Structure, Form and Function of PIE Primary Deverbal i-Stems - Postdoc, Ph.D. Bjarne Simmelkjaer Sandgaard Hansen (UCPH) Los Angeles, 9 November 2018
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Structure, Form and Function of PIE Primary Deverbal i-Stems Postdoc, Ph.D. Bjarne Simmelkjær Sandgaard Hansen (UCPH) Los Angeles, 9 November 2018
08/11/2018 2 Structure • Primary i-stems: an overview • Primary deverbal i-stems in Germanic • Primary deverbal i-stems in other branches • Indo-Iranian • Greek • Slavic • Celtic • Summary and questions • References
08/11/2018 3 Primary i-stems: an overview • Primary i-stems: an overview • Primary deverbal i-stems in Germanic • Primary deverbal i-stems in other branches • Indo-Iranian • Greek • Slavic • Celtic • Summary and questions • References
08/11/2018 4
Primary i-stems: an overview
• Noun class (root + derivational suffix PIE * -i- +
inflectional suffix)
• Main inflectional type: Proterokinetic
• Strong cases with PIE * -i-; weak cases with PIE * -éi̯- (assump-
tion of weak cases with both PIE * -éi̯- and * -ói̯- unnecessary)
• Other residual types: Hysterokinetic and acrostatic
• Function (Brugmann & Delbrück 1906: 167-175)
• Deverbal abstract nouns
• Deverbal agentival adjectives
• 2nd member of compounds
• Unanalysable i-stems (animate and neuter)
• Later addition: ”Caland” formations (cf. e.g. Rau 2009: 127-186)08/11/2018 5 Primary deverbal i-stems in Germanic • Primary i-stems: an overview • Primary deverbal i-stems in Germanic • Primary deverbal i-stems in other branches • Indo-Iranian • Greek • Slavic • Celtic • Summary and questions • References
08/11/2018 6 Primary deverbal i-stems in Germanic • Hansen (2014: 51-121) • Kluge (1886: 53, 97-98), Krahe & Meid (1967: 65-67), Hinderling (1967: 102-116), Bammesberger (1990: 128-137) • I-stem adjectives (adjectival agent nouns + gerundives), ethnonyms and unanalysable nouns • Not treated in detail by Hansen (2014) • Most primary i-stems function as verbal abstracts • Almost exclusively with masculine gender • Almost exclusively with traces of PIE suffixal accent • Most nouns with radical o- or zero grade
08/11/2018 7 Primary deverbal i-stems in Germanic • Radical ablaut grade of primary i-stem verbal abstracts • I: PG * lidi- ‘going’ (PG * līþa- ‘go’; pret.ptc. *lidana-) • II: PG * ruki- ‘smell’ (PG * reuka- ‘smell’; pret.ptc. *rukana-) • III: PG * drunki- ‘drink’ (PG * drenka- ‘drink’; pret.ptc. *drunkana-) • IV: PG * buri- ‘son’ (PG * bera- ‘bear, carry’; pret.ptc. *burana-) • V: PG * kwedi- ‘talk’ (PG *kweþa- ‘talk’; pret.ptc. *kwedana-) • VI: PG * agi- ‘fear’ (PG * aga- ‘fear’; pret.ptc. *agana-) • Red.: PG * fangi- ‘catch’ (PG * fanha- ‘catch’; pret.ptc. *fangana-) • Synchronically and productively formed with the same ablaut grade as we find in the stem of the pret.ptc. of the corresponding strong verb (e.g. Hinderling 1967: 102-116, Bammesberger 1990: 128-137)
08/11/2018 8 Primary deverbal i-stems in Germanic • Many cases of mismatch • PG *laudi- ‘form’ (PG * leuda- ‘grow’; pret.ptc. *ludana-) • PG *saudi- ‘meat broth’ (PG * seuþa- ‘boil’; pret.ptc. *sudana-) • PG *balgi- ‘sack, bag’ (PG * belga- ‘swell’; pret.ptc. *bulgana-) • PG *stangi- ‘bar, pole’ (PG * stenga- ‘stick’; pret.ptc. *stungana-) • PG *mati- ‘food’ (PG *meta- ‘measure’, pret.ptc. *metana-) • I-stem adjectives: Same pattern, but also a considerable amount of instances with lengthened grade (ē-grade) • Original distribution: ē/e- and o/e-acrostatic i-stems (Widmer 2004: 50-51, 62-67, Rau 2009: 181, Gresten- berger 2014: 90-91 etc.) • For these two acrostatic types in general cf. Nussbaum (1998: 150179), Schindler (1994: 398) and Rasmussen (1989: 255)
