Systemic Racism: Refugee, Resettlement, and Education Policy in New Zealand
←
→
Page content transcription
If your browser does not render page correctly, please read the page content below
Systemic Racism: Refugee, Resettlement, and Education Policy in New Zealand Louise Humpage Abstract Introduction Public policy in New Zealand increasingly makes reference R efugees resettling in New Zealand come from a to “inclusion of diversity,” “equality,” and “equity.” Yet diverse range of countries and backgrounds. Yet refugees resettling in New Zealand continue to experience they share the experience of suffering systemic systemic racism based on the application of ostensibly racism based on the application of ostensibly “neutral” neutral rules and universal standards to unequal situa- rules and “universal” standards to unequal situations in tions. This paper draws attention to the way in which refugee, resettlement, and education policy. This applica- poorly formulated refugee and resettlement policy has tion has had the real effect of discriminating against refu- resulted in quota refugees being favoured over others and gees, particularly those from non-English-speaking, in assumptions that refugees have needs similar to those of non-European, and less-educated backgrounds. This pa- general migrants. The way in which such racism has been per draws attention to the way in which poorly formu- translated into general policy arenas, such as education, is lated refugee and resettlement policy has resulted in also explored. quota refugees being favoured over others and in as- sumptions that all categories of refugees have needs simi- Résumé lar to those of general migrants, despite considerable De manière croissante, la politique officielle en Nouvelle research that provides evidence to the contrary. Zélande fait référence aux notions d’« inclusion de la In addition, the paper highlights how both of these diversité », d’« égalité » et d’« équité ». Malgré cela, les situations have had a domino effect on policy in more réfugiés qui se réinstallent en Nouvelle Zélande continuent general arenas, with education used as an example. Until à pâtir du racisme systémique émanant de l’application de very recently, education policy also prioritized quota règles et de normes universels qui, quoique neutres en refugees. In failing to account for the pre- and post- apparence, s’adressent en fait à des situations tout à fait settlement characteristics of refugees in policy making, inégales. Cet article éclaire la façon par laquelle une education policy continues to perpetuate the notion that politique d’immigration et de réinstallation mal formulée a refugees are not different from general migrants. Ironi- donné lieu à du favoritisme au profit des réfugiés des cally, poor recognition of refugee student needs in educa- catégories réservées (« quota refugees ») et a entretenu des tion policy sits alongside aims articulating the “inclusion croyances que les besoins des réfugiés sont similaires à ceux of diversity,” “equality,” and “equity.” d’autres immigrants. Est aussi exploré la manière dont ce The paper explores such arguments by outlining refu- racisme s’est trouvé reflété dans des domaines de politique gee and resettlement policy as it relates to all categories of générale, tel celui de l’éducation. refugees, regardless of age. However, for the sake of brev- ity, discussion of education policy is limited to refugee students in the compulsory education sector and ex- cludes the (minimal) policy concerning refugee adults. 33 © Louise Humpage, 2001. This open-access work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License, which permits use, reproduction and distribution in any medium for non-commercial purposes, provided the original author(s) are credited and the original publication in Refuge: Canada’s Journal on Refugees is cited.
Volume 19 Refuge Number 6 Refugees are, of course, a diverse group of people, origi- migrants to New Zealand were subject to a poll tax and nating from a variety of national and ethnic back- English proficiency tests. While a ban on New Zealand– grounds, as well as socio-economic and educational born Chinese acquiring citizenship was lifted in , it statuses. Yet in reviewing the difficulties that refugee stu- was not until that explicit favouritism towards im- dents face in light of poor policy formulation, examples migrants from Great Britain and Europe was abolished. are provided from research conducted with Somali stu- There have also been cases of systematic racism in the dents in Christchurch, one of New Zealand’s larger cities. education system, most notably where Maori, the indig- Coming from a non-European, non-Christian, non- enous peoples of New Zealand, were banned from speak- English-speaking background, in combination with the ing their own language under the Education Act. extended period many have spent in refugee camps, So- However, this paper focuses on systemic racism—the mali represent a major challenge for resettlement and subtle yet powerful form of discrimination entrenched education services. It is difficult to ascertain whether the within the rules, organization, norms, goals, and proce- Somali experience in Christchurch is representative of dures of social institutions. Many New Zealand institu- refugee students in New Zealand in general. But the So- tions now articulate philosophies of biculturalism or mali experience certainly highlights the potential pitfalls multiculturalism. Yet the application of ostensibly “neu- in education policy for refugees, who are increasingly tral” rules and “universal” standards to unequal situations coming from diverse backgrounds that are very different has the real effect of discriminating against some because from those of most New Zealanders. of their differences. Even when differences are taken into account, customized treatment is expected to fit within The Faces of Racism an ethnocentric “one size fits all” mentality that reflects a There are many faces of racism at the individual, institu- liberal pluralist commitment to a superficial pluralism, tional, and societal levels. This paper does not focus on rather than taking differences seriously. This form of in- individual acts of denial or exclusion against a group stitutional discrimination is, by definition, unconscious based on biological or cultural inferiority. Nor does it and unintended because of its embeddedness within explore the hegemonic processes of societal racism. structures, functions, and processes that are taken for Rather, it considers the institutional racism embedded granted. As discussion highlights, systemic racism is within the organizational practices and procedures of common in the New Zealand’s refugee, resettlement, and New Zealand’s social institutions, which either deliber- education policies. ately or inadvertently discriminate against “others.” In particular, central government institutions, such as the A Neo-Liberal Context immigration, justice, health, and education systems, con- In making this assertion, particular note has been made tain or distribute a variety of resources, both social and of the economic and political context in which recent economic. Differential access procedures and mono- policy has been made. It is argued that the neo-liberal re- culturalism within an institution often mean that minor- structuring of the New Zealand public sector in the s ity groups cannot gain access to these resources, and and the continuing prevalence of a market-economy phi- therefore experience discrimination and disadvantage. losophy in the s has provided an important contex- This inequality may occur even when people—collec- tual background to the systemic racism found in all three tively or as individuals—within the institution are not policy arenas. Even the election of a centre-left govern- racist in terms of their attitudes and when the institution ment in has not radically altered the neo-liberal itself has adopted policies of biculturalism or agendas that discriminate against refugees. multiculturalism, acknowledging and valuing cultural Systemic racism existed in immigration, resettlement, difference. and education policy well before the neo-liberal reforms Fleras and Elliott note that there are two main forms that restructured the New Zealand public sector in the of institutional racism. The first, systematic racism, in- s. While it is difficult to establish a “cause and effect” volves rules and procedures that directly and deliberately process, neo-liberal agendas have nevertheless enhanced prevent minority groups from full and equal involvement the systemic racism that refugees resettling in New within society. Immigration policy in New Zealand has Zealand have long suffered. For instance, immigration certainly provided cases of this form of discrimination. policy has now theoretically eliminated discrimination For example, in the nineteenth century, only Chinese im- on grounds of race, national or ethnic origin, colour, sex, 34 © Louise Humpage, 2001. This open-access work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License, which permits use, reproduction and distribution in any medium for non-commercial purposes, provided the original author(s) are credited and the original publication in Refuge: Canada’s Journal on Refugees is cited.
