the 14 or ous NHL future’ will ever be realized. In his 15 teams that experienced attendance de- state of the NHL address in 2000, the commis- clines in recent years. With no provision for sioner offered the following plan: sharing gate revenues – home teams keep 100% of the ticket sale income – the revenue c Continue to increase revenues by mov- imbalance has widened among NHL teams. ing into even more new money generat- The nancial stress has been particularly ing arenas and stimulating interest in acute for the NHL’s Canadian franchises. The hockey internationally. six Canadian hockey teams have been bur- c Slow skyrocketing salaries with judi-
Growth and nancial status of professional sports in North America 161 cious personnel decisions and, ulti- dwarf the $1.6 billion generated by the mately, through a new collective English leagues. In the English leagues, costs bargaining agreeing. associated with players’ salaries have esca- c Promote, promote, promote, to build a lated at a rate substantially greater than that younger and broader fan base ( Robin- of revenues, and there is nothing to suggest son, 2000) . that this trend will change in the foreseeable future. In addition, English soccer leagues are CONCLUDING COMMENTS confronted with many of the challenges faced by the North American leagues especially a The urgency to control costs in the English growing economic disconnect with their tra- and European soccer leagues is exempli ed ditional fan base, and competition from other by the actions of the ‘G14’ group of leading sources of entertainment. However, there is European clubs, which includes Manchester an important difference between nancial United and Liverpool. They have proposed a prospects of the English and North American salary cap in a bid to ease the sport’s leagues in that the long-term prospects for economic problems. At a meeting at the 2002 nancial gain in the North American context European cup nal, they also agreed to are excellent, while the nancial long-term reduce their playing staffs and to introduce a outlook for the owners of English soccer code of conduct to contain spiralling costs teams is less sanguine. The Deloitte and ( The Times, 2002) . The details remain elusive Touche ( 2001) review asks the question ‘is but the thinking has changed from ‘should football an investment?’ And succinctly an- there be a cost control mechanism?’ to ‘what swers it by concluding, ‘Emotionally – yes. form should it take, and how quickly can it be Financially – in rare cases’ ( p. 43) . implemented?’ There are three main reasons why the long- There are fundamental differences term nancial prospects of North American between English football and the American teams are stronger. First, the value of pro- leagues in that European laws differ from fessional sports franchises has been appre- American laws; the English leagues have to contend with promotion and relegation; and ciating at double digit rates annually for the the American leagues have a draft system for past 30 years, providing owners with sub- recruiting new players into the leagues which stantial capital gains which more than com- contributes to parity. Nevertheless, it is likely pensate them for relatively small operational that the analyses of approaches to resolving losses. This occurs because each of the four the problem adopted by the American lea- major leagues acts as an independent cartel gues offer useful insights to the conundrum restricting the number of teams allowed to in English soccer. Professional sports leagues enter the league, so the demand from cities in North America and professional soccer seeking to host a team always exceeds leagues in England enjoyed unprecedented the supply of teams. This favourable de- levels of revenues in the 1990s, but in both mand-supply position ensures the value of cases it is likely that pro table operation will existing teams remains high. It enables team be more dif cult to achieve in the rst owners to exact substantial subsidies – typi- decade of the new millennium. There are cally in the $10 million to $20 million per year similarities in the dif culties they face even range – from the public funds of host cities. If though each of the four North American host cities refuse to pay such subsidies, the major leagues generate more annual revenue team owners then transfer the teams to other than the English soccer leagues, and their cities that will provide them because they are aggregate annual revenues of over $10 billion anxious to achieve the ‘big city’ status which
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