08/11/2018 9 Primary deverbal i-stems in Germanic • Alternative: Mismatches reveal a more archaic system • Most abstract nouns display a radical vowel reflecting either PIE zero grade or o-grade • Only one original type (Rasmussen 1989: 158-175) • O-grade with the radical structures ToT, RoT, HRoT, TRoT, sToUT, HRoUT, sRoUT, UoT, ToRH, ToR, sToR, HToR, TRoR, ToU, TRoU, sRoU, TOUh1, sToUh 1, Tos, HUoRs, ToRT, RoRT, sToRT, TRoRT, sTRoRT, sRoRT, HRoRT, URoRT, soRT, UoRT • Zero grade with the radical structures T-UT, R-UT, H-UT, TR-UT, sR-T, H-RH, U-RH, T-Uh2/3, sT-Uh2/3, U-UH, TR-TH?, T-ST, H-U, TT-H, TU-H, HR-H, C-HU, C-RHU (and sU-RT ?) • Appurtenance to the PIE o- and eh2-stem conglomerate (toga/fuga type), cf. Rasmussen (1988 [1999]: 320-321, 323) or, differently, Casaretto (2004: 173530 with lit.)
08/11/2018 10
Primary deverbal i-stems in Germanic
• Exceptions and further developments
• Replacement of the o/Ø-system with a system of match
between the radical ablaut grades of the i-stem and the
pret.ptc.-stem of the corresponding strong verb
• Influence from related o- or eh2-stem nouns with o-grade
• Reanalysis of root nouns as i-stems, e.g. PG * spurdi- ‘track’
• Radical full grade (PG * e) also attested
• Reanalysis of s-stems as i-stems, e.g. PG *weni- ‘friend’ PG *weniz- < PIE
*u̯énH-os ~ *u̯énH-es-
• Reinterpretation of the correspondence “i-stem ablaut = pret.ptc.-stem ablaut”
as “i-stem ablaut = inf.-stem ablaut”, probably due to formally identical inf.-stem
and pret.ptc.-ablaut grades in class V and VI strong verbs
• Radical lengthened grade (PG *ē and *ō) also attested
• Vrddhi forms (also frequent in the adjectives)
• Correspondence of the i-stem ablaut grade to the pret.pl.-stem of the strong
verbs rather than to the pret.ptc.-stem08/11/2018 11 Primary deverbal i-stems in Indo-Iranian • Primary i-stems: an overview • Primary deverbal i-stems in Germanic • Primary deverbal i-stems in other branches • Indo-Iranian • Greek • Slavic • Celtic • Summary and questions • References
08/11/2018 12 Primary deverbal i-stems in Indo-Iranian • Deverbal action nouns (abstract nouns) and agent nouns/agentival adjectives, cf. Grestenberger (2014: 90- 91), Wackernagel & Debrunner 1954: (291-307) • Deverbal abstract nouns with possible o-grade: • dhrā́ji- ~ dhrājí- f. ‘whirlwind; impulse, force (of a passion)’ (etymology uncertain; may also be *ē) • jálpi- f. ‘inarticulate or low speech, muttering’ (etym. uncertain) • rándhi- f. ‘subjection, subjugation’ (< PIE * lóndh-i-?) • rábhi- f. ‘part of a chariot’ (< PIE * lombh-i- or * lm̥bh-i-?) • grā́hi- f. ‘female spirit seizing men’, i.e. ‘seizer’ (< PIE * ghróbh-i-) (agentive semantics; may also be ē)
08/11/2018 13 Primary deverbal i-stems in Indo-Iranian • Deverbal abstract nouns with possible zero grade • Vedic infinitives such as iṣáye ‘to send out, to cause to move’ (< PIE * h2ik̂-éi̯-ei̯) and dṛṣáye ‘to see, to behold’ (< PIE * dr̥k̂-éi̯-ei̯) • tují- f. ‘propagation’ (< PIE * tug-í-?, cf. the related root tuc-) • bhṛmí- m./f. ‘quickness, acitivity’ (< PIE * bhr̥m(H)-í-) • Conretised abstracts such as kṛṣí- f. ‘ploughing, cultivation, agriculture’ (< PIE * kwl̥s-í-), nṛti- f. ‘grand appearance, show’ (etymology uncertain, maybe < PIE * (h2)nr̥(-)t-í-), bhují- f. ‘granting of enjoyment, favour’ (< PIE * bhug-í-) and (sam-)taní- f. ‘tones, music’ (< PIE * (s)tonh2-i-) • Deverbal agent nouns with o-grade • añjí- ‘applying an ointment; ointment’ (< PIE * h3ongw-í-) • arcí- m. ‘ray, flame’ (< PIE * h1orkw-i-) • ājí- m./f. ‘race, combat’ (< PIE * h2oĝ-í-)
