Eurasia Brief The Lebanese Revolution

8/1/2020   Eurasia Brief
           The Lebanese Revolution

             Valeria Jacome
             The Eurasia Center
             4927 Massachusetts Ave. NW
             Washington, DC 20016
             www.eurasiacenter.org

             Under the Direction of The President of The Eurasia Center &
             The Eurasian Business Coalition, Dr. Gerard Janco

             The Eurasia Business Coalition
             2200 Pennsylvania Ave. NW
             Suite 400E
             Washington, DC 20037

The Eurasia Center’s Middle East Program
Valeria Jacome                                                                                August 2020

The Lebanese Revolution is a movement that has lasted over eight months, which has been comprised of a series
of protests demanding change. These protests have been all-inclusive as people from all walks of life have
participated in reforming Lebanon. These protests have brought forth a range of demands stemming from the
current economic crisis, which include the discontent with corruption, removal of sectarian order, a call for gender
equality, and the implementation of inclusive socio-economic reforms.

The Start of the Revolution
The Lebanese Revolution began with a series of nationwide protests on October 17, 2019. The issue that
instigated the rise of these protests was the proposed tax on WhatsApp, a 20-cent levy on the first call made by the
user each day. The tax highlighted the fragile economic situation the government was facing, especially with the
national debt. At the beginning of the Revolution, the Lebanese debt was the third-highest in the world, at
approximately $86 billion (D’Amore). In other words, Lebanon was bankrupt (Nakhoul). The New York Times
article, Economic Crisis Looms as Protests Rage in Lebanon, attributed the practice of dollarization, a common
spending practice using the lira and American dollars interchangeably, as a critical component to the deteriorating
economy. As a result, this created a necessity for foreign actors and businesses to circulate significant amounts of
new dollars into the market, which would generate high-interest rates(Hubbard). This practice is highly

problematic as it creates a dependency on the investment sector for economic prosperity, which is a common trend
in Lebanese history.

At the beginning of the creation of the state, Mount Lebanon depended upon its monoculture in the silk industry to
create positive financial gains (Traboulsi). After independence, the government tailored its service industry
towards European businesses that generated profits for the rising bourgeoisie (Traboulsi). Therefore, the economic
crisis demonstrates the negative attributes of the dependence on external actors to boost its economy with the
decreased circulation of physical money, which has resulted in reduced wages and high unemployment.
Historically, members of Lebanese society have been forced to emigrate outside their homeland due to the limited
and unexpansive labor opportunities. Figure 1 displays the complexity of the Lebanese situation, which deals with
a highly dense population governed by corrupt officials, which rely on international support for investment. In
turn, these factors provide dependence that limit the generation of domestic economic opportunities, which have
caused economic hardship and discontent.

  Figure 1: Lebanon’s complex economic situation

  Source: Atalayar
  https://atalayar.com/en/content/lebanon-plunges-economic-chaos

Besides the economic crisis, the 2019 Lebanese Revolution, which is still taking place today, has been a
culmination of various historical developments. The cohabitation of diverse religions has been highly problematic
throughout history, reflected in the sectarian political order. In fact, the Lebanese have been protesting against the
unequal distribution of religious quotas for jobs, representation, and the distribution of basic services (Haugbolle).
Thus, the Revolution is different from previous protests as the demands go beyond fair social distribution. The
theme of these protests has been a fight against corruption and the removal of ethnic clientelism (Haugbolle). The
Lebanese civil society is discontent with the reoccurrence of corruption under the mask of sectarian heads, which
are the same leaders who claim to represent their community’s interests. The legacy of the itqa system should not
be disregarded, as it has subjected the Lebanese to an order in which the ruling class exploits the rest of society.
The Taef Agreement resolved that the Lebanese would divide the ruling power 50-50 between Muslims and
Christians to improve relations with the aim of ending the confessional rule (Traboulsi). To an extent, the
Lebanese took this ambition established by the Taef Agreement into their own hands. Therefore, the Revolution
demonstrates the Lebanese population’s desire to move away from the sectarian order towards a democracy.

A positive development from the Lebanese Revolution is the evolution in the interaction between members of
different religions. In the New York Times article, Lebanon Protests Unite Sects in Demanding New Government,
the Lebanese as a society united under one goal rather than fighting for their particular sect’s visions. This was
reinforced by a protestor interviewed in Yee’s article, who said, “we’re all Lebanese. On the streets, we are not
Shiite or Sunni or Christians. We are citizens.” An authentic unified front was launched committed to changing
the status quo order. The Revolution’s fight against corruption contributed to overlooking the divisions within
ideologies in favor of establishing a fair technocratic government, with the hope for a more democratic rule in
Lebanon.

The Protesters’ Demands
There were a variety of demands at the launch of the Lebanese revolution. For instance, there was the demand for
the resignation of Prime Minister Saad Hariri’s cabinet, and other top officials, as the protesters called for a
technocratic government. This was linked with the rising desire for more knowledgeable leaders who were not
affiliated with the political parties that had delivered empty promises (Chehayeb). There was another call for
“early parliamentary elections with a new electoral law for elections that are not based on sectarian
proportionality” (Chehayeb). Additionally, the protestors demanded an investigation conducted independently
from the government on the stolen and misappropriated public funds (Chehayeb). After the vote of confidence,
Prime Minister Hassan Diab, a technocrat, took over the new administration. The prime minister has committed to
pushing the government to work towards anti-corruption legislation through measures such as auditing the
accounts of the central bank, while also focusing on mitigating the economic crisis (Azhari). For instance, Prime
Minister Diab has sought over $20 billion in international aid from the International Monetary Fund (Azhari).
Although Prime Minister Diab has acted on “97% of the pledges made since he took office,” there are still
protesters on the streets (Azhari). A prominent issue is that power cuts are increasing throughout the country, a
clear marker of the limitations of the reforms (Azhari). It is evident to the Lebanese public that the government
has not taken the reforms as seriously as the protesters. The government must widen its scope to uplift the poor
living standards currently present in Lebanon.