Systemic Racism marital status, religion, or ethical belief. Yet the new fo- which approvals were determined by an “occupation pri- cus on “sustained economic growth” in immigration ority list” that protected local interests in the labour mar- policy since implicitly restricts the access of many ket. Following the deregulation of the New Zealand refugees to resettle in New Zealand. In addition, a neo- economy in the s, immigration began to be regarded liberal emphasis on decentralization has entrenched the as a means for population growth and thus expansion of expectation that resettlement services be provided by a the domestic market for locally produced goods and ser- non-governmental organization () sector that is in- vices. Since , the emphasis has therefore been upon completely funded by the government. increasing the level of human capital in New Zealand Neo-liberal agendas in education policy have also re- with the objective of contributing to sustained economic sulted in the decentralization of responsibility for refugee growth. In line with neo-liberal ideas of a market and English-for-Speakers-of-Other-Languages () pro- economy, this resulted in the establishment of a “points” grams to individual schools and educators who fre- system and a business investor category, both of which quently work with inadequate funding and information. favour highly skilled, professional immigrants, preferably In education policy, market-driven definitions of equity with money to invest in this country and international commonly refer to greater consumer “choice.” There is an links that will benefit New Zealand. These two new cat- assumed neutrality in the “free” market, which ignores egories initially aimed to contribute to economic restruc- the effects of social and cultural values and beliefs, the turing, but evolved into a means for economic and social differing material conditions of people’s lives, and differ- development through recruitment of human capital. ential access to resources including dominant knowledge The refugee, humanitarian, and family reunification and language. As a small, politically weak, and frag- categories are technically quite separate from the points mented group, refugee “consumers” do not have greater system and business investor categories, but this paper ar- “choice” under new market philosophy, but are in fact gues that the general assumption that immigrants should finding their educational options increasingly limited. provide economic benefit to New Zealand has nonethe- less influenced decision making about refugee cases. Refugee Policy in New Zealand Thus, although immigration and refugee policy does not Since World War , New Zealand has accepted refugees explicitly discriminate against any particular ethnic or for resettlement in times of crisis. The first to be officially social group, the ideology behind it—as well as the func- received as refugees were Poles in . Then, between tion and procedures involved—results in systemic racism and , more than people, mainly from East- against refugees, particularly those from non-English- ern and Southern Europe, were given refuge. New speaking and economically poor backgrounds or coun- Zealand became a party to the United Nations () tries. Policy relating to quota and asylum refugees Convention relating to the Status of Refugees in and provides a good example of the influence that the aim of a signatory to the following Protocol in . War in “economic growth” has had on refugee policy. Southeast Asia precipitated New Zealand’s largest refugee influx, with more than Southeast Asian refugees The “Official” Refugees: Quota and Asylum having arrived in New Zealand since . In the s, There are two types of “refugee” officially recognized as the majority of refugees came from Iraq, Ethiopia, and such by New Zealand immigration policy. The first repre- Vietnam, with smaller numbers from Sri Lanka, Rwanda, sents individuals accepted under the refugee quota cat- Burundi, and Bosnia. A total of over , refugees have egory. In , a traditionally ad hoc approach to refugee already been resettled in this country. This number may selection was replaced with an annual quota of up to appear small in comparison to larger nations, but New United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees Zealand ranks first equal in the world according to the ()–recommended refugees. This was reduced to number of refugees accepted per capita. in when the New Zealand government had to To understand the systemic racism that exists in refu- pick up the cost of transporting refugees from gee policy, it is necessary to be aware of the wider immi- camps to New Zealand. Although small by international gration-policy framework in which it is situated. New standards, the quota has rarely been fully utilized. Be- Zealand’s immigration policy has always been strongly tween and , an average of only people arrived linked with economic factors. Until , immigration under the quota each year. Failure to accept the entire policy functioned largely as a labour market tool, in quota is often justified by a statement emphasizing that it 35 © Louise Humpage, 2001. This open-access work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License, which permits use, reproduction and distribution in any medium for non-commercial purposes, provided the original author(s) are credited and the original publication in Refuge: Canada’s Journal on Refugees is cited.