08/11/2018 14 Primary deverbal i-stems in Indo-Iranian • Deverbal agent nouns with o-grade • granthí- m. ‘knot, tie’ (< PIE * g(w)ront(h2)-í-, only Indo-Iranian) • ghāsí- m. ‘food’, i.e. ‘smth. eaten’ (etymology uncertain) • svarí- ‘noisy, boisterous’ (< PIE * su̯or(H)-i-) • draví- m. ‘smelter’ (< PIE * dro̯uH-i-?) • Deverbal agent nouns with zero grade • dhúni- ‘roaring, sounding, boisterous’ (< PIE * dhún-i-) • bhṛ́mi- ‘whirling round, restless, active, quick’ (< PIE *bhr̥m(H)í-) • kṛtí- m./f. ‘knife’ (< PIE * (s)kr̥-t-í-, unexpected accent) • Uncertain ablaut or etymology (deverbal agent nouns) • khādí- m./f.? ‘brooch, ring’, krīḍí- ~ krīḷí- ‘playing, sporting’, drāpí- m. ‘mantle, garment’ (< PIE * drop-í-) etc.
08/11/2018 15
Primary deverbal i-stems in Indo-Iranian
• Original distribution
• Most i-stems fit into the toga/fuga system, especially those
displaying possible o-grade
• Only three certain counterexamples: dṛṣáye ‘to see, to behold’,
granthí- m. ‘knot, tie’ (only if < PIE * g(w)ronth 2-í- and not
g(w)ront-í-) and kṛtí- m./f. ‘knife’
• Many uncertain examples (either etymology or expected ablaut
grade according to the toga/fuga system uncertain): bhṛmí-
m./f. ‘quickness, acitivity’, kṛṣí- f. ‘ploughing, cultivation,
agriculture’, taní- f. ‘tones, music’, añjí- ‘applying an ointment;
ointment’, arcí- m. ‘ray, flame’, ājí- m./f. ‘race, combat’, svarí-
‘noisy, boisterous’ etc.
• Verbal abstracts with radical accent (≠ Germanic), agent nouns
with suffixal accent
• ... but also exceptions: grā́hi- f. ‘female spirit seizing men’, ghāsí- m. ‘food’08/11/2018 16 Primary deverbal i-stems in Greek • Primary i-stems: an overview • Primary deverbal i-stems in Germanic • Primary deverbal i-stems in other branches • Indo-Iranian • Greek • Slavic • Celtic • Summary and questions • References
08/11/2018 17 Primary deverbal i-stems in Greek • No clear pattern, but maybe two main deverbal types, cf. Solmsen (1909: 155-179), Chantraine (1933: 111- 112), Schwyzer (1959: 462), Risch (1974: 164-165) • Abstract nouns with radical, stressed zero grade • πάλιν adv. ‘back, backwards’ (to πέλομαι, < PIE * kwl̥-i-) • ἄγυρις f. ‘gathering, crowd’ (maybe < PIE * h2gor-i-, i.e. Aeolic i- stem variant of ἀγορά f. ‘assembly’, cf. the development in Aeolic of Gr. -ορ- > -υρ- as per Schwyzer 1959: 351-352) • ῥάχις m. ’lower part of the back, chine’ (< PIE * u̯r̥h2ĝh-i-?, though cf. also Lith. ražis ‘stub’; deverbal status uncertain) • σπάνις f. ‘scarcity, lack’ (maybe to πένομαι ‘toil, work; am poor’)
08/11/2018 18 Primary deverbal i-stems in Greek • Concrete nouns with radical, stressed o-grade • στρόφις f. ‘slippery fellow twister’ (etymology uncertain) • τρόπις f. ‘keel’ (< PIE * trokw-i-) • τρόφις ‘well-fed, stout, large’ (< PIE * dhrobh-i-, adjective) • τρόχις m. ‘runner, messenger’ (< PIE * dhrogh-i- or *trogh-i-) • φρόνις f. ‘prudence, wisdom’ (etymologi uncertain) • πόρις f. ‘calf, young heifer’ (poetic for πόρτις, < PIE * porh3-i-) • Further types • Unanalysable i-stems (all types of ablaut): ὄρχις m. ‘testicles’, πόλις f. ‘city, citadel’, ἔχις m. ‘adder, viper’, ὄφις m. ‘serpent, snake’, χάλις m. ‘sheer wine’ etc.
