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ANTHROPOS
109.2014: 429 – 448
Sacrifice, Vow, and Ritual Feast among the Oromo
of Horro Guduru Hinterland (Ethiopia)
Lemessa Mergo, Anil Kishore Sinha, and Krishan Sharma
Abstract. – The study of Oromo religious life in diverse areas of versity, Chandigarh (India), and still serving as an editorial board
Ethiopia merits more attention than it has received. The exam- member of various journals. – His research interests include the
ple given here concerns the Oromo of Horro Guduru hinterland fields of biological anthropology, twin studies, and tribal anthro-
(northwestern Ethiopia). The article considered three contexts, pology. – He is known as author and editor of more than 100 sci-
namely, sacrifice, vow, and ritual feast as indicators of feeding entific publications. – See also References Cited.
gods, reciprocating gods, and feeding ritual attendants or guests
respectively. There exist significant variations between these re-
ligious aspects of the Oromo. Sacrificial contexts are observed
more on a collective basis and stress both agnatic and affinal re-
lationships. They strictly prescribe social action, and for the most
Introduction
part unchanging communal group relations. Vow, by contrast,
mainly involves idiosyncratic behaviors and highlights individual The anthropological account of Oromo religious
spiritual commitment to bestowing deities. The vow situation is belief systems and practices goes back some for-
a characteristic personal religious realm, particular to privately
dealt concern with gods, that is absent in the collective sacrificial
ty years. Early works are attributed to Knutsson
context. Ritual feast represent affluent preparation and dedication (1967) and Bartels (1990), two Europeans who did
of lavish foods and drinks to the cause of some annual traditional religious study among the Macca Oromo at differ-
rituals expected to feed ritual attendants. In this regard, it is a cul- ent times. Knutsson studied the Qaalluu institution
tural layer which illumines the hospitality matrix in Oromo reli- among the Macca Oromo, while Bartels has focused
gious ritual observance. These aspects are explored in the light of
various anthropological theories. [Ethiopia, Oromo, Horro Gu-
on the myths and rites of Oromo religion among the
duru, sacrifice, vow, ritual feast, Oromo religion] same society. Both studies paid little attention to
sacrifice, vow, and ritual feasts as aspects of Oromo
Lemessa Mergo, Dr., Assistant Professor of Anthropology at
religion. Indeed, little was known about Oromo re-
Jimma University, Jimma (Ethiopia). – His articles appeared in ligion prior to these works. Afterwards, however,
The Journal of Oromo Studies, Indian Journal of Physical An- several myths and realities of Oromo religious prac-
thropology, and Human Genetics, and in “Global Warming, Hu- tices and beliefs were evident. The gap was in fact
man Factors, and Environment. Anthropological Perspectives”
(2012) edited by K. Sharma. – See also References Cited.
on account of two major reasons. One, the Oromo
possessed no written cultural accounts1 and other
Anil Kishore Sinha, Dr., Professor and Chairperson, Depart- cultural dissemination mediums such as mission-
ment of Anthropology, Panjab University, Chandigarh (India). – ary culture. Because of this orally bound tradition,
His major research interests include tribal studies, anthropology Oromo religion has been anchored for long only in
of food, Panchayati Raj institutions, gender studies, and medical the cosmic domain of Oromo society. Further, the
anthropology. – To his credit are more than fifty research publi-
cations. – See also References Cited. colonial conquest of the Oromo by the Amhara for
more than a century seems equally significant and
Krishan Sharma, M.Sc., PhD, former Professor of Anthropolo-
gy and Chairman of the Anthropology Department at Panjab Uni- 1 Legesse (1973, 2000); Hassen (1990, 2007); Dewo (2009).
https://doi.org/10.5771/0257-9774-2014-2-429
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is perhaps a more impinging factor for this issue. important to give an overview of the Oromo in gen-
Based on assertions in a number of studies,2 the co- eral and the Oromo of Horro Guduru hinterland in
lonial experience could have been a more detrimen- particular.
tal reason. This is because the Amhara imperial rule
has superimposed not only Amhara culture, but also
Judeo-Christian religious belief on Oromo culture An Overview of the Oromo
and religion for a protracted period. Comparing the
religious ambitions of the Amhara with that of the The Oromo are distinguished as ancient people, a
Oromo, Levine (1974) writes that the Oromo reli- great African nation (Kanno 2005). They speak Af-
gious culture could not be exported to other peo- aan Oromo (Oromo language). The Oromo language
ples whereas the Amhara armies were preceded, ac- is the largest Cushitic language family in the Horn
companied, and followed by monks and priests who of Africa regarding its number of speakers (Gragg
facilitated the imperial expansion by planting the 1982). This language has a very rich vocabulary and
roots of Amhara Christian culture. The Oromo have it is the third most widely spoken language in Af-
never and ever used their religion as a tool of domi- rica, exceeded only by Arabic and Hausa Fulani.4
nation and exploitation, because they believed that Sociologically and ethnographically viewed, thus,
religion is divine which must not be used for op- the Oromo are one of the largest ethnic groups in
pressive actions and ends (Dewo 2009). Despite the Africa, perhaps next to Hausa of Nigeria (Hassen
attempts of cultural invasions, the Oromo were able 1990; Beyene and Tolera 2006).
to retain at least some major components of their According to Bates (1979), the Oromo people
religious practices and beliefs.3 A prevalent obser- are a very ancient race, the indigenous stock, per-
vance of traditional religious practices in the sacred haps, on which most other peoples in this part of
home of Qaalluu (Oromo religious expert) and the Eastern Africa [Horn of Africa] had been grafted.
dedication of sacrificial bulls to the forest deity are The people mostly reside over a vast region of Ethi-
among the retained religious elements of Oromo re- opia predominantly Hararge, Bale, Arsi, Borana,
ligion (Mergo et al. 2011). Guji, Jimma, Illu Abba Bor, Wallagga, Horro Gud-
The present study explores three major compo- uru, Shewa, Southwestern part of Gojjam, and Wal-
nents of Oromo religious practices and beliefs: sac- lo in Ethiopia, apart from their evident residence
rifice, vow, and ritual feast with a focus on the Horro in some East African counties such as Kenya and
Guduru hinterland. The Oromo variant of sacrifice Somalia outside Ethiopia (Beyene and Tolera 2006;
to a god is Ayyaana sooruu, which embeds another Jalata 2012).
