Restating news values: contemporary criteria for selecting the news
←
→
Page content transcription
If your browser does not render page correctly, please read the page content below
Restating news values: contemporary criteria for selecting the news
Judy McGregor
Massey University
Journalism faces a crisis of faith, pressured symbol, terrorism and war chosen to be
by technological change, market forces and news?
its own loss of confidence. Journalism must Newsworthiness is fascinating and
reassess its fundamental tenets. This paper mysterious in equal parts. A curious public is
modernises an important aspect of journalism intrigued to know on what basis news is
theory, news values. selected and presented. Journalists, on the
Galtung and Ruge’s (1965) twelve factors other hand, are protective of their news values
define the conditions that had to be present to and only reluctantly publicly account for the
heighten the probability that a given event values that underwrite what’s news. This
would become news. The question is: should chapter asks whether old theories about news
this seminal work on news selection be the values are relevant and suggests four “new”
last word? news values that are currently in use.
This paper argues that news values need to
reflect the dramatic, profound changes to the Theory of newsworthiness
mediascape. A new hierarchy of
newsworthiness with four new news values is Remarkably scholarship about news values
proposed. A restatement of fundamental has endured uncritically since Galtung and
theory will not of itself return journalism to a Ruge's (1965) famously perceptive typology
Golden Age but it will better equip journalism of twelve factors. They said the more an event
educators and student/ practitioners to face satisfied particular conditions the more likely
the 21st Century. it would be selected as news. The conditions
included the eight general factors of
frequency, threshold including absolute
Here’s how television headlines the day’s intensity and intensity increase, unambiguity,
top stories: meaningfulness including cultural proximity
and relevance, consonance involving both
“A terrible twist of fate or a new terrorist predictability and demand, unexpectedness
attack? Disaster again rains from the skies including unpredictability and scarcity,
over New York.” continuity and composition.
For example, it was proposed that the more
“Afghanistan’s opposition rolls on into the similar the frequency of the event was to the
capital after striking back at the Taliban.” frequency of the news medium, the more
probable that it would be recorded as news by
“Two lonely lions after a second death that news medium. An event had to reach a
linked to poison meat causes uproar at threshold before it became news. Intensity
Wellington Zoo.” and absolute intensity related to the simple
proposition that, say, the more violent the
“And desperate for Robbie—how the murder the bigger the headlines. The more
newly crooning sex symbol left Kiwi fans on clarity and less ambiguity the more the event
a high note”. would be noticed, and meaningfulness had
two elements; the degree to which
These were the headlines from Television ethnocentrism would be operative and the
New Zealand’s main news hour on November degree of cultural proximity. Relevance refers
13, 2001. So how were lions, a crooning sex to the level of meaning implied for newsaudiences even if an event happened in a Thirty- five years on the question is: should
culturally distant place. Foot and mouth this seminal work on news selection, based as
epidemics in Europe are highly relevant for it was on the psychology of perception, be the
agriculturally-based economies such as New last word? The ubiquity of television, for
Zealand, for example, and are likely to be example, was unimaginable when the two
selected as news despite geographical European researchers examined the structure
remoteness of the disease outbreaks. of foreign news in newspapers in 1965. In
Four culture-bound factors influencing the 1962 television was sufficiently
transition from events to news were also underdeveloped that American Defense
identified as being important in western Secretary Robert McNamara did not turn on a
developed countries by Galtung and Ruge television set during the two weeks of the
(1965). These were the more the event Cuban missile crisis (Hoge, 1994). Nor was
concerned elite nations, the more probable the increasingly commercial rationale of the
that it would become a news item. Similarly, news media, fuelled in part by global media
the more the eve nt referred to elite people the conglomeration, popularly predicted.
more likely it would be chosen as news and if Changed social and cultural dynamics,
an event can be personalised or personified it audience demands, the broad sweep of
has heightened newsworthiness. The criterion technological innovation and convergence
of negativity has been popularised in the were simply beyond the scope of imagination
concept of “bad news sells”, which is no less and the scholarship of the time. The potent
real for being a cliché. challenge to the pre-eminence of “old” news
The twelve factors are not independent of formats by “new” news formats was also
each other and are inter-related. Negative outside the comprehension of previous theory
news was said to be more consonant with at development about newsworthiness.