08/11/2018 19
Primary deverbal i-stems in Greek
• Further types
• I-stems with radical lengthened grade: δῆρις f. ‘fight, battle,
contest’ (probably ~ Skt. odāri- ‘splitting, cleaving’, though cf.
Euler (1979: 135), μῆνις (Dor. μᾶνις) f. ‘wrath, anger’ (etymology
uncertain, though cf. Lat. mānēs f. ‘departed souls’, (im)-mānis
‘atrocious, horrible’)
• I-stems with suffixal accent transferred to -ιδ-stems, cf.
Schwyzer (1959: 464)
• Corresponding to Germanic and Indo-Iranian verbal abstracts?
• Original distribution
• Not archaic (Solmsen 1909: 162)
• Influence of other o-grade derivatives (o/eh2-stems etc.) on i-stem concrete
nouns with radical o-grade
• Inconsistent assignment of zero grade in the group of abstract-noun i-stems and
of o-grade in the group of concrete-noun i-stems08/11/2018 20
Primary deverbal i-stems in Greek
• Original distribution
• Accent remodeled (Chantraine 1933: 111)
• Vast majority of o-grade forms with sequence -ρο-
• Aeolic zero grade for -ρα- < PIE *-̥r-?
• Counterargument 1: No attested -ρα-variants
• Counterargument 2: All fit into the toga/fuga system
• All o-grade examples fit well into the toga/fuga system
• Zero grade examples: Too many uncertainties concerning
etymologies or expected ablaut grades08/11/2018 21 Primary deverbal i-stems in Slavic • Primary i-stems: an overview • Primary deverbal i-stems in Germanic • Primary deverbal i-stems in other branches • Indo-Iranian • Greek • Slavic • Celtic • Summary and questions • References
08/11/2018 22
Primary deverbal i-stems in Slavic
• Highly productive category, cf. Arumaa (1985: 49-51),
Matasović (2014: 36-40)
• Verbal abstracts, only feminine, e.g. skrŭbĭ f. ‘sorrow’, drĭžĭ f.
‘tremor’, ědĭ f. ‘food’, lŭžĭ f. ‘lie’, natĭ f. ‘leafy top of a root
vegetable’
• Only few agent nouns, e.g. molĭ f. ‘moth’
• More common in Baltic, cf. e.g. Lith. vagìs m. ‘thief’
• Transitions from root nouns, e.g. rěčĭ f. ‘speech’
• Often lengthened grade due to old nom.sg.
• Original distribution
• Fits perfectly into the toga/fuga system08/11/2018 23 Primary deverbal i-stems in Celtic • Primary i-stems: an overview • Primary deverbal i-stems in Germanic • Primary deverbal i-stems in other branches • Indo-Iranian • Greek • Slavic • Celtic • Summary and questions • References
08/11/2018 24
Primary deverbal i-stems in Celtic
• Two main types and some residual types, cf. de
Bernardo Stempel (1999: 64-74)
• Verbal abstracts, e.g. gáir ‘shout, cry’, dáir ‘bulling’,
mraich ~ braich ‘malt’, muin ‘upper part of the back’,
cáil ‘spear’ etc.