Women and women’s rights have also been at the forefront of these protests. Women have been active in the
participation and leadership of the civil society’s attempts to correct the rule of law. Along with the demands to
fight corruption, disband the sectarian order, and achieve socio-economic equality, women have voiced their own
set of demands. For instance, there have been attempts to reduce the legal discrimination women face if she has
children with a foreigner, as the nationality law denies her of the right to pass Lebanese citizenship to her
offspring (Nassar). The nationality law reinforces men’s decisions while reproducing sentiments of inferiority and
invalidation towards women. Another issue is that most of the laws that handle personal matters - which tend to
discriminate against women’s rights - such as marriage, divorce, custody, and inheritance are regulated by sect-
specific religious courts (Nassar). This is a significant issue as there is no universal set of rights or laws, a clear
obstacle for universal equality. Moreover, there is a lack of proper and complete legal protections against
domestic and public gender-based violence (Nassar). As a result, these problems have become an issue of concern
for the protestors, as these are fundamental rights each civilian should be guaranteed. These are elements in which
the government must create inclusive policy that improves the living standards for all its citizens.

The Second Wave of Protests
The protests were paused due to a state-wide lockdown that limited the spread of COVID-19.
Although the protesters were unable to gather to voice their disapproval of the general situation, the
virus heightened the concentration of poverty and hardships. On April 14, 2020, the Social Affairs
Minister Ramzi Moucharafieh announced that “70-75 percent of Lebanese citizens” needed
financial aid, as the government failed to provide the food assistance it had promised (Majzoub).
Human Rights Watch warned that over half of Lebanon’s residents were at risk starvation due to the
government’s failure to implement an effective plan. The mere fact that non-governmental

organizations such as the Lebanese Food Bank handled the humanitarian crisis more effectively
than the government, led to the rise of a new wave of protests in June.

On June 11, violent clashes broke out between the civilians and the army. Protesters threw petrol
bombs at the central bank and burnt tires and rubbish to block the roads as a response to the 5,000-
pound increase to the dollar (Lebanese protesters shut). As a response, President Aoun announced
that the central bank would “feed dollars in the market” to support the Lebanese pound (Lebanon
currency crisis). The problem is that this is a partial solution that will not ease the majority of
citizens’ financial burden. It is a distraction tool used in the hope of avoiding the implementation of
necessary reforms. Additionally, the Lebanese government is participating in negotiations with the
International Monetary Fund (IMF) to relieve the debt, which is now suggested to be more than $90
billion, an equivalent of 60 trillion to 122 trillion Lebanese pounds in overall losses (Nakhoul). The
issue is that the Lebanese representatives have not suggested a strong willingness or commitment to
the proposed IMF reforms, which has resulted in a stall in negotiations (Nakhoul). The lack of
cooperation with the IMF further demonstrates how most government actors are more concerned
about preserving a system that promotes their interests than repairing the country.

Riot police advance in downtown Beirut, Lebanon on June 11, 2020.

The Lebanese Revolution has also adopted new demands that were inspired by global events. For
instance, the murder of George Floyd has sparked repulsion against racism, which has led to the
calls to abolish the Kafala system. The Kafala system is a sponsorship system for individuals from

poor Asian and African countries such as the Philippines, Sri Lanka, and Nigeria, to work in
domestic labor tasks in Arab countries. The problem is that this system leaves workers vulnerable to
exploitation, which has contributed to suicide attempts by domestic workers. For example, the
kafala is associated with practices of physical and sexual abuse, forced labor, unpaid wages, and the
seizure of an individual’s passport (Barkawi). As a result, the Lebanese protestors are advocating
for policies that eliminate discriminatory practices. In essence, civil society is standing up against
unethical practices that exacerbate corruption and inhumane practices. Therefore, the fight against
the kafala further advances the protesters’ mission to create a fair and equal society for all.

Conclusion
The current situation in Lebanon points towards the need for concrete changes in its systematic
structure. The most prominent issue is the collapse of the economic order. For this reason,
government officials must prioritize cooperative negotiations with entities such as the IMF to
alleviate Lebanon’s financial burden. The Lebanese government must create tactical strategies that
show its commitment to creating a democratic society. The government should listen to the
demands brought forth by Lebanese civil society, as they are voicing key democratic reforms that
are urgently needed. For instance, the public’s discontent with political parties is due to the
undemocratic nature of a system centered on patronage. The protestors have come to realize that the
government that has bought their votes has only exacerbated their poor living conditions. These
government entities should focus on implementing reforms that could reduce dissatisfaction
throughout the protests, such as establishing reforms on gender equality and the abolition of the
kafala system. These reforms could potentially create a win-win situation, as the government could
attract international donors through the implementation of these reforms that guarantee proper
treatment for women and domestic workers. Therefore, the government must commit to reducing
the systematic burdens that it has imposed on its citizens along with combatting the economic crisis.

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