least some dominant pre- images of the time
and was more unexpected than positive news. The adequacy of the existing typology
Hall, Critcher, Jefferson, Clarke and Roberts
(1978) state that events which score high on Journalists do not adhere to formal codes
all of the dimensions such as the Kennedy of newsworthiness that can be identified and
assassinations which were unexpected, promulgated and therefore “learnt” by the
dramatic, negative, involved elite people from public. Instead the informal code of what
an elite nation, and were personalised, have a constitutes a good story is part of newsroom
special status in terms of newsworthiness. In initiation and socialisation. Affirmation for
more modern times the Kennedy “good stories” is confirmed in the newsroom
assassinations are eclipsed in the hierarchy of by the acknowledgement of superiors and by
news, using these dimensions, by the death of peer envy and praise. Meadows and Ewart
Lady Diana, Princess of Wales. A modern (2001) note journalists take their cues for
example is the coverage of the terrorist reporting the news from the editorial
attacks on the World Trade Centre in New hierarchy rather than the community. A lack
York (September 11, 2001). of self- reflexivity within journa lism itself
While Galtung and Ruge’s (1965) theory is does not suggest, though, that either the
not “modern” it has not been critically composition or the hierarchy of news values
challenged since it was written. The typology remains unchanged. Far from it, quite radical
has been simplified (Tiffen, 1989) and change has been driven largely by the
dressed in ideological trappings (Hall et al:) influence of television on other news formats,
but it remains fundamentally unaltered. Hall a factor less significant in Galtung and Ruge’s
et al: writing about crime, for example, (1965) thinking.
identified an aspect of negativity, violence, as While arguably the majority of their
the primary news value with a special status. criteria remain salient as part of a
contemporary view of news values, at leastone criterion needs modernising. When Perhaps the most dominant news value of
Galtung and Ruge (1965) identified frequency our times is visualness. The thesis is that the
they concentrated particularly on newspaper more the event satisfies the criteria of
dailies to suggest that the more similar the visualness the more likely the event will be
frequency of the event is to the frequency of selected as news. The contention moves
the news medium, the more probable that it beyond mere aesthetic considerations. It
will be recorded as news by that news suggests that the presence or absence of
medium. By the frequency of an event they visualness, and the ability of journalists to
referred to the time-span needed for the event “get pictures” determines whether an event is
to unfold itself and acquire meaning. The rise selected as news. The hypothesis is as simple
of live, real-time news made notorious by as suggesting that an earthquake killing 1000
O.J.Simpson on a Los Angeles motorway people in remote Siberia will be not covered
courtesy of satellite means the synchronicity as well as an earthquake killing ten people in
of events/news has overtaken asynchronous London, unless by some chance the Siberian
media cyc les where the news follows the disaster was captured in film or a survivor
event. Real- time news began to increase had access to a television studio. Visualness
dramatically in live television coverage of as a primary, elite news value acknowledges
international crises with CNN's coverage of the special power of presenting news through
the Tiananmen Square demonstrations. Since pictures. The visual dominates and as Dondis
then, camcorders in the hands of the general (1973) suggests, language-dominated culture
public enlarge the capacity for real- time has moved perceptibly toward the iconic.
recording (Morse, 1998). Some of the most The primacy of visualness in the selection
compelling and poignant footage of the of one event from another in television news
terrorist attacks in the United States was has been widely acknowledged by critics and
provided by medical and emergency staff and practitioners in most western developed
other rescue workers, such as Dr Mark Heath, countries. David Altheide (1987) states that
who were in behind security cordons with “the upshot is that news content is limited and
their video cameras. A consequence of real- influenced by access and opportunity to
time news is the collapse of reflective time obtain relevant visuals” (cited in Barnhurst &
required by audiences to acquire meaning. Steele, 1997, p. 54). New Zealand television
The viewing public needs to be news, for example copies United States
instantaneously cued. As far as television trends. New Zealand's former most senior
news is concerned, the psychology of news executive, Paul Cutler, in a rare glimpse
perception competes with the psychology of into the state broadcaster's operational
the image (Forrester, 2000). routines said there will “always be a bias
towards a good picture on television as
Four new news values opposed to what we might call a worthy
story” (Campbell, 1989, p. 21). Often
The four new news values proposed as television news will decide not to do a story
additional criteria against which news is because it is the kind of story that would sit
selected are television-driven, impacting on better on page six of a metropolitan
other news formats. They are: newspaper. “We say, what pictures have we
got for this story?” (Campbell, 1989, p. 21).