Volume 19 Refuge Number 6 is “subject to availability of continuing community spon- asylum, and is given “refugee status.” A rapid increase in sorship for new arrivals.” Thus, blame for the unfulfilled asylum seekers during the s encouraged New quota is implicitly placed upon the non-governmental Zealand governments to make it more difficult for those agencies that find or provide sponsorship, rather than on whom they consider “economic refugees” to get into New government policy itself. Zealand and to be accepted as legitimate asylum seekers. While the difficulties of sponsorship are real, govern- This move was so rapid that it caused condemnation ment reluctance to fill the quota also reflects the broad from the and Amnesty International. There have aim of New Zealand’s immigration policy, which is sus- also been continuing problems with the length of time tained economic growth. Consequently, governments that asylum seekers have had to wait for their applica- have been reluctant to accept the full quota of refugees tions to be accepted and the conditions they have had to because they are less likely to offer New Zealand eco- endure while waiting. The current Labour-Alliance coali- nomic “returns” than other immigrants; rather, they of- tion government has made limited investments into sup- ten represent considerable “investment.” porting and housing asylum seekers, but these issues The institutional processes that limit the number of continue to be problematic while the backlog is cleared. quota refugees may be regarded as examples of systemic Certainly, although asylum seekers are given “refugee sta- racism. While immigration policy is no longer explicitly tus” and therefore may be considered “official refugees,” discriminatory on the basis of ethnic or cultural differ- they are not given the same rights as quota refugees in terms ences, a “neutral” emphasis on economic growth has had of resettlement services, as outlined in the next section. the result of excluding many refugees, particularly those The cases of quota, asylum, and Kosovar refugees have who are poorly educated, unskilled, and lacking in En- illustrated that, even though the refugee categories were glish language skills. introduced on humanitarian grounds, a philosophy of This fact is most obvious when considering the case of economic rationalism dominates refugee policy, as it does Kosovar refugees who were readily accepted into New for immigration policy and the public sector as a whole. Zealand in . Admitted under the United Nations Spe- Thus, the “neutral” goal of immigration policy—to bring cial Humanitarian Program, rather than the refugee economic benefit to New Zealand—has discriminatory quota, Kosovars with relatives in New Zealand were of- consequences for refugees and may be considered an ex- fered immediate permanent residence, a speedy evacua- ample of systemic racism. tion from wartorn Kosovo, and the right of assisted repatriation. They were also the recipients of far more The “Unofficial Refugees”: Humanitarian and generous resettlement services than other refugees, in- Family Reunification cluding an orientation program usually reserved for There is additional cause to assert that there exists a state quota refugees, free additional English classes, and free of systemic racism when taking into account the “unoffi- clothes and furniture donated by the public. cial” refugees living in New Zealand. Figures for refugees While the urgency of the situation and media coverage accepted into New Zealand are misleading, for consider- encouraged such generosity, it was also precipitated by ably more refugees—according to the defini- the fact that Kosovar refugees were considered far more tion—have arrived in this country than they suggest. likely to adapt quickly and provide less of an economic Under immigration policy, only those who apply as part burden on New Zealand than their non-Kosovar counter- of the refugee quota, or who arrive in New Zealand spon- parts. They had not spent long (if any time) in refugee taneously and are subsequently granted asylum, are con- camps, were generally well-educated, came from a Euro- sidered “refugees.” Others, accepted on humanitarian pean background, and usually spoke some English. These grounds (other than the quota) or through the family re- attributes set them apart from the majority of New unification program, are considered “migrants.” It is pref- Zealand refugees who come from Africa, the Middle East, erable for the New Zealand government that refugees and Southeast Asia. Significantly, despite their favourable apply for permanent residency under general criteria, be- socio-economic profile and the extra resettlement sup- cause “migrants” are not covered by the government’s ob- port, the Kosovars have still found resettlement in New ligation to meet minimum standards for refugee Zealand a stressful and difficult experience. resettlement as a signatory of the Convention. The second type of “official refugee,” the asylum This is problematic for two reasons. First, the require- seeker, arrives at one of the country’s borders, requests ments for processing “migrants”—such as numerous 36 © Louise Humpage, 2001. This open-access work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License, which permits use, reproduction and distribution in any medium for non-commercial purposes, provided the original author(s) are credited and the original publication in Refuge: Canada’s Journal on Refugees is cited.