interrelated concept, namely, Dhibaayyuu (libation
or drink-offering to a god). Ayyaana sooruu, under
the context of sacrifice, signifies feeding; it also en- Oromo Religious Beliefs and the Gadaa System
tails libation. In this context, Waaqa (God) and his
colossal agents in the universe are offered either Several studies, which portray the Oromo as ancient
with drink-offering or food-offering. Vow, on the people and a great African nation, were put forward
other hand, is implied in Oromo concept as waree- by European scholars during the second half of the
ga or gashii. This generic term concerns mostly the 19th century. Among such early Western scholars
final process, which is known as gashii wareegaa were the erudite French scholar Antoine d’Abbadie
or simply gashii (vow-offering). The vow realm in (Hassen 2007) and Martial de Salviac (Kanno 2005)
Oromo religious belief systems seems an action of of the same nation. The former is assumed to have
reciprocating god’s virtuous reply to one’s prayer done the first detailed study on the Gadaa system –
urges, on a ritual scene, or to what has been vowed the rich Oromo customary heritage (Hassen 2007).
in the past. Indeed, both sacrifice and vow require Whereas, Martial de Salviac’s 1901 French edition
a ritual observance, where it is necessary to offer on the Oromo – translated to English by Ayalew
a ritual feast. In this connection, the present study Kanno in 2005 – provides a detailed demonstration
also attempts to explain ritualized environments se- of some fundamental beliefs of the people.
lected for sacrifice and vow-offering to Waaqa. Be- Contemporary ritual observances in Horro Gu-
fore providing an explanation on these rituals, it is duru might be well illustrated as explicit reflection
of the Gadaa system, which Dewo (2009) recogniz-
es as an institution having the ability to serve as a
2 Hassen (1990, 1994, 1999, 2000); Levine (1974, 2007);
Pausewang (2007); Dewo (2009).
3 Bulcha (1996); Baxter, Hultin, and Triulzi (1996); Dewo 4 Gadaa Melbaa (1988); Hordofa (2001); Beyene and Tolera
(2009). (2006).
Anthropos 109.2014
https://doi.org/10.5771/0257-9774-2014-2-429
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comprehensive storehouse of Oromo moral values. or other related professionals to study and document
The Gadaa system is indeed invariably understood these diverse cultural practices including religious
as the social, political, economic, cultural, and reli- beliefs and observances and the inferences therein.
gious system of the Oromo (Legesse 1973, 2000). The Oromo religious practice revolves around
It is a folk way which is always celebrated once in two major concepts among others: Waaqa and Ayy-
every eight years as a ritual cycle and only once in aana. In other words, Waaqa and Ayyaana are cores
one’s life span as a plain marker of an important life of Oromo religious beliefs. Waaqa is understood in
stage – in most cases this is forty years after one’s multiple perspectives in the literature. The general
father has celebrated his Gadaa stage. But there is notion is in fact the attribute ascribed to him as a Su-
also a possibility for the ego (son) to celebrate his preme Being, commonly distinguished throughout
Gadaa just before that of his father. Oromo traditional belief.6 It is also contended that
Among the Oromo of Horro Guduru hinterland, Waaqa is one god manifested in two forms – black
who are mostly descendants of the fourteen clans and red – in which the red being, when provoked
(Kudha Arfan)5 of Horro, almost every customary to anger, manifests wrath in displays of lightning
ritual practice tends to maintain the ethical-moral which the black form muffles and turns into thunder
standards of religious life prescribed in the Gadaa (Tippet 1970, cit. in Daniel 1983).
system, i.e., upholding the will of Waaqa and his The main concern which needs to be stressed is,
colossal agents (Ayyaana) throughout all walks of nonetheless, the prevalence of believes in the mul-
life. Yet, it is usually admitted that maintaining the tiplicity of spirits, which might have had necessi-
will of Waaqa without compromising it with hu- tated the practice of appeasing Waaqa by way of
man will is unfeasible. It seems that humans are sacrifices. The Oromo used to dedicate rituals to
limited to fully capture a pragmatic distinction be- their traditionally distinguished spirits such as for-
tween the profane and the sacred spheres of their en- est, tree, spring, and moorland spirits often com-
vironments. In Oromo culture, sacred scenes have monly named Ayyaana. There has been no forest or
safuu Waaqa (dignity and respect of God) so that other nature-based ritual observance and sacrifice
they need to be well-regarded with awe and mar- offering in non-Oromo religious beliefs and practic-
vel. Normative rules prescribed in the Gadaa sys- es in Horro Guduru. Instead, widely contemplated
tem articulate the contravention of safuu Waaqa not beliefs and practices were being operated at man-
only as an express disobedience to him but also a made tabernacles. Comparing the belief systems of
cognizable spiritual offense against him. Violating the Oromo with their counterparts in other religious
such an inviolable space reinforces insistence for categories, especially Judeo-Christian oriented reli-
time-bound ritual observance. Failure to abide by gion, Martial de Salviac states in 1901:
the will of Waaqa is often believed to result in di-
vine retaliation in the form of bona dheeraa (cata- The Oromo abhor idolatry … they have not raised temple
strophic droughts), lolaa (floods), bubbee (gale or to Waaqa … they repudiate all anthropomorphic represen-
rushing whirlwind), hongee (starvation after crop tation of the Divinity. Their temple, that is the universe
failure) and many more calamities. Once ritual ob- with arch studded with stars; their altar, the surface of the
servance is instituted, it needs perpetuation to pos- earth; their sacrifices are always innocent, even the ones
which we see to sanctify the cradle of humanity, that is to
terity just keeping its once anchored – by ances-
say the first fruit of the fields and the primes of the herd.
tors – spatial and temporal realm. Sacrifices, vows, They ask only of the giants of the forest or of the most
and ritual feast are also required to be proffered at beautiful neighboring tree of their village to shade, with
such ancestor and posterity connecting scenes. Ac- its luxuriant tress, their prayers and their immolations. As
cordingly, some creatures – special trees, groves, the most ancient peoples, they adore God and veneer the
forests, springs and moorlands – have got socio-cul- genies under the emblem of the forces of nature, but with-
tural a spiritual significance among the Oromo apart out confounding them with it (Kanno 2005: 160).
from their economic and natural values.
