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CPC OUTREACH JOURNAL
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Welcome to the CPC Outreach Journal. As part of USAF Counterproliferation Center’s mission
to counter weapons of mass destruction through education and research, we’re providing our
government and civilian community a source for timely counterproliferation information. This
information includes articles, papers and other documents addressing issues pertinent to US
military response options for dealing with nuclear, biological and chemical threats and attacks.
It’s our hope this information resource will help enhance your counterproliferation issue
awareness.

Established here at the Air War College in 1998, the USAF/CPC provides education and
research to present and future leaders of the Air Force, as well as to members of other branches
of the armed services and Department of Defense. Our purpose is to help those agencies better
prepare to counter the threat from weapons of mass destruction. Please feel free to visit our web
site at www.au.af.mil/au/awc/awcgate/awc-cps.htm for in-depth information and specific points of
contact. Please direct any questions or comments on CPC Outreach Journal to Lt. Col. Michael
W. Ritz, CPC Intelligence/Public Affairs or JoAnn Eddy, CPC Executive Assistant at (334) 953-
7538 or DSN 493-7538.

The following articles, papers or documents do not necessarily reflect official endorsement of the United States Air
Force, Department of Defense, or other US government agencies. Reproduction for private use or commercial gain
                         is subject to original copyright restrictions. All rights are reserved.

Christian Science Monitor
June 13, 2000
Pg. 9
Profile / Kim Dae-Jung
By Michael Baker, Special to The Christian Science Monitor
SEOUL, SOUTH KOREA -- For South Korean President Kim Dae Jung, the summit is a political triumph and the
zenith of his career as a reconciler.
Kim was branded a Communist for his vision of national reunification and democracy during his 1971 presidential
campaign against dictator Park Chung Hee.
The ex-dissident has survived what he calls four attempts on his life by previous military governments and endured
14 years of exile, house arrest, and imprisonment. Kim says he kept himself going with his Roman Catholic faith
and a strong sense of justice.
During his years in prison, Kim imagined debating North Korea's founding father and dictator Kim Il Sung -
conversations he likened to a chess match - and formulated a long-term plan for peacefully reunifying Korea. The
process of gradual integration would begin with cooperative projects to build confidence, leading to a joint
parliament, a confederation, and then a federal government.
South Korea became democratic in 1987 but it took popular discontent over an economic crisis and Kim's alliance
with former political enemies before he was elected president in 1997. Since then he has been implementing his
ideas about making peace with North Korea.
Kim began his term by pardoning ex-president Chun Doo Hwan after his conviction for treason and corruption. Mr.
Chun had sentenced Kim to death in 1980 for "antistate activities," although Kim was saved by US intervention.
Kim says he reveres Abraham Lincoln for his sense of forgiveness and reconciliation following the Civil War. The
South Korean president sometimes quotes a phrase from Lincoln's second inaugural address: "With malice toward
none; with charity for all...."
His "sunshine policy" of engaging North Korea has allowed unprecedented business and cultural links between the
two Koreas and encouraged other countries to normalize relations with the North.
The South Korean conglomerate Hyundai, which runs tourist cruises to a scenic mountain in North Korea, has plans
for a multibillion-dollar industrial park if relations improve. This year, Italy and Australia became the first Western
nations to establish diplomatic ties with the North.
One old friend of the president says he is hankering for the Nobel Peace Prize.
Staff writers Cameron W. Barr in Seoul and Kevin Platt in Beijing contributed to this report.