Systemic Racism copies of documents that many refugees do not possess, a and Income New Zealand (). Such aid includes a application fee, and the payment of airfares—are small () Re-establishment Grant per family, pos- difficult for refugees to fulfill, and place the financial bur- sible (but recoverable) Special Needs Grants of up to den upon refugees themselves or their relatives. The for accommodation, bond, or rent in advance, New Zealand government thus makes money out of these and likely (although not automatic) eligibility for the “migrants,” rather than spends it transporting and accom- Emergency Unemployment Benefit after a one-month modating them as refugees. stand-down. The last is paid at the same rate as the stan- Second, refugee literature places considerable empha- dard Unemployment Benefit, which cannot be granted sis on the need to differentiate between refugees and until an individual has been resident in New Zealand for other immigrants on the basis of both their immigration two years or more. experience and their patterns of resettlement. Immigra- Refugees accepted under criteria for asylum or general tion for legitimate refugees is not voluntary; nor do they humanitarian and family reunification are offered no have a great deal of choice over the country in which they guarantees of resettlement assistance. is technically will begin their new life. The considerable trauma, loss, not supposed to work with asylum seekers, but frequently and instability that refugees have often experienced also chooses not to distinguish between this group and other distinguish them from other immigrants, creating a need refugees who are eligible to use the service. The rights of for specific and comprehensive support to counteract non-quota refugees to further provisions are hazy. Some such disadvantages. receive health screening and some may be eligible for the By accepting refugees into New Zealand under mi- re-establishment grant from . Policy states that refu- grant—rather than refugee—criteria, the government gees must meet the usual criteria for permanent residents does not have to provide a minimum of resettlement ser- to receive the , but this issue is not interpreted vices, as it does for quota refugees. The following discus- consistently. This inconsistency is due to a lack of specific sion describes how this freedom discriminates against training and to office budgets that are insufficient to meet non-quota refugees and also highlights how, in a neo-lib- ’s legal obligation to provide interpreters when eral context, poorly funded non-governmental organiza- needed by refugee clients. While trials are in place to spe- tions (s) have had to fill the gaps left in government cially case-manage the employment needs of migrants resettlement policy. and refugees, other organizational rules make it harder for easy resettlement. For example, changes to legislation Resettlement Policy in New Zealand in made family members of refugees joining their Restrictive definitions of “official” refugee numbers in families in New Zealand ineligible for the re-establishment refugee policy have caused further discrimination in re- grant. settlement policy. Only quota refugees are eligible for the meagre government-funded facilities available for newly Chronic Under-Funding of Resettlement Services arrived refugees. The New Zealand government provides The current Labour-Alliance coalition government al- quota refugees with limited, short-term aid upon arrival, most doubled funding for refugee resettlement service in based on a front-loaded model of resettlement that im- Budget . Yet the yearly allocation still remains limited plicitly aims to encourage rapid economic adaptation, (at ,) and still favours quota refugees. As a particularly employment. Such assistance includes a six- consequence of the limited resettlement assistance avail- week orientation and English language course at the able from central government, it is non-governmental, Mangere Refugee Reception Center, free health screening often voluntary, organizations that carry the load in at- upon arrival, and subsidization of some other health ser- tempting to meet refugee needs. vices. In addition, quota refugees are referred to the only The s do a remarkable job supporting all refugees national resettlement organization, the Refugee and Mi- (regardless of immigration category) in the day-to-day grant Service (), which the New Zealand Immigra- aspects of resettlement, rallying communities to support tion Service () contracts to locate and maintain improvements in refugee policy and raising funds for community sponsors for quota refugees. refugee programs. While it has been argued that s Beyond this assistance, quota refugees—like other per- are best able to provide to assistance for refugees, with- manent residents—may be eligible for financial aid from out any comprehensive resettlement policy such services the New Zealand employment and welfare agency, Work range in quality and quantity around the country. Uncertain 37 © Louise Humpage, 2001. This open-access work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License, which permits use, reproduction and distribution in any medium for non-commercial purposes, provided the original author(s) are credited and the original publication in Refuge: Canada’s Journal on Refugees is cited.
Volume 19 Refuge Number 6 funding also constrains and threatens the services of- losophy. As a consequence, no government agency has a fered. Even is not completely funded by the New specific or consistent policy on refugee resettlement. Zealand government, with the result that it and other thus continues to decide which and how many s must constantly be searching for new sources of refugees come to resettle in this country, largely without charitable funding and must limit the services offered. consultation with the s who provide resettlement as- For example, the classes available to quota refugees at sistance. often justifies inadequacies in resettlement the Mangere Center are the only free language tuition di- policy by explaining that, once refugees have entered the rectly funded by the government. Thus, once even quota country, “they are no longer strictly refugees. They are refugees leave the centre after six weeks, they are expected now permanent residents of New Zealand.” This implies to fund their own learning. As a result, most of the non- that refugees are not considered to need any greater assis- commercial courses available around the country tance than what is available to all permanent residents in have long waiting lists. Even the two Refugees as Survi- New Zealand. vors Centers and receive only partial funding from Refugees are not monitored once they have entered the governmental sources, and it must be reapplied for each country, making it difficult to assess such an assumption. funding round. As refugees arriving in New Zealand The Immigration Act does accommodate an Immi- come from increasingly disparate ethnic backgrounds, grant Resettlement and Research Fund, but only recently is finding it more difficult to locate adequate spon- has it been utilized in the study of migrants and refu- sorship for them all, thus placing even greater demand on gees. Initial plans for a longitudinal study of mi- its services providing interpreters, housing, furniture, grants excluded refugees on the basis of their small health, and education for new settlers. Poor funding numbers and difficulties in finding them. Now incorpo- also results in high rates of staff turnover and a reliance rating refugees, the study is still closely linked to labour- on volunteers, who often lack adequate training. market issues, as are pilot settlement programs in the It is obvious that New Zealand’s first-equal ranking in main cities of Auckland, Wellington, and Christchurch the number of refugees accepted per capita masks the that focus on recent business or professional migrants. tendency of New Zealand governments to ignore refugees Final results for the longitudinal survey will not be avail- once they have arrived in New Zealand. Thus, of the ten able until , leaving a long delay before is likely to countries that regularly resettle refugees, New Zealand act on any findings. rates the lowest in post-arrival support. New Zealand Non-governmental studies have, however, long sug- governments have shown little initiative in resettlement gested that the resettlement needs of refugees are hugely issues, tending to respond only when under public pres- neglected. Research has found that some refugees would sure, such as during the Balkan crisis. It can be ar- prefer to return to their wartorn homelands or refugee gued, therefore, that government policy has focused on camps in a transit country than continue the life of alien- the numbers of people entering the country, rather than ation and hopelessness that New Zealand governments on how well people have settled. have offered them. This is surely the most obvious indica- tion that government commitments to resettlement Poor Coordination between Refugee Policy and policy have been woefully inadequate. Resettlement Services It could be argued that the relatively small number of Although coordination between the agencies making refugees that New Zealand resettles each year should policy and those implementing it has long been a prob- make the provision of a comprehensive resettlement pro- lem, a neo-liberal emphasis on the decentralization of re- gram for refugees manageable; instead this fact is fre- sponsibility for social services, such as those provided by quently used to justify inaction and minimal funding. Yet resettlement organizations, has made it even more diffi- refugees who speak poor English have not adapted cul- cult to achieve. While the current centre-left government turally to New Zealand and exhibit unresolved health is more flexible on refugee issues than previous adminis- problems; for example, they are unlikely to provide the trations, it still has no interest in running refugee resettle- economic “returns” that government expects. Ironically, ment services itself, arguing that they would merely neo-liberal market philosophies have not offered con- compete with those that already exist. Such an approach sumer choice to refugees, and ignoring the need for a is considered “inefficient” under a market economy phi- government-funded, long-term program to orient refu- gees to New Zealand life and provide them with basic 38 © Louise Humpage, 2001. This open-access work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License, which permits use, reproduction and distribution in any medium for non-commercial purposes, provided the original author(s) are credited and the original publication in Refuge: Canada’s Journal on Refugees is cited.