? visualness Visualness as a news imperative is not
? emotion confined to television. Grattan (1998) notes
? conflict that “most newspapers are increasingly
? the “celebrification” of the journalist. design-driven. Design is used to try and
attract readers, especially the young and those
Visualness who want their newspapers to look like
magazines” (p. 3). While visualness is drivingthe selection of news in television, and involves common news elements such as
forcing catch-up behaviour in newspapers, the tragedy, human interest dilemmas, survivors,
visual aspects of television news are not well victims, children, and animals. Equally such
understood. Griffin (1992) states that “the events with emotional appeal evoke
visual aspects of TV news presentations emotional responses in the audience, a
remain the least scrutinised and the least variation of Aristotle's pathos. Some forms of
understood” (p. 122) and is among tho se news, particularly television magazine news,
calling for “visual analysis”. Two scholars have mutated into a passing parade of “tear
who have engaged in visual analysis, jerker” stories that are variations on the theme
Barnhurst and Steele (1997), examined of grief. If the proportion and significance of
“image-bite news” and looked at the visual crime news increases within the available
coverage of elections on United States news time or space as current trends suggest,
television. They talk of “the rise of there is likely to be a commensurate increase
evanescent ne ws reports, which are more in the emotional sub text of news.
visual by virtue of their swiftness of pacing It is worth noting in passing that the
and reliance on imagery” and “can be judged increased level of emotion in the news has not
by its consequences for the public” (p. 55). passed without practitioner comment at least
Television audiences in kinetic overdrive to the extent that it impinges on intrusion on
experience a variety of elements of visualness grief and privacy and the ethics of death-
such as fast-pacing, heightened graphic knock reportage (Germer, 1995). The old
imagery including computer graphics, rapid piece of cynicism that “if it doesn't bleed, it
cutting, re-cut film or file footage. Included isn't news” could equally read “If it doesn't
are techniques borrowed from sport coverage cry, it isn't news”. A news subject who cries,
such as action replays, slow motion, and expresses anger, or is moved to display some
freeze frames. Putnis (1994) calls file footage other emotion because of the poignancy,
and recut film used again and again in frailty or fragility of the human condition is
different contexts, “displaced” film. The inherently more visually interesting, and
pervasiveness of its use is particularly therefore has heightened newsworthiness as a
apparent in crime news. In coverage of a source. Perhaps this is not surprising. Iyengar
comprehensively covered murder trial in New and Kinder (1987) suggest that the highest
Zealand subject to detailed visual analysis in calling achieved by television news is “the
a recent study, 82% of the broadcast news communication not of information or analysis
stories in the extensively-covered trial used but of raw human experience” (p. 46).
recycled footage (McGregor, 1999). The contention that emotion is a new news
value is supported by the frequency that the
Emotion reporter's question, “how do you feel?”, is
asked today of news sources. In fact, sources
Related to visualness is the second new may be both selected and presented in the
news value-emotion. There is nothing new in news precisely because they will publicly
this suggestion. Aquinas said that images can share and demonstrate private emotions and
be used to “excite the emotions, which are do it on cue. The influence of other genres
more effectively aroused by things seen than such as radio and television talkback is
by things heard” (Freedberg, 1989). The evident in the personal, psychological
thesis in this context is that the more an event perspective routinely expected of news
exhibits an emotional sub-text the more likely sources. It is apparent, too, that the evolution
that it will be selected as news. This of reality television with its instant emotional
hypothesis links what is selected as news to response by participants to the lived games of
both the content inherent in the news story rejection, eviction, winning, losing, and
and to its reception by the audience. An event courtship rituals, will impact on the level of
intrinsically has heightened emotion when itemotion in stories selected and presented as in the public interest. This notionally
news. separates the journalist from the subjective
involvement in the content of the story, and
Conflict makes the journalist a conduit for news
sources and less visible than the subjects of
At one level conflict can be regarded as a the news. In news media scholarship, of
permutation of Galtung and Ruge's (1965) course, the myth of objectivity has been well
criterion of negativity. However, it is not punctured (Morrison & Tremewan, 1992) and
conflict as an outcome that concerns us in this the “star school” in television journalism has
discussion. The hypothesis goes further and been equally well elevated and scrutinised
suggests that the dynamics of televised (Gremillion, 1995). Arguments over
political news in particular is driven by a objectivity aside, what was unimaginable in
conflict format, a more extreme version of the 1960s when Galtung and Ruge (1965)
Epstein's (1973) “dialectical model” which he were writing, is the dazzling change in the
described as “storylines follow(ing) a point- journalist's role whereby television news
counter-point format” (p.69), to the extent depends on a personality system (Morse,
that if there is not an A versus B contest there 1998). Journalistic mediation now dictates
cannot be a studio debate. The conflict format both the selection and presentation of many
drives the selection and presentation of television news stories. This means the news
political news and news of controversial is relying on journalists not just to bring us
issues. The notion of “balance” subscribed the news, but to be the news, to be the source
to by broadcasters requires both the of news and its presenter, even though there
incumbent politician and a challenger, the may be a news programme host who is
conservative versus the liberal, a yes vote separate from the journalist.
