Eurasia Brief The Catalan Independence Movement

8/1/2020   Eurasia Brief
           The Catalan Independence Movement

             Betty Berdan
             The Eurasia Center
             4927 Massachusetts Ave. NW
             Washington, DC 20016
             www.eurasiacenter.org

             Under the Direction of The President of The Eurasia Center &
             The Eurasian Business Coalition, Dr. Gerard Janco

             The Eurasia Business Coalition
             2200 Pennsylvania Ave. NW
             Suite 400E
             Washington, DC 20037

The Catalan Independence Movement

The Catalan independence movement is a social and political nationalistic movement in which the
northeast region of Catalonia seeks independence from the rest of Spain. This movement also
extends to the other Catalan Countries, territories in which Catalan is spoken, small parts of France,
Italy, Andorra, and other neighboring regions of Spain. However, the movement primarily focuses
on Catalonia’s own push for independence from Spain rather than absorbing lands claimed by other
countries. Although the modern movement began in the 21st century, the Catalan fight for
independence has existed in one form or another since medieval times.

Catalans have resented their Spanish rule since the 12th century when a Barcelonan count married
the Queen of Aragon, making Catalonia part of the Kingdom of Aragon and no longer independent.
As the wealthiest region in Spain and centered around the profitable Mediterranean port of
Barcelona, Catalonia has always been at the center of its kingdom’s economy and culture— a trend
that still exists today. As such, Catalans have always tended to be wealthier than those who possess

their land, thus feeling as though they have unjustly supported the rest of the country financially.
Under the unification of Spain in the late 15th century with the marriage of Ferdinand of Aragon
and Isabella of Castille, Catalonia became part of Spain. However, Catalans still preserved their
own parliament, laws, and language rather than become fully absorbed into Spanish culture.

Yet, under Spanish rule, Catalans were never fully at peace. In 1640, the territory first rebelled and
sought its independence along with Portugal. Although the Portuguese got their independence, the
Catalans did not, and discontent remained within the region. Various efforts for independence
prevailed but were unsuccessful for the next few centuries. Additionally, the Castilian Spanish rule
began to discriminate against the Catalan language and culture, and the Catalans revived their
separate identity from the rest of Spain. The Spanish Civil War was even more devastating for
Catalonia’s status as the Catalans fought against the fascism of Francisco Franco. Once under
Franco’s reign, the Catalans were discriminated against even further with the suppression of all
minorities: their language, music, and even dances were banned. Franco also moved other Spaniards
into Catalonia in an effort to dilute the Catalan population. After Franco’s death in 1975, Catalonia
gained a new constitution with greater regional autonomy and control over its own language and
education, making Catalan once again taught in schools and its identity much stronger.

Catalonia’s history of discrimination and fight have pushed the region’s modern national identity
and drive for independence today. So, in 2010 when the Constitutional Court of Spain ruled that
some elements of the 2006 Statute of Autonomy of Catalonia, a text that provides basic institutional
regulations for Catalonia agreed upon by both Spain and Catalonia, were unconstitutional and
needed to be interpreted more restrictively, the Catalans began to protest again. These protests
quickly came to also include calls for independence once more. Many modern Catalans believe that
their region has the right to self-determination, especially since it has financially supported Spain
much more than it has received in return. More than 550 municipalities in Catalonia held symbolic
independence referendums between 2009 and 2011. Millions attended the protests, yet, in 2010 only
20% of Catalans supported secession.

In 2012, a mass protest on the National Day of Catalonia, September 11, explicitly asked for the
Catalan government to take steps toward independence. As a result, Catalan president Artur Mas

called for a snap general election on the issue, which resulted in a majority of voters as pro-
independence for the first time. This demand for an independent state was unique in the sense that it
was connected to no other concrete program for change or specific political party; it was instead a
simple proposition by the people to unite around the common goal of independence and unification
for all Catalans regardless of other differences in political opinions. A few months later, Catalonia’s
parliament adopted the Catalan Sovereignty Declaration, which asserted that Catalans had the right
to determine their own political future. However, the movement struggled to reach certain segments
of the population: big businesses and traditional power centers, as well as many of the working-
class neighborhoods in industrial and post-industrial areas where descendants of the Spaniards who
migrated there during Franco’s regime are still concentrated.

In November 2014, Catalonia held a referendum in which citizens answered two questions on
whether or not they wanted 1) Catalonia to become a state, and 2) that state to become independent
if so. The government of Spain ruled this referendum unconstitutional, making the government of
Catalonia change it from a binding one to a non-binding consultation. Even so, Spain banned the
non-binding vote; yet Catalonia still conducted it. 81% of Catalans who participated voted yes to

both questions. However, another election in September 2015 gained the majority of seats for pro-
independence parties yet fell just short of the majority of votes with 47.8%. Even such, the new
parliament declared that the region would start the independence process in November 2015.

A Spanish riot police officer swings a club against would-be voters near a school assigned to be a polling
station by the Catalan government in Barcelona, Spain on Sunday.

Mas’ successor, Carlos Puigdemont, ignored warnings from the Spanish government and pushed
forward with the region’s plans for a referendum in October 2017. With the upcoming referendum
central to all Catalan politics as well as a confrontation with the Spanish government, Catalonia still
lacked a solid plan on how to accomplish its independence goal. Although Puigdemont’s
government publicly promised that the referendum would occur, it privately believed that the
Spanish government would stop it, leading to a lack of plan for what would happen after the
referendum occurred. Moreover, Spanish police attempted to use force to stop the referendum and
Spain declared it illegal once more. However, the referendum did occur as planned with 90% of
participants voting for independence and a 42% voter turnout.

As a result of the referendum, Puigdemont signed a declaration of independence, also proposing
that it be suspended for two months to allow for conversations. However, when Catalonia voted
later that month to unilaterally declare independence from Spain, the Spanish senate immediately

approved the use of article 155 in Spain’s constitution, allowing for the national government to
directly assume rule of Catalonia, remove Puigdemont and his cabinet from office, and call for
another snap regional election. Key members of Catalonia’s government and pro-independence
activists were arrested and charged while others fled to Belgium before they could face arrest.
Spanish direct rule was not lifted until June 2018 when a new Catalan government took control.

Since the referendum, Catalonia’s independence movement has lost momentum even though some
major Catalan politicians still push for it. Some argue for a unilateral uncompromising path toward
independence, whereas others suggest a less confrontational and more pragmatic approach. In 2019,
Spain’s Supreme Court sentenced nine Catalan independence leaders, convicting them of sedition
and other crimes against the Spanish state for their role in the 2017 independence referendum,
sparking a whole new wave of protests against the Spanish government calling for amnesty for the
convicted leaders and the renewal of Catalan independence. Since February 2020, the Catalan and
Spanish governments have agreed to meet monthly, committing to discuss the political conflict
face-to-face with both sides sitting down for negotiations.

President of the Spanish government Pedro Sánchez reiterated in June 2020 that the way out of the
conflict with Catalonia will be through “dialogue, political agreement, and electoral referendum.”
But there is no clear path for a resolution between Spain and Catalonia whose peoples share
different languages and separate national identities, as well as complete opposite directions for their
political futures. Only time will tell if and when Catalonia can finally achieve the independence it
has wanted for centuries.