Systemic Racism English-language tuition will create costs further down sumer, without the realization that accommodating the the line. Such a conclusion is obvious when exploring needs of diversity and commodifying education are con- general policy arenas, where the effects of such inad- tradictory. Confusion in policy documents about equate refugee and resettlement policy commonly “equality” and “equity” has left educators stranded when present themselves. In the case of education policy to- attempting to find how to best meet the differential needs of ward refugees and other non-English-speaking-background refugee students. () school-age students, such effects continue to be ignored or underestimated, causing further systemic rac- Refugee Students in New Zealand Schools ism in education. School-age refugees, on whom this discussion of educa- tion policy concentrates, have often experienced gaps in Refugee and Education Policy in New Zealand schooling. Once living in their new host society, many re- It is clear that the inadequacies of New Zealand’s refugee ceive insufficient educational support at home because and resettlement policy have discriminated against refu- their parents do not speak the host country language or gees, particularly those who have been accepted into the are poorly educated themselves. In addition, school-age country under immigration categories other than the refugees have frequently experienced trauma, and their refugee quota. Problematic in itself, that situation is cultural background is usually vastly different from that worsened by a domino effect that occurs in two ways of the society in which they now live. School-age refugees, when considering education. like their older counterparts, also tend to experience con- First, the lack of comprehensive resettlement assis- siderable poverty. All of these factors stem from the refu- tance and, in particular, free English-language tuition, for gee and resettlement experiences and can have effects on refugees has resulted in a disillusioned and ill-adapted the educational adaptation of refugee students, although sector of society living in poverty and feeling culturally obviously the success of their adaptation varies between alienated. As a consequence and through little fault of groups and individuals, depending on their ethnic, reli- their own, many refugee students are inadequately pre- gious, linguistic, and previous socio-economic back- pared for the demands and routines of educational insti- ground. tutions. At the same time, mainstream schools are During the s when large influxes of refugees from ill-prepared to cope with refugees living in circumstances Southeast Asia began to arrive in New Zealand, some that are clearly detrimental to learning within the usual educators realized that refugees were exhibiting differen- limitations of funding. tial needs in comparison to general migrant students. As Second, policy-makers in education (and other areas a result, the Department (now Ministry) of Education in- of government) have followed by example. Policy for the troduced a scheme by which one secondary school in compulsory education sector has, until very recently, each of four New Zealand cities was funded to act as a separated out quota refugees for special funding, con- “reception” class for new refugee students. There they tinuing to enforce “neutral” rules and procedures that could learn English within their own ethnic group before discriminate against non-quota refugees. Simultaneously, moving into the regular school system. This funding compulsory education has taken on board the assump- continues, but only when there are a large number of tion at the basis of refugee and resettlement policy—that refugees from one ethnic group arriving in a city at the refugee needs are the same as those of other migrants. same time. This failure to adequately identify refugee-specific needs As a result, most refugee students now end up in the has resulted in educators’ failing to meet the challenge program of a mainstream school almost immedi- that refugee students represent, thus contradicting policy ately upon arrival. In Auckland, the city in which the ma- statements espousing inclusiveness of and engagement jority of refugees reside, refugee students are placed with diversity. within mainstream classes and withdrawn from class for Once again, these inadequacies sit within a context of assistance and provided with a trained and funded neo-liberal decentralization of the public sector and state “mentor” to help with homework and academic issues. movement towards a market economy. Students have Over the last few years, the Ministry of Education has also gone from being citizens with rights to a fair education to developed a National team, which includes a na- consumers of a product. In addition, the traditional no- tional refugee coordinator and four regional refugee edu- tion of “equity” has been linked to “choice” for the con- cation coordinators. Six regional school advisors for new 39 © Louise Humpage, 2001. This open-access work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License, which permits use, reproduction and distribution in any medium for non-commercial purposes, provided the original author(s) are credited and the original publication in Refuge: Canada’s Journal on Refugees is cited.