versus a no vote, one political party The more an event involves celebrifying
representative versus another. Without a the journalist the more likely it will be
conflict fo rmat the event cannot be news selected as news. A particular television
because journalists cannot satisfy notional technique, the piece to camera, can be
fairness required by most codes of practice partially credited for this new news value.
for broadcasting or statements of principle The piece to camera relies on virtual direct
regulating and guiding press behaviour. There address to the viewer and involves reporters
can be little ambiguity or “greyness” about in reasserting the significance of their own
the opposing positions represented, otherwise contribution. The host links to the reporter in
the potential political story will become too a shared conversation without the need for
complex to be news. Politicians learn early traditional sources who are external to
that the clarity of their adversary position and television's institutional order. The piece to
vocabulary marks them out as good news camera gives a new twist to Galtung and
talent. The conflict format therefore imposes Ruge's (1965) notion of personalisation. In
on the news what issues are selected, what this case, it is not personalisation of the third
sources are used and which events are chosen. party source as they imagined in their
conceptualisation, but personalisation of the
"Celebrification” of the journalist journalist. The piece to camera turns the
reporter from an anonymous voice and
Part of the folklore which underpins conduit into a personality and central actor in
popular thinking about journalism is the the news. The rise and rise of the piece to
mythical reporter who conducts an impartial camera or “the stand- up syndrome” as it was
inquiry by asking questions of all sides on termed by Taylor (1993) sees journalists
behalf of the public. The rationale, for become sources of news, instant experts
journalism, at least in theory if not practice, is marshalling facts, delivering judgements,
that it is a craft or quasi profession conducted advancing opinions, talking with authorityand often having both the only word and the increased in response to their power to attract
last word in news stories. and hold television news audiences. They cite
Rival broadcasters use pieces to camera to as a beneficiary of visual change “the
establish that they have an active presence at television journalists, who through
the scene and to differentiate news channels. appearances acquire celebrity and its
The pervasiveness of journalistic mediation in rewards” (p. 55). They suggest also that a
news is linked, of course, to commercialism faster flow of imagery favours certain kinds
and the way in which television networks of information over others: “the simple image
have branded themselves through journalistic over the complex, the emotional over the
ownership and identity. To justify the cost, neutral, the conventional over the contrarian”
journalists are elevated to a new status that (p. 55, emphasis added). Complex issues pose
reaches far beyond the parameters of the difficulties for news telling, so if complexity
reporter's function as traditionally conceived. can be reduced by the dramaturgy and
The cost of celebrification is startling. Katie rhetoric of adversary then the conflict format
Couric, the host of American’s NBC will make this into news. Political reporting
breakfast programme, the Today Show, in particular, in a notional nod to the time-
negotiated a deal of $65 million over four and honoured tenet of balance, is secured as news
a half years (Donegan, 2002). New Zealand is when it can be presented as A versus B (or A
not immune. An excited front page story in versus B and C).