Religious practices such as sacrifice, vow, and Studies on Oromo religious beliefs in general
ritual feast signal diverse realms of Oromo culture concern the foregoing core spiritual domains to put
though they had been scarcely studied and docu- some traditional religious practices of the society
mented. Therefore, it is the task of anthropologists into perspective. Indeed, an unadulterated quest for
understanding the cultural realm of Oromo religious
5 The 14 clans of Horro are said to have entailed Guta, Dulla- life ought to concern the preceding traditional spir-
cha, Buukko, Migiruu, Akaako, Daaragootii, Abboollee, Ja-
artee, Alshaayyaa, Maalikaa, Yemaalagii, Abbayyii, Ganjii,
and Gitiloo (Fieldwork 2011, and written sources, e.g., Haile 6 Daniel (1983); Cerulli (1922); Legesse (1973); Knutsson
2006, Nagara 2010). (1967).
Anthropos 109.2014
https://doi.org/10.5771/0257-9774-2014-2-429
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Map: Location map of Horro Gu-
duru zone. Adapted from Finance
and Economic Development Bu-
reau of Oromia. Source: Firdissa
Sadeta (2007), used with permis-
sion.
itual elements of the people. In spite of this, how- gious beliefs in particular to complement the points
ever, much more remains to be understood; as the of argument generated through fieldwork.
religious practices and observances of the people
ensemble in the matrix of traditional belief systems
being practiced in different regions inhabited by the Feeding Gods: Sacrifice
Oromo. As a preliminary attempt and in line with
the preceding backdrop, this study mainly concerns Sacrifice, named Ayyaana sooruu or Dhibaayyuu in
the Oromo of Horro Guduru hinterland. local language as per Oromo religious beliefs, refers
to voluntary relinquishing of something valued, for
example, bull. It can also mean a thing thus relin-
Ethnographic Procedures quished. Thus, sacrifice means not only slaughter of
a tame animal but also surrender of valuable prop-
Three representative ganda (smallest administrative erties as form of offerings to a well-marveled deity.
unit with an average of 500 households) in Horro Keeping this notion in context, it is useful to pose
district were selected for this study: Dachaa Caabir,
Odaa Bulluq, and Daaddoo. The ethnographic data
were generated through interviewing local elders,
aged above 75 years, and observations of ongoing
ritual practices and scenes. The researchers inter-
viewed 17 aged informants of the study community
from 15 August 2010 to 12 June 2011. These elderly
members of the community were believed to know
more about the topic under discussion. The inter-
views with them helped in generating adequate eth-
nographic material about sacrifice, vow, and ritual
feast as had been and is being practiced among the
Oromo of Horro Guduru hinterland. Both partici-
pant and non-participant observations were made
to supplement the empirical evidences obtained
through interviews. Literature review and archival
investigations were also made on pertinent written Plate 1: Slaughtering sacrificial bull favoring Catto, 15 August
sources about the Oromo in general and their reli- 2010.
Anthropos 109.2014
https://doi.org/10.5771/0257-9774-2014-2-429
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Plate 2: Variety of material cultur-
al vows reciprocated to Caato de-
ity, 15 August 2010.
what kind of sacrifices the Oromo of Horro Gudu- why should the people slaughter such an economi-
ru hinterland offers to Waaqa or his varied agents cally essential animal in the midst of its increasing
which are commonly named Ayaana, in their re- price rise in that agricultural economy which almost
ligious beliefs. Most of the time sacrifices involve entirely depends on oxen-driven farming system for
live animals like bull (Plate 1), sheep, goat, and hen. centuries? The reason, according to informant RDh
Valuable material cultural products (Plate 2), liba- entails:
tion of milk, honey, biqila (various kinds of locally
prepared alcoholic drinks) and invoking a deity with People always commit sin, no one is blameless in life, no
coqorsa (freshly hacked green grass) are also pre- one is punctilious in habits, no one is correct in deport-
sented to the revered divinity on every occasion of ment; morally, almost nobody’s character was flawless.
So people need to constantly check their walk with their
religious ritual. Yet some variety of sacrifices may
creator so that he would grant them mercy, peace, and fer-
change in account of the issue of affordability and tility. That is the central message, theme, and purpose of
intrinsically prescribed individual or collective at- observing ritual through sacrificial offerings; message of
tachment to the non-physical agent. But there are mercy, peace, and fertility to humanity; theme of peace
always coqorsa and biqila in observing traditional and fertile life; and purpose to retain merciful, peaceful,
religious rituals in Oromo religious beliefs. These and fertile life (aged informant RDh, 15 August, 2010).