Volume 19 Refuge Number 6 settlers and multicultural education also assist in-service funded under the criteria across the country, being teachers of refugees and migrants with professional de- eligible for the quota refugee grant. velopment, visit schools, and help to establish pro- In July , however, after considerable pressure from grams. refugee and education advocates—and a change in cen- Despite such assistance, general programs and tral government—this funding was improved. All refugee mainstream classes seldom provide refugee students with students with documentation are now eligible for instruction in the basic practices of learning and teaching a ( in secondary schools) per year for utilized in New Zealand education. An example from the their first two years of study, and for the three experience of Somali students, many of whom have little years following. This funding is guaranteed as long as or no socialization in education even in their own coun- their English Assessment Score remains below a certain try, suggests that this neglect is highly problematic. Basic point on the National scale. Such recognition of the tasks such as getting to class on time, maintaining lesson needs and rights of non-quota refugees had resulted in notes in an orderly fashion for examination revision, or refugees being funded as such in , a considerable working cooperatively within a group are unfamiliar jump from the of . practices for students with little or no education. The change in funding suggests that, when identified, Even refugee students lucky enough to have experi- systemic racism may be overcome, even if in only a single enced prior education find the pedagogical and cultural policy area. Yet while educators have welcomed the extra differences of New Zealand schools difficult to cope with. funding, it still makes only a dent in the cost of address- For instance, New Zealand prefers teaching methods that ing refugee needs, particularly in schools with only a encourage independent learning patterns, lateral think- small number of refugees. In addition, the funding ing, problem solving, and group work. Such emphasis provided by the Ministry “doesn’t remotely begin to contrasts with the more stratified approach prioritized in cover” the real costs of running an program, and many countries, in which learning relies on memoriza- most schools consequently do not regard the Ministry as tion and recitation. Difficulties in learning new concep- a reliable source of long-term funding for an pro- tual knowledge are exacerbated by a lack of books and gram, but rather as “a bit extra.” Thus the change in fund- teaching material suitable for refugee students. These are ing has clearly not eliminated the systemic bias against just a few of the difficulties that refugee students must refugees that stem from poor resources and assumptions face at school, while the inadequacies of resettlement that they share the same needs as other migrant students. policy ensure that the majority of their parents become increasingly disillusioned with the impoverishment and Responsibility for Refugee Education marginalization they have found in New Zealand. Since the neo-liberal reforms that transformed the New Zealand public sector in the s, the problem of inad- Refugee and Student Funding equate funding for refugee and students has increas- In trying to cope with the effects that poor resettlement ingly become the responsibility of the educators and policy has had on refugees, education policy for the com- administrators of individual schools. When funding is pulsory education sector has made some progress in generated by a set amount of money given per stu- identifying the needs of refugee students. But until very dent on the roll and it is inadequate to cover the actual recently, such progress has been limited by a favouring of costs of running an program, school principals and quota refugees similar to that found in refugee and re- boards of trustees are having to make tough, discretion- settlement policy. In the Ministry of Education ary decisions. According to the neo-liberal model, they implemented a new funding system for , which pro- have a “choice” about whether to continue supporting an vided more support for students than ever before, program by using general funds, possibly at the ex- but implemented a supplementary grant that recognized pense of other areas of the school, or to discontinue run- only quota refugees. Funding was also very limited, with ning an program. quota refugees entitled only to a one-off grant of Most schools have discovered that there is no real per student paid to schools rather than refugee families. choice, for rising numbers of students each year This one-year-only funding made a mockery of research make an program a necessity. Some schools are ac- demonstrating how long it takes to learn a language, and tively marketing themselves to foreign students to cover resulted in only individuals, out of , students the costs of , but O’Connor suggests that this has 40 © Louise Humpage, 2001. This open-access work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License, which permits use, reproduction and distribution in any medium for non-commercial purposes, provided the original author(s) are credited and the original publication in Refuge: Canada’s Journal on Refugees is cited.
Systemic Racism resulted in an English-as-a-Foreign-Language approach vious exposure to the English language or schooling, to teaching, which does not necessarily meet the along with students who have been in the New Zealand needs of refugee and immigrant students resident in New education system for some time but have difficulty with Zealand. English language in the mainstream. The needs of such a Just as s have been saddled with the cost of helping wide range of students are clearly difficult to assess and refugees to settle in New Zealand, schools have had to stretch provide for. Recognition of refugee needs has thus been their general budgets to cover the costs of , particu- ad hoc and focused solely on the language requirements larly for the extra programs that refugee students have re- of such students, while ignoring the process of adaptation quired. Some have discouraged refugees from attending through which they must travel. their school because of the cost and effort needed. Thus, a Poor information has resulted in some educators neo-liberal philosophy reputed to bring about greater blaming the lack of conceptual understanding of refugee educational responsiveness to community needs has pre- students on a lack of effort, rather than on cultural or cipitated the exit of some schools from the education of pedagogical differences. As a consequence, the systemic refugees. If refugee needs were being met elsewhere, this racism that began with insufficient resettlement services would not be a problem. But instead, refugee students are for refugees has been translated into school inadequacies increasingly being forced into mainstream classes in that cause some educators to regard refugee students as which they cannot cope and whose teachers are not “lazy” or “troublesome,” rather than representing differ- trained in dealing with students, let alone those who ential needs. are refugees. In addition, educators demonstrate ambiguity when Some schools have made attempts to bridge this gap in offering differential support for the students. knowledge, but they struggle against the systemic racism Christchurch teachers of Somali, for example, admit that found in the education system that favours the refugee-specific classes appear to have helped Somali stu- mainstreaming of all special-need or disadvantaged dents, but emphasize the need for them to be treated groups. In a Christchurch study of Somali secondary- “equally” (that is, the same as other non-immigrant stu- school students, most mainstream schools visited had dents) as soon as possible. Despite a shift away from provided segregated classes and/or subject-specific sup- “equality as sameness” and towards “equity as diversity” port in class for Somali and other refugee students so that within educational policy since , attitudes have not they were able to receive more individualized attention. necessarily changed. Rather, the beliefs of many Yet such measures were implemented only when a large Christchurch teachers appear to be squarely rooted in no- number of Somali students enrolled at once—forcing tions of equality of opportunity. schools to acknowledge their presence—and lasted only a The lack of information available to teachers has been short time. In addition, these forms of educational initia- exacerbated by a competitive market-oriented educa- tive focused on transmission—giving Somali students tional environment, which discourages collaboration and enough “knowledge” to embed them within dominant sharing of materials. Without an curriculum culture—rather than on transformation of the system. across all educational sectors or a consistent assessment regime for students, teachers are constantly “rein- Lack of Information and Policy Guidance venting the wheel.” According to Glynn, Pongudom, and The hesitance with which schools offer refugee-specific McMillan, New Zealand teachers lack the level of pro- classes is partly due to a lack of information. Material ac- fessional advice and guidance from colleagues skilled in companying the funding procedure does provide such techniques available to their counterparts in Austra- basic facts about refugee students, the general educa- lia, Britain, and the United States. This is particularly so tional status of various refugee ethnic groups found in in the case of refugee students. New Zealand, and brief suggestions on how to support In addition, the dominance of neo-liberal understand- refugee children in schools. However, more often than ings of “equity” has provided confusion and ambiguity in not, refugee students have not been identified as a specific education policy. For example, the frequent conflation of group at all. individual free choice (unencumbered by state bureau- Refugees are most often encompassed within the very cracy) and individual and community “empowerment” broad grouping of students. This group includes (with state assistance) is problematic, because in the those who are new to New Zealand and have had no pre- case of refugees there is little evidence of empowerment. 41 © Louise Humpage, 2001. This open-access work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License, which permits use, reproduction and distribution in any medium for non-commercial purposes, provided the original author(s) are credited and the original publication in Refuge: Canada’s Journal on Refugees is cited.