Christian Science Monitor
June 13, 2000
Pg. 9
Profile / Kim Jong II
By Michael Baker, Special to The Christian Science Monitor
SEOUL, SOUTH KOREA -- If the summit is a victory lap for Kim Dae Jung, it is more like a coming-out party for
North Korean leader Kim Jong II.
Observers will be trying to ascertain whether Kim Jong II is taking North Korea in a new direction or trying to
squeeze more food, fuel, and cash from an eager talking partner. More fundamentally, they will be trying to divine
who he really is.
South Korea's intelligence agency had long portrayed North Korea's leader - officially the chairman of the National
Defense Commission - as a world-class oddball. The agency described him as a reclusive binge drinker who pulled
the strings behind deadly terrorist attacks.
So South Koreans were shocked when their president told a Japanese television interviewer in February that "Kim
[Jong Il] has a level of judgment, knowledge, and discernment befitting a [national] leader." The comment was the
beginning of a charm offensive and re-appraisal of the North Korean.
Analysts now credit Kim Jong II for surviving what they assume to be a Byzantine political world in Pyongyang and
pulling off the first Communist hereditary succession in history.
Long groomed for leadership by his father, Kim Il Sung, the son reportedly held the real power in North Korea even
before the elder Kim died in 1994.
Despite reports of a thwarted coup attempt in 1995 and several years of famine, Kim appears to have solidified his
control over the country, although he is still considered beholden to the military.
His initial cooperation with South Korea may have taught him that a gradual opening is more manageable than the
economic collapse and threats to his regime that might result from keeping North Korea closed. The summit, say
analysts, is happening because Kim Jong II feels confident enough to have it.
His visit to Beijing last month - his first trip abroad in 17 years - helped reinforce his new image. Kim met with with
President Jiang Zemin and visited a computer factory, saying he hadn't realized how far China had come.
"On meeting Kim Jong II for the first time, the [Chinese] Communist Party leaders decided that Kim was not as
radical and bent on war as they previously feared," says a Chinese official and North Korea expert who asked not to
be identified.
He says that Kim was behind the North's lashing out at China for introducing free-market reforms two decades ago,
when "Beijing was labeled a traitor to the world socialist movement."
The Chinese official says that Kim has modeled his ruling style after Chairman Mao Zedong, and has repeated the
worst mistakes Mao made during his 1949-76 reign.
"North Korea is now in the middle of [their versions of a] Great Leap Forward [when collectivization led to millions
of deaths from famine] and a Cultural Revolution," when Mao destroyed most of his fellow revolutionaries and
ruled through a brutal personality cult.
"But Kim knows that his policies have caused widespread starvation, and he is starting to realize that he must reform
North Korea's economy," the official continues.
And even though the North Korean leader presides over one of the most isolated nations on the planet, the official
adds, "Kim Jong II likes to surf the Internet and watch satellite TV."
Staff writers Cameron W. Barr in Seoul and Kevin Platt in Beijing contributed to this report.