• Nouns mostly with (sometimes lengthened) o-grade, but also
some zero-grade examples
• Often concretised as resultative nouns, e.g. fuil ‘blood, wound’,
tráig ‘strand, shore, ebb-tide’
• Agent nouns and agentival adjectives, e.g. féig ‘seeing,
keen(-sighted)’, sain ‘distinct, different, separate’)
• (Agentival) adjectives mostly with full grade, but also some zero
grade examples08/11/2018 25
Primary deverbal i-stems in Celtic
• Agent nouns and agentival adjectives, e.g. féig ‘seeing,
keen(-sighted)’, sain ‘distinct, different, separate’
• Sometimes difficult to decide between full and zero grade, cf.
de Bernardo Stempel (1999: 67), e.g. bair ‘heavy’, gair ‘short’
• Agent nouns often concretised as instrument nouns, e.g. fraig
‘interior wall’, daig ‘flame, blaze’
• Also few unanalysable i-stems and “Caland” i-stems
• Original distribution
• Full-grade adjectives: Gen.sg. of thematic stems or vrddhi (i.e.
parallel to ē-adjectives in other branches)?
• Lengthend o-grade problematic
• O- and zero grade forms too infrequent to be decisive as
regards the toga/fuga system08/11/2018 26 Summary and questions • Primary i-stems: an overview • Primary deverbal i-stems in Germanic • Primary deverbal i-stems in other branches • Indo-Iranian • Greek • Slavic • Celtic • Summary and questions • References
08/11/2018 27
Summary and questions
• Only one original type?
• Germanic: Radical o-grade and zero grade of deverbal i-stem
nouns (and adjectives?) predicted by the radical structure, but
often “disturbed” by the ablaut grade of the pret.ptc.-stem of a
corresponding strong verb
• Remaining branches
• Radical o-grade seems not to appear when not expected
• Radical zero grade more prevalent: Productive also outside Germanic?
• Radical lengthened grade mainly in i-stem adjectives (vrddhi?)
• Old Irish full grades and lengthened o-grades problematic
• Appurtenance to the PIE o- and eh2-stem conglomerate
• PIE *CoC-éh2-/CC-éh2- (abstract noun) PIE *X-CoC-ó-/CC-ó- (exocentric
compound) PIE *CoC-ó-/CC-ó- (“losgelöst” agentival adjective)
• 1st round: *CóC-i-/C´C-i- (agent noun) *CoC-í-/CC-í- (abstract noun)
• 2nd round: *CóC-o-/C´C-o- (abstract noun)08/11/2018 28
Summary and questions
Thank you for your attention02-11-2018 29 Summary and questions
08/11/2018 30 References • Primary i-stems: an overview • Primary deverbal i-stems in Germanic • Primary deverbal i-stems in other branches • Indo-Iranian • Greek • Slavic • Celtic • Summary and questions • References
08/11/2018 31 References • Arumaa, Peeter. 1985. Urslavische Grammatik. Einführung in das vergleichende Studium der slavischen Sprachen . 3: Formenlehre . Heidelberg: Carl Winter. • Bammesberger, Alfred. 1990. Die Morphologie des urgermanischen Nomens (Untersuchungen zur vergleichenden Grammatik der germanischen Sprachen 2). Heidelberg: Carl Winter Universitätsverlag. • Brugmann, Karl & Berthold Delbrück. 1906. Grundriß der vergleichenden Grammatik der indogermanischen Sprache 2(1): Lehre von der Wortformen und ihrem Gebrauch. 2. Bearb. Strassburg: Karl J. Trübner.
08/11/2018 32 References • Casaretto, Antje. 2004. Nominale Wortbildung der gotischen Sprache. Die Derivation der Substantive . Heidelberg: Universitätsverlag Winter. • Chantraine, Pierre. 1933. La formation des noms en grec ancien (Collection linguistique publiée par la Société de Linguistique de Paris 39). Paris: Librairie Ancienne Honoré Champion. • de Bernardo Stempel, Patrizia. 1999. Nominale Wortbildung des älteren Irischen. Stammbildung und Derivation (Buchreihe der Zeitschrift für celtische Philologie 15). Tübingen: Niemeyer.