Volume 19 Refuge Number 6 Neo-liberalism has taken traditional liberal pluralist val- Cases of blatant systematic racism are harder to find in ues to the extreme. Such values tacitly assume that what New Zealand’s institutions since the articulation of bicul- we have in common and what we do or accomplish as in- tural and multicultural agendas and a greater focus on dividuals is more important that what divides or sepa- human rights legislation. The subtle and often uncon- rates as members of a group. scious and unintended nature of systemic racism, how- Such a commitment to universalism and formal equal- ever, makes it more difficult to eradicate. This is ity is empowering where there is a “level playing field.” particularly so in a country where New Zealanders fre- But it is problematic when group-based differences need quently pride themselves on the egalitarian “colour- to be taken into account as a basis for entitlement to at- blind” rules and “universal” standards that nonetheless taining true equality and full participation. Education discriminate against refugees. In addition, neo-liberal policy in New Zealand fails to clarify the concepts of agendas have enhanced the adverse effects of such sys- “equality” and “equity,” with the result that educators are temic racism. Yet the policy-makers in education have fi- employed to interpret and implement policies for which nally listened to calls for funding that does not they are unprepared financially, practically, and ideologi- discriminate against non-quota refugees. Their attentive- cally. ness demonstrates the need for greater awareness of refu- gee issues and suggests that sufficient pressure could Conclusion force New Zealand governments not just to “count the Examination of refugee, resettlement, and education numbers,” but to ensure that life for refugees in resettle- policy provides examples of the systemic racism that ex- ment is better than it was in the world they left behind. ists within New Zealand institutions and discriminates against refugees. Through the application of supposedly Notes . See Louise Humpage, “Refuge or Turmoil? Somali Adolescent “neutral” goals, rules, procedures, and categories, immi- Refugees in Christchurch Schools: Intercultural Struggle and gration and education institutions have differentiated be- the Practices of Exclusion” (M.A. thesis, University of Canter- tween quota and other refugees, while simultaneously bury, ). The examples used from this research will not be arguing that refugees should not be treated differently further referenced. from general migrants. This ambiguity has influenced . Augie Fleras and Jean Leonard Elliott, Unequal Relations: An and is reflected in other policy areas, as the case of the Introduction to Race, Ethnic and Aboriginal Dynamics in compulsory-education sector has demonstrated. New Canada, rd ed. (Scarborough, on: Prentice-Hall Canada, ), –. Zealand has signed a convention protecting the rights . Ibid., –. of refugees through the immigration process and resettle- . Paul Spoonley, Racism and Ethnicity, nd ed. (Auckland: Ox- ment. The Ministry of Education’s National Education ford University Press, ), . Guidelines state that students with “special needs” should . Fleras and Elliott, Unequal Relations, . be identified, and teaching and learning strategies should . Arvind Zodgekar, Immigrants in New Zealand Society be developed and implemented to address them. In both (Wellington: Victoria University Press, ), . cases, refugee rights remain to be fully recognized and ad- . Statistics New Zealand, New Zealand Official Yearbook, dressed. (Wellington: gp Publications, ), . . Fleras and Elliott, Unequal Relations, –. For years now, refugees, s involved in resettlement, . In the Fourth Labour Government came to power and and educators working with refugee students have called began a radical restructuring of the public sector, which for a centrally funded and integrated refugee resettlement corporatized and then privatized many public assets and ser- program, which is regarded as the logical outcome of the vices. At the same time, the New Zealand economy was commitment by the government of New Zealand to the heavily deregulated. Such neo-liberal policies were continued convention. Such a program would redefine relatives under National Party–led governments throughout the s, of those accepted under quota as people equivalent to rapidly transforming the New Zealand public sector and so- refugees, would provide adequate resettlement support ciety. . This was the Labour-Alliance coalition government. The in- for all refugees, and would send appropriate messages to troduction of neo-liberal reform under the Fourth Labour policy-makers in all sectors, including education, that the Government went against the centre-left ideology tradition- specific rights and needs of refugees must be fully ad- ally associated with the Labour Party. The Labour-Alliance dressed. Yet no New Zealand government has been will- coalition represents an (incomplete) move back towards ing to fulfill this commitment. these centre-left origins. It is important to point out that all 42 © Louise Humpage, 2001. This open-access work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License, which permits use, reproduction and distribution in any medium for non-commercial purposes, provided the original author(s) are credited and the original publication in Refuge: Canada’s Journal on Refugees is cited.