New York Times
June 15, 2000
Pg. 1
Koreas Reach Accord Seeking Reconciliation After 50 Years
By Howard W. French
SEOUL, South Korea, Thursday, June 15 -- With surprising speed and warmth, the presidents of North and South
Korea reached a broad agreement on Wednesday to work for peace and unity on their bitterly divided peninsula, the
biggest step by either side to ease tensions in 50 years.
The agreement, which came after more than three hours of talks in the North Korea capital, Pyongyang, on the
second day of their first summit meeting, was signed and toasted by President Kim Dae Jung of South Korea and
President Kim Jong Il of the North, who were shown on South Korean television clinking champagne glasses,
shaking hands vigorously and smiling broadly.
The agreement, while deliberately vague, had clearly left both men buoyant. If carried through, the accord would
reduce the precarious isolation of the North and address many basic points that have long been seen as keys to
ending the cold war on the heavily fortified peninsula, where the United States still maintains 37,000 troops.
The general points agreed on included the need for reconciliation and unification; the establishment of peace; the
commencement in August of exchange visits by members of divided families; and more cultural exchanges.
In addition, it was agreed that Kim Jong Il would visit Seoul "at the earliest appropriate moment." The two sides
also discussed the creation of offices in each other's capitals, and establishing a hot line between their leaders.
"At this very hour, the attention of the 70 million Korean people is drawn to Pyongyang, and the eyes of the entire
world are riveted to this place," the South Korean president said in a banquet prior to the signing. "For the first time,
the Korean people can see a bright future as a dawn of hope for reconciliation, cooperation and unification is
breaking."
While the agreement provides no road map for the future and did not address pressing security issues, it left many
people here hopeful that a decisive turn was shaping up in relations between two governments that have vilified each
other for decades.
In addition, the emergence of the reclusive North Korean leader in the role of a jovial statesman was certain to
challenge the image of North Korea as a "rogue state" so dangerous that Washington is proposing to spend billions
of dollars on an antimissile system to defend against it.
"It is important to remember the symbolic importance of this meeting," said a diplomat. "Hopefully, things will
continue to proceed from here, but this has already been an unexpected success."
If the agreements lacked the kind of fine detail that is often carefully worked out in important negotiations like
these, they may have more than compensated for that by the strongly personal imprimatur placed on them by leaders
whose repeated performances before the cameras left no doubts about their enthusiasm.
"In societies as hierarchical as Korea, that counts for a lot," said Leon V. Sigal, a North Korea expert at Columbia
University. "In the North, having Kim Jong Il sign his name to a communiqué like this makes it the equivalent of
dogma."
Perhaps the brightest moment of the day came at the toast shared by the two leaders at the signing ceremony, which
took place at 11:20 p.m. on Wednesday and was broadcast in South Korea an hour later.
While the 75-year-old South Korean president paused between draughts as he tried to empty his glass, the younger
Kim Jong Il, who has been characterized in the South as a heavy drinker, tilted his head back and finished his
champagne in one go.
One of the meeting's most significant achievements was to help fill in a sketchy portrait of the 58-year-old Kim Jong
Il, who has been caricatured outside his country as a crackpot and a playboy.
He was frequently on view again on Wednesday, for the second consecutive day, as he was shown talking with his
southern counterpart in a relaxed and self-confident manner. He himself joked about his reputation as a recluse.
"Westerners seem to have been very anxious about why I live like a hermit," he said in an informal chat with Kim
Dae Jung, moments before the two leaders went into a two-hour and 20-minute meeting. "And now, with your visit,
they've got the answer."
Seeking to dispel this image, the North Korean leader said he had traveled overseas many times, naming two
countries he had visited, China and Indonesia, but said that he had done so secretly.
Kim Dae Jung, who had smiled politely throughout this impromptu banter, set off laughter among the aides in the
room from both sides when, referring to the reports about the North Korean leader, he replied, "You seem to know
everything."
South Koreans, who paused from work throughout the day to watch the events on television, and were riveted to the
their screens for the dramatic late night conclusion, expressed surprise about the warm and apparently relaxed
atmosphere surrounding the talks, which began with the unexpected greeting of Kim Dae Jung by the northern
president upon his arrival at the airport.
Many people said they were impressed by how normal and personable the mysterious northern leader was, after
years of denigrating propaganda in the south.
"This will change the relationship between the two countries," said Park Han Sung, a clerk at an eyeglass shop in
downtown Seoul.
"Maybe nothing dramatic will happen right away," he added, "but most people would agree that a surprising amount
of progress and understanding has been achieved already."
In his reply to the South Korean leader's banquet toast, the second-ranking figure in North Korea, Kim Young Nam,
said: "History gives us opportunities only once. Reunification is not for the future but for the present."
Western journalists, who were not invited to the North for the summit meeting, covered it via a special television
link in Seoul and were told to expect a streamlined, four-point agreement. But the final text appeared to have hastily
added other items, like language about a search for reconciliation and respect for each country's political system,
both of which appeared to be included to appease the prickly North.
For Pyongyang, there was also little doubt that mention of increased exchanges in fact meant a boost in aid and
investment from the South that northern leaders hope will prop up their failing economy. Famine in the North has
claimed the lives of as many as two million people, according to the estimates of aid workers and outside experts.
The southern delegation rushed to leave little doubt of its willingness to help, on Wednesday offering to speed
delivery of 200,000 tons of fertilizer, and also reportedly offering to provide $450 million in economic assistance.
For the South Korean leader, progress on reunion was a vital gauge of the success of the meeting. Seven million of
his compatriots have relatives in the North.
"Many of the family members are passing away due to their advanced age," Mr. Kim said in a speech intended to
give a clear sense of urgency to their agenda. "We have to attend to their life-long wishes."
While both sides clearly have direct interests in reconciliation and reaching a peace agreement to finally end the
state of war that formally persists between them, those interests are also keenly shared by the United States, China,
Japan and other countries.
Japan has only recently renewed diplomatic contacts with North Korea, after a breech caused by Pyongyang's test-
firing of a ballistic missile over Japan in 1998.
Washington has long been engaged in painstaking negotiations with North Korea seeking an end to the country's
missile program, as well as a commitment not to develop or deploy nuclear weapons. For American defense
planners, the divided peninsula remains one the most dangerous spots on the planet and the North's weapons
programs have been seen as so potentially threatening that Washington is considering spending billions of dollars on
a missile defense system to counter them.
How events of this summit meeting will shape those perceptions remains to be seen, but the North Korean leader has
cleverly succeeded in changing an image that has alternated from flake to a modern-day Dr. Strangelove.
By showing himself far more publicly than ever before in meetings with the country's historic arch-enemy, whose
peace initiatives he accepted with little of the North's usual intractability, he may have powerfully affected the
dynamics surrounding American proposals to build an expensive antimissile shield.
North Korea's missile program has been the leading justification in Washington for the unproven shield. But
Pyongyang has already suspended testing of missiles for over a year at Washington's request, and Mr. Kim's détente
with the South, if upheld, with further chip away at the regime's image as being dangerous and unpredictable.
Despite the good feeling of the last two days, leaders in Seoul and elsewhere are likely to remain wary of the North's
promises.
"I think it's very important that they've met, it's very important that they've signed this agreement," Joe Lockhart, the
White House spokesman, said in Washington. "But I think it's also very important that a process comes out of this
summit that allows them to implement the important work they have agreed to in the last two days."
The South Korean president took a moment out to bluntly advise his North Korean counterpart, "It is important to
improve your relations with the United States and Japan."
Over the last 20 years, the North and the South have held innumerable rounds of lower-level talks on issues like the
reunion of families, and twice before such agreements have later come apart.
Most recently, in 1991, talks led to an agreement promoting peace and eventual reunification, but it was never put
into practice, partly because of a dispute over the North's suspected development of nuclear weapons. And in the
1970's, Red Cross officials of both sides began talks that lasted 14 years on the reunification of families, bearing
only meager results.
President Kim Dae Jung, who is expected to fly home later today around a border that separates over a million men
under arms, often spoke with passion to his host in their second day of meetings.
In one statement he told his younger counterpart that, in the age of the Internet, competition between nations now
rests on brain power and economic strength, and no longer so much on the weapons of old.
"To survive the fierce international competition, the North and South must be one," he said. "I would like to quote
an old proverb: 'United, strength and mind wins over heaven.' When all Korean people join forces, there is nothing
we cannot achieve."