culturally set items mainly symbolize an avid de-
sire for fertility, health, wealth, peace, and stability. Other informants also claim that no one dares
As understood through participant observation, to think of conflict, riot, strike, and whatsoever evil
the Oromo of Horro Guduru hinterland offer the may be present, provided that people abide in the
sacrificial bull to Ayyaana of Caato (pronounced as traditional religious life such as the offering sacri-
chato) sacred forest at least bi-annually. The Ayyaa- fices to Waaqa or Ayyaana. It is believed that all
na of Caato has been believed as an agent of Waaqa ritual attendants need peace: peace with Waaqa or
to help maintain this sacred forest and the entire Ayyaana, peace with the natural and social environ-
natural resources in it. A bull is the most important ment, peace with oneself. It is also believed that all
animal in Horro Guduru economic contexts. Not attendants need mercy: mercy from Waaqa or Ayy-
only its cost has been rising more than any other aana to those with faulty deeds, mercy of forgiving
tame animal available for sale but, more important- each other, and mercy to hold and retain a tranquil
ly, a bull is the backbone of the acme of Horro Gu- life. Further, it is believed that all attendants need
duru’s economy, agriculture. Agriculture is the ze- fertility: fertility of land, fertility of human repro-
nith of economy in Horro Guduru, but it is unlikely ductive system, fertility of livestock, and fertility of
possible in the absence of a bull or oxen because the wider environment and cosmos. The problem is
farming has invariably been dependent on the oxen- that all of this could hardly be achieved with human
driven plow system since time immemorial. Hence, carnal effort, but with spiritual attachment to Waaqa
Anthropos 109.2014
https://doi.org/10.5771/0257-9774-2014-2-429
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or Ayyaana through regular ritual observance with sa Hagayyaa ritual attendants are always required
cheerful sacrificial offerings. Therefore, what has to contribute some amount of money at least once
been done in this case is neither futile social gath- in two years as per their interest which in turn is be-
ering nor folly religious practice. It is believed to lieved to have been influenced by the individual’s
be extremely essential to attain and maintain what perception about Caato/Catto, i.e., both its retrib-
humans need in life so long as they live. The re- utive and contributive influence on their life. Oral
sult also entails Waaqa or Ayyaana condescends to history supplements the fact that slaughtering bulls
bless peoples’ prayers and efforts to offer sacrifice and other tame animals at natural scenes like moun-
to him; that, many times, he causes his providence tains, springs, sacred forests, and groves as well as
to awaken and arouse cumulus which would sooner under huge trees has been common among the Oro-
or later descend in the form of showers longed for, mo. All these are assumed to have unique and as-
productive rainfall. In other words, Waaqa or Ayy- cribed spiritual results in the eradication of golfaa
aana graciously consent to do for the people what (disease believed to result from misdeed or misfor-
they desire from him while showing his superiority tune), hongee (relentless drought), and other natu-
over all circumstances, which otherwise they could ral calamities. This implies that indigenous belief
not do by themselves – no matter how they yearn for systems are not mere common knowledge but they
these productive provisions from him. entail perceptions and lore for how to curb natural
Indeed, it is believed that the sacrificial bull has harms coming against humanity in specific and na-
a triple purpose. First, wrong deeds are to be imput- ture at large. People do not merely contribute money
ed (reckoned) to it – as the people say: Bita keenya and slaughter economically valuable bull in honor
fudhatee deema, balaan nu hinqaqqabu (literally, of some assumed mystical power. It is rather due
“the bull would die, taking off our wrong deeds”). to deep experience achieved through life course. In
Thus, no harm would happen against those who be- this sense, natural spaces have the capacity to shape
lieve in such a deity. Second, Waaqa or Ayyaana and sustain culture, at least in indigenous commu-
who demands people’s cheerful sacrificial offerings nities such as the Oromo of Horro Guduru. Culture
feeds on its blood and is pleased to show mercy and in turn has considerable impact either to sustain or
prosperity to the people. Third, its meat is used to obliterate nature, though the case in this paper re-
feed ritual attendants or guests, apart from another flects the sustainability matrix.
popular cultural dish known as cumboo (flat thick As such, Caato as the densest and hugest natural
traditional pancake) feast, prepared and dedicated forest panorama in Horro Guduru is the only em-
to guests during ritual observances. In this order, blematic natural forest protected on account of its
Waaqa or Ayyaana is presented with dhiiga soo- believed deity – the deity can interchangeably be
ru (feeding on blood, which is the bull’s blood in named as Caato or Catto. Actually, people often-
this case), while the bull’s meat would be eaten by times used to call Catto that appears an awful non-
guests (hospitality), its bone is to be discarded off at physical agent indwelling the sacred forest – Caato,
the slaughter scene, and its skin is meant for domes- which has been sustainably conserved by Oromo
tic use (not for sale), i.e. often by the person who religious belief systems traversing history to date.
has organized the ritual from the very beginning to In the past almost the whole indigenous commu-
its very end in that particular year. nities round the sacred forest used to engage in Ga-
One of the most noticeable religious rituals be- ranfasa Hagayyaa ritual observance. Following the
ing observed by the Oromo of Horro Guduru hinter- intrusion of Amhara imperial conquest and associ-
land in which bulls are sacrificed to deities is wide- ated imposition of Judeo-Christian administration
ly named Garanfasa Hagayyaa (literally, August in indigenous affairs since 1870s, however, ritual
ritual). This ritual has always been observed on the attendants had been declining to the current figure
first Sunday of the second week of every August. of about 200 households. This was because the im-
Among this community, slaughtering a sacrificial perial administration has superimposed the Judeo-
bull is relatively bold and a collective action is need- Christian belief system and the Amhara-Christian
ed to observe this ritual. The August ritual is meant culture over indigenous belief systems, for example,
mainly in need of mercy from Waaqa in general and belief in sacredness of natural scenes. The question
Caato/Catto (forest deity) in particular. This com- is that why this number of households still lingers
munity virtually practices a communal way of life in in offering a sacrificial bull to the forest deity in the
observing their customary religious ritual that a sac- midst of prolonged state interference in indigenous
rificial bull is obtained through collective contribu- religious affairs? It seems that it could be their res-
tions of money meant for purchasing the bull. Due olute belief in the worth of indigenous traditions,
to this strict prescription in social action, Garanfa- both cultural and environmental, that the remaining
Anthropos 109.2014
https://doi.org/10.5771/0257-9774-2014-2-429
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households observe the Garanfasa Hagayyaa ritu- here means succumb to the will of Catto, as he is
al in honor of Catto/Caato. Interview results prove believed to possess supernatural power; it is a kind
that people still observe the Garanfasa Hagayy- of bowing before the spirit to express complete sub-
aa because they know from experience that they mission to his power.
would get fayyaa (health), karra (wealth), dhala The cultural significance of bowing down to the
(children), qabbana uumaa (natural environmen- spirit involves recognizing the virtuous relationship
tal stability) and the like by observing the Garanfa- between Catto and those who worship as well as a
sa Hagayyaa ritual and paying substantial sacrific- bad relationship between Catto and those who vehe-
es and vows to the non-physical agent called Catto mently react against Catto (informant WD, person-
dwelling in Caato. Conversely, those who mutiny al interview on 27 May, 2011). For this informant,
and defy the sacredness of the forest were believed bowing down to or worshipping Catto means sub-
to have usually been committing suicide or other mitting to his supernatural authority that “genuine”
misfortunes (informants RDh and MB, personal in- Oromo (Oromoo sirrii ) worship must express free
terview on 27 February, 2011). cherishing Catto and submission to his will. Other
People may commit suicide in many forms, but informants also believe that submission to the will
the case manifested as retaliation from Catto is be- of deities has been evident in sacrificial offering on
lieved to be evident in two forms: going to the cliff Waaqa’s altar (e.g., earth’s surface chosen by fore-
of Caato sacred forest and throwing oneself deep fathers at Holqa Makoo side of Caato sacred forest).