Systemic Racism references to government refer to central government struc- . Stuart Greif, “Introduction,” Immigration and National Iden- tures at the national level. tity in New Zealand, ed. S. Greif (Palmerston North: . Zodgekar, Immigrants in New Zealand Society, . Dunmore, ), –. . Alison Jones, Gary McCulloch, Linda Tuhiwai Smith, et al., . Heather Devere, Teuta Kajitazi, Man Hau Live, et al., Myths and Realities: Schooling in New Zealand, nd ed. “Kosovars in New Zealand: A Special Case of Refugee Re- (Palmerston North: Dunmore, ), –. settlement” (paper presented at the Sociological Association . Tom Brooking and Roberto Rabel, “Neither British Nor of Aotearoa (nz) conference, Hamilton, November –, Polynesian: A Brief History of New Zealand’s Other Immi- ), –. grants,” Immigration and National Identity in New Zealand, . Ibid., , . ed. S. Greif (Palmerston North: Dunmore, ), –. . Kath Jamieson and Michael Peters, “Report on Refugee Issues . Reg Palmer-Ororwujea, “Refugee Migration: Theory and Ex- in Christchurch” (Christchurch: Leisure and Community perience,” Refugee Resettlement and Wellbeing, ed. M. Abbott Services Unit, Christchurch City Council, ), . (Auckland: The Mental Health Foundation of New Zealand, . Lloyd Jones, “The Refugee Door Is Slightly Ajar,” New ), –. Zealand Herald, August . . Brooking and Rabel, “Neither British Nor Polynesian,” . . Pat Baskett, “New Life Buys New Struggles,” New Zealand . Statistics New Zealand, Official Yearbook, , –. This Herald, July . vague figure has circulated for many years, but a more accu- . Lianne Dalziel, “Address to Christchurch Refugee and Mi- rate statistic is not available. grant Forum” (Christchurch, July ), . . Patrick O’Connor, “Migrants and Refugees: A Christian Re- . Interdepartmental Committee, Refugee Resettlement: Actions sponse?” The Common Good: Taking a Preferential Option for Expected and Progress to Date, discussion document at Inter- the Poor: A Newspaper of the Christchurch Catholic Worker departmental Committee meeting (Christchurch, October (spring ), –. ), . . Zodgekar, Immigrants in New Zealand Society, . . Jamieson and Peters, Report on Refugee Issues, –. . Richard Bedford, Joanne Goodwin, Elsie Ho, et al., Regulating . Kathryn Brightwell, “Sponsorship and Refugee Resettlement: International Migration: A New Zealand Perspective The Somali Experience” (M.A. thesis, University of Waikato, (Auckland: Asia-Pacific Migration Research Network/Massey ), . University, ), . . For example, Barry Stein, “The Experience of Being a Refu- . Andrew Trlin, Anne Henderson, Nicola North, et al., “Immi- gee: Insights from the Research Literature,” Refugee Mental gration, Human Capital and Productive Diversity: Contrasts Health in Resettlement Countries, ed. C. Williams and J. and Issues in the Employment Experiences of New Settlers Westermeyer (New York: Hemisphere Publishing, ), –; from China, India and South Africa” (paper presented at Vi- San Duy Nguyen, “Towards a Successful Resettlement of brant Voices and Visions for Ethnic New Zealand conference, Refugees,” Refugee Resettlement and Wellbeing, ed. M. Abbott Auckland, March –, ), . (Auckland: The Mental Health Foundation of New Zealand, . Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade, Ministerial Press Re- ), –; Ruben Rumbaut, “Migration, Adaptation and lease, online: Ministry of Foreign and Trade (date accessed: in the United States,” Refugee Policy: Canada and the United April ). States, ed. H. Adelman (Toronto: York Lanes Press, ), – . Max Bradford, Ministerial Press Release, online: New Zealand . Executive Government (date accessed: June ). International Migration Review , no. (), –. . This statistic was gained by adding figures found in . Statistics New Zealand, Official Yearbook, , . Alexander Trapeznik, “Recent European Migration to New . Interdepartmental Committee, Refugee Resettlement, . Zealand,” Immigration and National Identity in New Zealand, . Lianne Dalziel, “Refugee Resettlement Services Funding ed. S. Greif (Palmerston North: Dunmore, ), –, and Boost,” online: New Zealand Executive Government Ratio of Approvals for Residents by Category by Calendar Year (date accessed: May ). The New Zealand Immigration for –, online: New Zealand Immigration Service Service has plans to establish a resettlement unit that will tar- < h t t p : / / w w w. i m m i g r a t i o n . g o v t . n z / re s e a rc h _ a n d _ get “migrants”: a category said to include refugees. It is un- information/statistics/> (date accessed: June ). clear at this stage if it will include non-quota refugees. . New Zealand Working Party on Immigration, Report of the . Fran Wilde, “Speech of Welcome to Dr. Haing Ngor,” New Working Party on Immigration (Wellington: New Zealand Settlers and Multicultural Education Issues , no. (), –. Working Party on Immigration, ), . . See Simon Field, Resettling Refugees: The Lessons of Research, . Patrick Ongley, “Immigration, Employment and Ethnic Rela- Home Office Research Study (London: Her Majesty’s Sta- tions,” Nga Patai: Racism and Ethnic Relations in Aotearoa/ tionery Office, ), –; Brightwell, “Sponsorship and New Zealand, ed. P. Spoonley, D. Pearson, and C. Macpherson Refugee Resettlement ,” . (Palmerston North: Dunmore, ), –. . Statistics New Zealand, Official Yearbook, , . 43 © Louise Humpage, 2001. This open-access work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License, which permits use, reproduction and distribution in any medium for non-commercial purposes, provided the original author(s) are credited and the original publication in Refuge: Canada’s Journal on Refugees is cited.
You can also read