7 Jun 00.
(Editors Note: The following paragraph is from a message relating an Air Force Major
Command's concerns regarding readiness in a Chem/Bio environment.)

AF MAJCOM READINESS CONCERNS

THERE IS INSUFFICIENT O&M FUNDING TO MAINTAIN 100% CHEMICAL
WARFARE DEFENSE ENSEMBLES FOR NBC READINESS. IN ADDITION,
MODERNIZATION FUNDING IS INSUFFICIENT TO PROVIDE FULL SPECTRUM OF NEW
RESOURCES TO INCREASE CAPABILITIES IN A TIMELY MANNER. A SIGNIFICANT
PORTION OF ACC'S AIR AND GROUND CREWS CANNOT BE PROTECTED IN A
CHEMICAL-BIOLOGICAL ENVIRONMENT. THE AIR FORCE HAS LIMITED
CAPABILITIES FOR CHEMICAL AND BIOLOGICAL AGENT DETECTION, IMPACTING
ABILITY TO WARN PERSONNEL BEFORE EXPOSURE TO THE AGENTS. THE JOINT
SERVICE INTEGRATION GROUP IS AGGRESSIVELY ALLOCATING LIMITED
RESOURCES TO THE MODERNIZATION ROADMAP. RECOMMEND SUPPORT TO FULLY
FUND THESE "HIGH LEVERAGE" PROGRAMS.
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