into it on one hand and hanging oneself on a tree on The Oromo expressed their dedication and grate-
the other. Whenever such incidents happen in the fulness to Waaqa, who had supplied all their needs,
area, people often associate the misfortune with the through collectively dedicating a bull – the utmost
retributive rage of the forest deity. Hanging oneself sacrificial offering. Bulls, sheep and goats could be
on a tree is believed that the tree’s Ayyaana com- dedicated for sacrificial offering to Catto, but the
municates Caato sacred forest’s spirit and enforc- utmost one has always been a bull. These kind of
es capital punishment against the victim (key in- sacrifice might have been prevalent among ancient
formant WD, personal interview on 27 May, 2011). people, especially among the Israelites, as the Bi-
Hanging oneself is believed to be the result of a ble reveals that a bull (Lv 1: 3–5), goats (Lv 1: 10),
curse Caato that the sacred forest spirit cast against sheep (Lv 1: 10), and even birds (Lv 1: 14) have
sacrilegious – in the standard of Oromo religion – been dedicated to God so that He will transfer their
individuals (key informant WD, personal interview sin to the animals offered (Radmacher et al. 1997).
on 27 May, 2011). This belief may be compared Nevertheless, among the Oromo there was no
with the Judeo-Christian belief that Judas Iscariot practice of placing hands by the worshiper on the
committed suicide by hanging himself on account animal’s head to show transfer of sin to the animal.
of his betrayal of Jesus Christ (Radmacher et al. The Oromo contribute money to purchase a sacri-
1997: 303). ficial bull and collectively observe through prayer
Binding someone with a curse is believed to be and joy, while it is being slaughtered. Moreover, the
the exact opposite of blessing the same. In Oromo Oromo have no priest, unlike the Israelite who must
religious belief a curse represents entire ills which kill the animal and collect its blood and present it
harm an individual or some groups owing to irrev- to the Lord by sprinkling it on a “man-made” altar,
erence to Waaqa’s will. Unless appeased through wherein pieces of the sacrifice were then placed on
ritual observance and sacrifice, there is the threat the altar and completely burned. In contrast, in Oro-
of a curse on those who violate reverence to Catto. mo religious belief system, a man from some lin-
Indeed, a sacrificial bull is believed to shoulder any eage, distinguished by the community, should kill
possible curse in the community so that offering the bull (sever its upper esophagus with a cutlass)
its blood to Catto might help the community to be and some seven or so people collectively slaughter
freed from the curses of violating the supernatural the severed bull. Then the killer would soon col-
order of the sacred forest. Sacrificial offering to Cat- lect fresh blood from the neck of the bull in bark of
to is believed to transform one’s undesirable fate as false banana and soon put it under the sacred tree
a result of sacrilegious thought against the sacred- standing on the altar side of Caato sacred forest.
ness of the forest which would perhaps entail hang- The meat of the sacrificial animal is served to ritual
ing oneself – dishonorable and shameful fate as nar- attendants what could be called feeding guests. For
rated by aged informants – into a picture of Catto’s the Israelite, sacrifice of animal blood symbolizes
sacrificial virtuous exchange. To believe in this ne- not only the transfer of their sin to the animal, but
cessitates collective worship and sacrificial offering it was believed to have had pointed to the Messiah
to the forest spirit at least once in a year. Worship Jesus Christ who offered Himself as sacrifice for
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the sins of all (Radmacher et al. 1997: 309). For the serve some bad fortune against a person, assumed
Oromo, it seems to symbolize appeasing Waaqa and to be an enemy or assumed to be entirely negative
his agents for misdeeds against the will of Waaqa – against the wellbeing of the person making the vow
such as sacrilegious thoughts and acts against Catto. by calling misfortune against the perpetrator from
Sacrifices were not ends in themselves in Oro- the deity in question. Therefore, the offer of the
mo religion. Waaqa is primarily interested in the vowed item on divine fulfillment is an indication of
decency, decorousness, innocence, decorum of the a reciprocal act. One vows, anticipating something
person per se as well as his/her genuine attachment from the deity. If the deity fulfils what was vowed
to him. The costly sacrificial systems are believed for, the person would offer the deity what was ex-
to indicate how all of life, with its different spheres actly vowed; otherwise the vow would remain un-
and rhythms, belongs to Waaqa that he could keep paid, because the deity did not respond accordingly.
it alive or take it as he desires. It is believed that Similarly, the deity seldom spares the person from
life can be lived with a sense of gratitude towards the consequences of failure to submit what was ex-
Waaqa. In this sense, the Oromo believe that a per- actly vowed, because the person did not duly recip-
son ought to live for the glory of Waaqa rather than rocate the met divine request.
for his/her self-indulgent urges. A worshiper could These elements of Oromo religion can be com-
physically express that glory to Waaqa through a pared with biblical facts as written in the Mosaic
fellowship of offering, though the sacrificial sys- Law. It reads:
tem was by no means cheap, as bull offering, for in-
stance, is costly. But it impresses on the worshipper Then Moses spoke to the heads of the tribes concerning
that he/she could give among his/her best to Waaqa. the children of Israel, saying, “This is the thing which the
Lord has commanded: If a man vows a vow to the Lord,
The mandatory sacrifices usually serve to remind a
or swears an oath to bind himself by some agreement, he
worshipper of his/her relationship to Waaqa. Bad shall not break his word; he shall do according to all that
relationship between humans as expressed in sad- proceeds out of his mouth” (Nm 30: 1–3; cf. Radmacher
ness and even killing each other may lead to non- et al. 1997: 258).