the Sunday Star Times reported Paul Holmes’ The cumulative effects of new news values
new radio breakfast contract is worth $2 need to be added to the existing criteria of
million over five years (Catherall, 2002) on negativity, reference to elite people,
top of his $650,000 for evening television. personification and so on. The more events
satisfy the enlarged criteria, the more likely
Discussion that they will be registered as news. This
explains the selection of news. But it is
At one level the four new news values are implicit, too, that there is a new hierarchy of
so well known they have a taken- for- granted news values operating. Hall et al. (1978)
flavour. At another level they propel theory pointed to negativity as the elite criterion with
development about news values into the violence as an expression of it. The ubiquity
twenty first century. While the concept of of bad news is seldom challenged. But
newsworthiness will endure as long as there is visualness has become the elite news value in
news, news values are not necessarily modern news. What is selected and presented
immutable. Clearly this discussion side-steps as news is driven by pictures and their
the vigorous debate (Postman, 1987; Hart, perceptual and iconic power. Negative events
1996; Stephens, 1998) about the effects of with vivid, graphic pictures and an emotional
these changes not because it is unimportant, sub-text, often presented with journalistic
but because the intention here has been to self-promotion, will be chosen to lead today's
dissect current values underpinning news news.
selection rather than worry about its
influence. References
The four new news values proposed are as
intertwined as those original criteria identified Barnhurst, K.G., & Steele, C.A. (1997).
by Galtung and Ruge (1965) who said that Image bite news: The visual coverage of
their factors were not independent of each elections on U.S. television, 1968-1992.
other. The new news values have interesting Harvard International Journal of
inter-relationships with each other and with Press/Politics, 2(1), 40-58.
Galtung and Ruge's early factors. For Campbell, G. (1989, 6 May). Top of the
example, Barnhurst and Steele (1997) note evening. New Zealand Listener, 18-21, 34.
that the use of visuals appears to haveCatherall, S. (2002, February 10). The two Journalism theory in practice (pp. 115- million dollar plus man. Sunday Star 130). Australia: Oxford University Press. Times, p. 1. McGregor, J. (1999). Combating, coaxing and Donegan, L. (2002, January 24-30). coping with the media: A guide for Undisputed queen of breakfast shows. criminal lawyers. In New Zealand Law Guardian Weekly, p. 21. Society (Eds.), Dealing with the media Dondis, D. A. (1973). A primer of visual (pp. 21-34). Wellington: New Zealand literacy. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Law Society. Epstein, E. J. (1973). News from nowhere: Morrison, A., & Tremewan, P. (1992). Television and the news. New York: Objectivity. In M. Comrie & J. McGregor Random House. (Eds.), Whose News? (pp.114-132). Forrester, M. (2000). Psychology of the Palmerston North: Dunmore Press. image. London: Routledge. Morse, M. (1998). Virtualities. Bloomington, Freedberg, D. (1989). The power of images: IN: Indiana University Press. studies in the history and theory of Postman, N. (1987). Amusing ourselves to response. Chicago: University of Chicago death. London: Methuen Press. Putnis, P. (1994). Displaced, recut and Galtung, J. & Ruge, M. (1965). The structure recycled: File-tape in television news. of foreign news: The presentation of the Bond University, Gold Coast, Centre for Congo, Cuba and Cyprus crises in four Journalism Research and Education. foreign newspapers. Journal of Stephens, M. (1998). The rise of the image, International Peace Research, 1, 64- 90. the fall of the word. New York: Oxford Germer, F. (1995). How do you feel? University Press. American Journalism Review, 17 (5), 36- Taylor, S. (1993). The standup syndrome. 42. American Journalism Review, 15 (6), 35- Grattan, M. (1998). Editorial independence: 38. An outdated concept? Australian Tiffen, R. (1989). News and power. Sydney: Journalism Monographs, (1). University of Allen and Unwin. Queensland, Department of Journalism. Gremillion, J. (1995). On the fast track to Author Note network news star school. Columbia Judy McGregor, Department of Journalism Review, 33 (5), 32-35. Communication & Journalism Massey Griffin, M. (1992). Looking at TV news. University. Communication, 13(2), 121-41. Hall, S., Critcher, C., Jefferson, T., Clarke, J., Address for Correspondence: Judy & Roberts, B. (1978). Policing the crisis: McGregor, College of Business, Massey mugging, the state, and law and order. University, Palmerston North, New Zealand London: MacMillan Education. Email: J.H.McGregor@massey.ac.nz Hart, R. P. (1996, July). Easy citizenship: Television's curious legacy. The Annals of the American Academy, (546), 109-119. Hoge, J. F. (1994). Media pervasiveness. Foreign Affairs, 73 (4), 136-144. Iyengar, S., & Kinder, D. (1987). News that matters. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Meadows, M., & Ewart, J. (2001). More than skin deep: Australia's indigenous heritage. In S. Tapsall & C. Varley (Eds.),
You can also read