08/11/2018 33 References • Euler, Wolfram. 1979. Indoiranisch-griechische Gemeinsamkeiten der Noninalbildung und deres indogermanische Grundlage (Innsbrucker Beiträge zur Sprachwissenschaft 30). Innsbruck: Institut für Sprachwissenschaft der Universität Innsbruck. • Grestenberger, Laura. 2014. Zur Funktion des Nominalsuffixes *-i- im Vedischen und Urindogermanischen. In Norbert Oettinger & Thomas Steer (eds.), Das Nomen im Indogermanischen: Morphologie, Substantiv versus Adjektiv, Kollektivum. Akten der Arbeitstagung der Indogermanischen Gesellschaft vom 14. bis 16. September 2011 in Erlangen, 88-102. Wiesbaden: Reichert.
08/11/2018 34 References • Hansen, Bjarne Simmelkjær Sandgaard. 2014. Archaisms and innovations. Four interconnected studies on Germanic historical phonology and morphology. Ph.d. thesis, University of Copenhagen. • Hinderling, Robert. 1967. Studien zu den starken Verbalabstrakta des Germanischen (Quellen und Forschungen zur Sprach- und Kulturgeschichte der germanischen Völker, Neue Folge 24 (148)). Berlin: Walter de Gruyter & Co. • Kluge, Friedrich. 1886. Nominale Stammbildung der altgermanischen Dialecte (Sammlung kurzer Grammatiken germanischer Dialecte). Halle: Niemeyer.
08/11/2018 35 References • Krahe, Hans & Wolfgang Meid. 1967. Germanische Sprachwissenschaft 3: Wortbildungslehre (Sammlung Göschen 1218/1218a/1218b). Berlin: Walter de Gruyter. • Matasović, Ranko. 2014. Slavic nominal word- formation. Proto-Indo-European origins and historical development (Empirie und Theorie der Sprachwissenschaft 3). Heidelberg: Universitätsverlag Winter. • Nussbaum, Alan J. 1998. Two Studies in Greek and Homeric linguistics . (Hypomnemata. Untersuchungen zur Antike und zu ihrem Nachleben 120). Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht.
08/11/2018 36 References • Rasmussen, Jens E. 1988 [1999]. Indo-European ablaut -i- ~ -e-/-o-. Arbejdspapirer udsendt af Institut for Lingvistik, Københavns Universitet (APILKU) 7. 125- 142. Reprinted in: Jens E. Rasmussen. 1999. Selected papers on Indo-European linguistics. With a section on comparative Eskimo linguistics 1 (Copenhagen Studies in Indo-European 1), 312-326. Copenhagen: Museum Tusculanum. • Rasmussen, Jens E. 1989. Studien zur Morphophonemik der indogermanischen Grundsprache (Innsbrucker Beiträge zur Sprachwissenschaft 55). Innsbruck: Institut für Sprachwissenschaft der Universität Innsbruck.
08/11/2018 37 References • Rau, Jeremy. 2009. Indo-European nominal morphology: The decads and the Caland system (Innsbrucker Beiträge zur Sprachwissenschaft 132). Innsbruck: Institut für Sprachen und Literaturen der Universität Innsbruck. • Risch, Ernst. 1974. Wortbildung der homerischen Sprache. 2., völlig überbearb. Aufl. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter. • Schindler, Jochem. 1994. Alte und neue Fragen zum indogermanischen Nomen. In Jens E. Rasmussen (ed.), In honorem Holger Pedersen. Kolloquium der Indogermanischen Gesellschaft vom 25. bis 28. März 1993 in Kopenhagen . Wiesbaden: Reichert.
08/11/2018 38 References • Schwyzer, Eduard. 1959. Griechische Grammatik auf der Grundlage von Karl Brugmanns griechischer Grammatik 1: Allgemeiner Teil. Lautlehre. Wortbildung. Flexion (Handbuch der Altertumswissenschaft 2, 1, 1). München: C.H. Beck’sche Verlagsbuchhandlung. • Solmsen, Felix. 1909. Beiträge zur griechischen Wortforschung 1. Strassburg: Karl J. Trübner. • Wackernagel, Jacob & Albert Debrunner. 1954. Altindische Grammatik 2(2). Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht.
08/11/2018 39 References • Widmer, Paul. 2004. Das Korn des weiten Feldes. Interne Derivation, Derivationskette und Flexionsklassenhierarchie: Aspekte der noninalen Wortbildung im Urindogermanischen (Innsbrucker Beiträge zur Sprachwissenschaft 111). Innsbruck: Institut für Sprachen und Literaturen der Universität Innsbruck.
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