cooperation or misfortune caused by Waaqa or Ayy-
aana. But it is believed that sacrificial offering could Vows are reciprocations to Waaqa’s provisions
help to overcome a fatal consequence. Nevertheless, of what has been pursued for from his divine hand.
the bad relationship between humans and the de- The Oromo could submit both live animals and non-
ity is sure to prove fatal (causes various calamities living materials to deities as sacrifices and vows.
including muteness, barrenness, illness, drought, Plates 2 and 3 A,B represent vows offered to Caato
hunger, and even death), given that the cheerful forest deity. From these vowed items, live animals –
sacrificial offerings are not in order in due time – like hen and goat – were to be mortgaged on equal
culturally fixed annual or other kinds of ritual obser- sharing basis between Waaqa and the herder or
vance date. Transactions of blood, biqila, and fresh- mortgager. But non-living items such as mirror, san-
ly cut grass along with prayers and worship are the dal, candle, and so forth must be kept under a cer-
most pertinent ways for keeping life issues as good tain sacred tree until littering or unknown time, as
as they should be. men must not take them because Waaqa is believed
to watch them intently. This belief is an exception-
al feature among the protestants who were found
Reciprocating Gods: Vow snatching out such vowed items from sacred scenes,
yet they face no harm – which in fact has been de-
Vow here refers to the individual’s religious prom- priving the reputation of the traditional belief sys-
ise made solemnly to a particular deity in anticipa- tems (informants RDh and MB, 15 August, 2010).
tion for the fulfillment of what is desired from the Like the sacrifice, some variety of vows may
god. The anticipation is what is sought by the per- change on account of issues of affordability and
son requesting from the god. This may be solicit- intrinsically prescribed individual or collective at-
ing the deity to spare oneself from consequences of tachments to the nonphysical agent. They mainly
undesirable actions he/she has committed – a kind symbolize a keen need for fertility, peace or stabil-
of plea for mercy that can be known by the person, ity, health, and wealth. The man holding the goat in
when he/she would be able to live until sometime Plate 3 B, for example, has reciprocated this live an-
he/she perceived. Vows can also be made for suc- imal as vow to Catto after fulfillment of what he has
cess in life such as educational or otherwise. It can vowed for, i.e., gabaa fi gabii (income). He has been
also be made to relieve from barrenness, miscar- a poor farmer with five household members subsist-
riage, income failure, etc. It can also be made to ob- ing not only on inadequate farming, but he was also
Anthropos 109.2014
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Plate 3 A: Hen vowed to Caato forest deity. Plate 3 B: A man while offering a goat vow to Caato deity.
generating income from praising reputable individ- stone that he had at his head, set it up as a pillar, and
uals through traditional songs with skillful harp per- poured oil on top of it … Then Jacob made a vow, saying,
formances – focusing on achieved statuses of indi- “If God will be with me, and will keep me in this way that
viduals in the community. He was distinguished as I am going, and give me bread to eat and clothing to put
asmaarii (traditional harp player and singer), who on, so that I come back to my father’s house in peace, then
the Lord shall be my God. And this stone, which I have set
used to collect money by praising good deeds and
as a pillar shall be God’s house, and of all that you give
denouncing the bad ones just at various social gath- me I will surely give a tenth to You” (Gn 28: 16–22; cf.
erings meant to celebrate ceremonies, namely, cer- Radmacher et al. 1997: 51).
emonies signaling wedding and successful com-
pletion of higher educational studies. On the date
of Garanfasa Hagayyaa ritual observance in 2010 Inundated by the awe of the place, Jacob seems
(15 August), he declared that he has generated ad- to reciprocate God’s sign. In his vow, Jacob asks
equate income from his profession, asmaarii, after for uncovered necessities and to turn back home
vowing a goat to Caato deity in the last ritual ob- unharmed. Consecutively, he will build a house for
servance (a year back from 15 August, 2010). The God and separate a tenth of his income for sancti-
goat vow was bought with part of the money gener- fied causes.
ated during the year. He has rather mortgaged the An Oromo makes mostly a vow to Waaqa or
goat back, based on the deity’s favor for herd on his agents when he/she is in distress, but what he/
equal sharing basis. This particular goat was gorom- she has vowed, namely as a vow merely in sayings
tii re’ee (nanny goat) and the young it could deliver which then emanates from a longing heart, that
thereafter will be shared fifty-fifty between the man needs to be performed to Waaqa or his agents. In
and the deity. other words, what one’s lips have uttered and has
Although vows might be found both in narrative been spoken out through his/her mouth when he/
and in legal sections in different cultures, biblical she was in distress must be reciprocated at the time
evidence shows that the first person who utters a of fulfillment. The Oromo says that it is worthy or
vow was from Israel named Jacob – son of Isaac commendable to make a vow in time of trouble to
and grandson of Abraham. When he was on the run Waaqa or his agents for intervention than merely
from his older twin, but ferocious brother Esau, Ja- lingering on the trouble which would otherwise
cob spent a memorable night under the stars. Jacob yield undesirable effects such as misery, solitude,
had a dream, a vision of angels ascending and de- hopelessness, despair, or even committing suicide
scending. It reads: in various ways: by drinking poisonous substances,
hanging oneself with a rope on a tree branch or roof
Then Jacob awoke from his sleep and said: “Surely the structure of a house just to relieve of the trouble be-
Lord is in this place, and I did not know it.” And he was ing escalated.
afraid and said, “How awesome is this place! This is none Yet, this encouragement towards resorting to
other than the house of God, and this is the gate of heav- vows in time of trouble appears contrary to the dan-
en.” Then Jacob rose early in the morning, and took the ger of failure or inability to reciprocate Waaqa or
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Plate 4: Gurree (center) holding her son and two sheep for met vow (birth of this son beside her); her husband stands behind her be-
tween two women who also are ready to make vow against their problem taking the experience of Gurree; the Waaqa of Gadaa Ba-
cho is believed to have given this child to Gurree. The man sharing loaves of bread (right) was Gurree’s Ayyaantuu (special witness);
he was serving mugeerii (bread) to ritual attendants.
his agents at the time of the fulfillment of what has decent, and prudent heart could fulfill their promise
been vowed for. Deeming the subject of vows as and reciprocate Waaqa or his agents which is often
an entirely positive religious expression is missing said to have been credited with contentment, reputa-
the manifest realities on the other half side of the tion, and long life. This makes the implications and
coin. Some elderly Oromo caution that a vow is a ramifications of vows to become clearer. Success-
dangerous deception and that one must keep away ful vows – in a reciprocal manner as both the per-
from indulging in the practice. This is because vows son who vowed to Waaqa for something and Waaqa
are always solemnly and over-ambitiously promised himself appear to involve a mutual spiritual transac-
to a perfect Waaqa or his agents by an imperfect tion – reinforce people to vow against their agony
man being devoid of anything to fulfill the spiritual and make vows to pervade religious consciousness
promise. The perfect Waaqa would invariably fulfill and expression. The successful vow is considered
what has been requested from him, but the imperfect as a great religious endeavor which is believed not
person would barely live up to his/her promise but only to confirm the receiver’s innocence but also
to incur vengeance – believed to be the right divine the very presence of the cheerful and caring Waaqa.
intervention in favor of maintaining the moral or- Whilst, the implications and ramifications of
der among the society which involves the pursuit of vows have become clearer, the essence of the vow
justice, virtue, and the defense of Waaqa’s majesty. still remains rather vague. The following vow nar-
The story of unreciprocated vows draws atten- rated by Gurree, however, might illumine the es-
tion to the fact that the spiritual necessity to recip- sence of a vow in the Oromo religion. “If the Waaqa
rocate Waaqa or his agents was often contextually of Gadaa Bacho[7] shall evade my barrenness and
sandwiched by some tragic occurrences. The elderly give me children, I will surely give him two sheep”
narrate cases, when some people had died for their (Gurree, observation on the Gadaa Bacho ritual cel-
possessiveness of what has been vowed to Waaqa ebration at Laga Daaddoo in Horro district, 22 May,
or his agents. The implication is that this and other 2011).
tragedies could have been avoided had the people
who had once vowed kept their vow. One funda-
7 Bacho refers to the only Oromo group from among other
mental question thus comes up: Why would vows Oromo of Horro Guduru in practicing the eight-yearly gadaa
be a part of religious consciousness and expression, ritual in the area. Other Oromo assert that they had dropped
if the result of non-reciprocated vows was so nega- practicing the gadaa ritual some centuries back because of
tive? This is because the possibility of a failed vow lack of grain demanded for the lavish feast to celebrate one’s
gadaa while the Bacho endured the episode by celebrating
could never have deterred people from pleading to their gadaa with a milk feast alone – as they believed that
Waaqa for intervention in time of anguish. Those leaving the practice aside would be detrimental to their repu-
who are believed to vow with a longing, innocent, tation and the very existence of their ancestral creed.
Anthropos 109.2014
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The realization that Waaqa would evade her land has remained a conspicuous occasion for both
barrenness and give her children inspired Gurree making and dedicating vows and sacrifices. Exam-
to vow sheep to Waaqa in reciprocation (Plate 4). ples are given in Plate 4, which shows the evidence
The essence of the vow – the dedication of sheep on 20 May, 2011, and in Plates 5 A,B,C,D Gadaa
to Waaqa, the separation of an “innocent” tame an- Bacho ritual on 12 June, 2011. Here, the man hold-
imal and imbuing it with blessedness – is the be- ing a white colored sheep claims that he has re-
coming endowed with the ability to bear children. ceived what he had vowed for (income – he was the
It also unfolds Waaqa’s faithfulness in fulfilling the most known sheep dealer in Horro Guduru) during
mutual spiritual promise once entrusted upon him. the last ritual event (12 June, 2003). He has dedicat-
Here, the person’s desire to have children through ed this sheep to Waaqa of Gadaa Bacho on the oc-
divine intervention against barrenness on vowing casion of the Gadaa ritual celebration (on 12 June,
basis resulted in a reciprocal symbol on the part of 2011) at a ritual scene named Odaa Bulluq.
Waaqa. In that there exists a kind of moral, spiritu- Not only vows were reciprocated to deities on
al, and material reciprocity between Waaqa or his the ritual event, but others who participated in the
agents and the people. Gurree narrates: “The Waaqa ongoing ritual – particularly to plead to Waaqa for
of Gadaa Bacho gave us a boy child after I and my avoiding their heartache on a vowing basis – also
husband had vehemently vowed to him two sheep promise a vow. It was observed that such eventful
eight years back now; but I conceived a baby boy rituals have been taking place at various ritualized
soon and here is the boy aged 7.” scenes. In consequence, people who suffer from
This concept of understanding the Waaqa of barrenness and other forms of distress are still mak-
Gadaa Bacho as a powerful being who can evade ing vows to Waaqa or his various agents such as the
barrenness was pervasive among the Oromo of Hor- Waaqa of Gadaa Bacho, spirit of Caato, Odaa Bul-
ro Guduru hinterland. Throughout the history and luq, Corree, and at other ritualized scenes in Horro
socio-cultural systems of the people, even along the Guduru hinterland.
colonial path unleashed by the Amhara, the eight-
yearly Gadaa Bacho ritual in Horro Guduru hinter-
Plate 5 A: A man slaughtering sheep vow to Tulluu Corree deity. Plate 5 B: A man offering sheep vow to Waaqa Gadaa Bacho.
Anthropos 109.2014
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Plate 5 C: Two men standing in
a river (Laga Daaddoo) amid Ab-
baa Gadaas and ritual attendants
making vow to the Waaqa of
Gadaa Bacho for divine interven-
tion against thieves who stole their
five oxen.
times and several places, ritual observance needs
to follow the form and structure of the typical fore-
fathers’ creed. First, a cheerful and lavish feast and
other necessary conditions ought to be arranged be-
fore it is too late. Second, Waaqa ought to be in-
voked first through thanksgiving and blessing and
then prayer, vow, and libation by holding freshly
cut grass and biqila (local beer). This may take sev-
eral minutes as people need to assemble and queue
up in disaggregated age and gender lines. In age
structure, the male elders and spiritual experts take
the front queue and lead the ongoing ritual through
thanksgiving, blessing, and prayer. The adult males
as well as male juniors follow keeping the queue
in the group of their equivalent or proximate age
structure. Then females come in a separate queue
keeping the age structure of their male counterparts.
Third, sacrificial animals, such as a bull, would be
dedicated to the deity. Waaqa Oromo is commonly
Plate 5 D: A barren woman pleading to Waaqa Gadaa Bacho invoked. Fourth, ritual attendants take seat on the
at Laga Daaddoo for a child by promising him a vow in return. ground, putting freshly cut tree leaves beneath their
buttock, for feast and drink. Fifth, the male elders
close up the ongoing ritual through blessings and
Feeding Guests: Ritual Feast valedictory exhortation. In short, these are the con-
tents and procedures usually maintained on every
Before explaining some pertinent points about this traditional ritual, religious or otherwise, among the
sub-theme, highlighting the overall scenario of Oromo of Horro Guduru.
some institutionalized norms and practices for reli- Still, there were some requirements or precon-
gious ritual observance among the Oromo of Horro ditions for ritual observance among the Oromo of
Guduru is useful. Culturally accepted institutions Horro Guduru hinterland. The ritual needs to be re-
for religious ritual observance among the Oromo alized as a religious language: communicating the
of Horro Guduru hinterland are rooted in the sto- perfect Waaqa by imperfect man. The ritual is a
ry of the earliest ancestors, the Kudha-Arfan Horro. means of conveying a worship message to Waaqa;
Even so rituals might have happened at different the feast is for attendants who participate in the rit-
Anthropos 109.2014
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ual deliberation because it must be consumed up Corree. The ritual occasions have ever been a mer-
there no matter how impossible it may be; the grass ry expression of gratitude to Waaqa, as he was be-
is a symbol of approaching Waaqa of peace with a lieved to have helped the people effectively to con-
serene heart – nobody comes to the ritual scene to clude the critical agricultural seasons. There were
fight despite the presence of bitter rivals but to re- two major and critical agricultural seasons among
voke hostility and enmity – all evils emanating from the peasants of the Horro Guduru hinterland: the
human heart (informant Dh). Therefore, the grass harvest and plow seasons. The Garanfasa Furmaa
carries a big symbol that one must not attend the rit- ritual feast was always associated with the conclu-
ual without holding freshly cut grass. It is believed sion of the harvest season and the preparation for
that appearing in the ritual environment is appear- the next critical agricultural season, i.e., plowing.
ing more close to Waaqa because one always thinks In between these critical agricultural seasons, the
about him at the moment. The ritual is imminent Garanfasa Furmaa ritual needs to be arranged for
and culminates into an engaging and worshipful cel- two main purposes: thanksgiving to Waaqa, as he
ebration event. Thereafter one thanks Waaqa persis- has blessed them with crops and also helped them to
tently though with a declining stand which gradual- harvest their crops in peace on one hand, and pray-
ly dictates revitalization in the next round of annual ing to Waaqa for success in the forthcoming plow
ritual. This implies that the cycle goes on and is un- season on the other. This type of ritual feast could
ending from generation to generation. Generally, have occurred in various places in Horro Guduru
the ritual and the sacred environments are typical hinterland, but nowadays it has been limited to few
avenues for communicating with Waaqa – talk to pocket areas due to decline in the status and repu-
him either in group through collective songs, praise, tation of Oromo religious beliefs, as these beliefs
and prayers or individually, since human problems were assumed to be demonic practices by other re-
which need divine intervention vary – individuals ligious groups, especially by Protestant groups.
may be in the quest for children, income, healing The context of Garanfasa Furmaa was studied
from sickness, cure from disease, solution to other through participant observation on 27 February,
problems, the list is almost endless (informants Rg 2011 at Tulluu Corree in Horro district. The annual
and At). ritual feast was observed in favor of appeasing the
Ritual feasts were mostly observed for religious virtue of believed forest spirit; Garanfasa Furmaa
and traditional purposes among the Oromo of Horro had always been arranged in keeping the time of in-
Guduru hinterland. But they could also have been augurating the forest clearing for huussoo 8 agricul-
banqueted in some non-religious and non-tradition- ture. This kind of ritual has been dedicated to the
al cases. The word “feast” could represent festival- Garchi forest spirit until very recently apart from
gathering in the Oromo’s worldview. It has been Tulluu Corree (Corree moorland). It was a ritual
operated and it served in different contexts and en- performed, when people clear forests or bushes for
vironments which are often deemed sacred. Ex- remaining intact or cultivating fallow fields. The an-
planation here is, however, limited to the “purely” nual rituals serve as a way of removing danger and
religious ritual feasts on one hand and the politico- blessing the prospective use of the intact or fallow
religious on the other. The “purely” religious ones fields. It was witnessed that people usually believe
were being served at Caato (Garanfasa Hagayy- in the existence of innumerable spirits, some of
aa ritual) and Corree (Garanfasa Furmaa ritual). which occupy mountains, springs, trees, and forests.
These ritual feasts were being observed on annual Wherever that belief exists, it has been essential to
basis. The politico-religious one was being observed perform rituals, which among other things will help
on the eight-yearly basis and the observance of it to send away these spirits from the bushes and trees
has been with one of the most lavish feast embedded being cleared away to make a new or fallow field.
in the Gadaa Bacho ritual among the Horro Guduru. This spiritual thought of the Oromo is consistent
with other findings among other traditional societ-
ies in Africa (Mbiti 1991). Mbiti asserts “If such a
Garanfasa Hagayyaa and Garanfasa Furmaa ritual is not done, it is feared that the people who
Ritual Feasts work on that field may be molested by the spirits or
may meet with mysterious misfortunes. The ritual
In the context of Garanfasa Hagayyaa and Garan- removes such fear and danger, and helps the people
fasa Furmaa rituals, the festive practice has been to find harmony with their new field” (1991: 135).
meant to have a pilgrim feast once a year. These sa- The people of Horro Guduru who reside alongside
cred feasts were celebrated by all people who be-
lieve in the sacredness of Caato forest and Tulluu 8 Huussoo among the Oromo stands for shifting cultivation.
Anthropos 109.2014
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