An Overview of Presidential Impeachment - FEATURE | CONSTITUTIONAL LAW - Colorado Bar Association
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FEATURE | CONSTITUTIONAL TITLE LAW An Overview of Presidential Impeachment BY S C O T T S . B A R K E R 30 | C OL OR A D O L AW Y E R | AUG US T/S E P T E M BE R 2 01 8
This article discusses the constitutional procedure for impeachment, with a focus on removing a U.S. President from office. It covers the development of the procedure from its roots in English law. I mpeachment is a rare event; presidential to rein in Crown officials during the clash who was accused of a “host of impeachable impeachment is even rarer. In the 229 between Parliament and the Stuarts, who sought offenses, including the ‘appointment of incom- years of the American republic only two absolute power for the Crown.5 From 1621 to petent officers and advising the King to grant Presidents, Andrew Johnson and William 1679, Parliament wielded impeachment against liberties and privileges to certain persons to Jefferson (Bill) Clinton, have been impeached numerous high level ministers to the Crown, the hindrance of the due execution of laws.’”9 by the House of Representatives. Neither was including the 1st Duke of Buckingham, the Earl Under English practice, impeachment was for convicted by the Senate. It is now nearly 20 years of Stafford, Archbishop William Laud, the Earl political crimes that injured the state. It was since the Clinton impeachment, and recent of Clarendon, and Thomas Osborne, Earl of injury to the state that distinguished “high events have generated a renewed interest in the Danby; in the latter case it was decided that the crimes and misdemeanors” from an ordinary topic. This article provides a basic overview of king’s pardon could not stop the process.6 Use misdemeanor.10 impeachment, with a focus on the constitutional of impeachment gradually waned in the 18th process that applies to the removal of a U.S. century, and once it was established in the early The U.S. Constitution’s Framework President from office. 19th century that government was beholden to Three primary attributes of the English practice Parliament, not the Crown, impeachment was shaped the impeachment process under the U.S. Development in England no longer necessary. Constitution: the bicameral procedure under Understanding impeachment under the U.S. Under English procedure, the House of which the House of Commons would consider Constitution must begin with a survey of the Commons conducted a truncated trial (the evidence to determine if there were sufficient doctrine under English law as it existed at defense was not allowed to present testimony) grounds for issuing articles of impeachment, the time of our Constitutional Convention in to determine if an impeachable offense had after which the House of Lords would try the 1787. The record of the Convention reveals occurred. If the answer was yes, the Commons accused, determine guilt or innocence, and substantial knowledge among the delegates of would issue articles of impeachment and the assess punishment if there was a conviction; impeachment as it had developed in England.1 matter was transferred to the House of Lords. the use of impeachment as a check on the No less an authority than Alexander Hamilton Another trial was held there at which the defense power of the Crown when it was perceived to be acknowledged that the institution of impeach- also presented its case. The Lords had the power abusing the interests of the king’s subjects, often ment in the Constitution was “borrowed” from to convict and to assess punishment, which was as expressed in acts of Parliament;11 and the Great Britain.2 not limited to removal from office, but could categorization of impeachable offenses under Over the course of hundreds of years, include fines, forfeiture, imprisonment, and the rubric of “high crimes and misdemeanors” impeachment developed as a mechanism for rarely, death. All citizens, except members of to include both criminal and non-criminal Parliament to remove ministers of the Crown, or the royal family, were subject to impeachment. conduct in the discharge of official duties. others, whom it found were pursuing policies or This included members of Parliament. 7 By engaging in acts offensive to the interests of the 1769, it was proclaimed that impeachment Impeachment by the House state. The king himself could not be removed, so was the “chief institution for the preservation and Trial by the Senate attacks were made against agents of the Crown. of government.”8 The impeachment procedure established by the Impeachment first appeared in England during Although the primary use of impeachment U.S. Constitution roughly mimics the respective the Good Parliament of 1376, when it was used was to prosecute crimes against Crown min- roles of the lower and upper legislative chambers as a means of initiating criminal proceedings.3 isters who were otherwise beyond the reach in the British process. As with the House of By 1399, during the reign of Henry IV, a set of of the law, the grounds for impeachment in Commons, impeachment is committed to procedures and precedent had been developed.4 England were broad and varied, going beyond the assembly that is more directly tied to the Impeachment fell out of use after the mid-15th criminal behavior. The term “high crimes and people, the House of Representatives,12 which century, but was revived in the 17th century misdemeanors” was first clearly applied in the “shall have the sole Power of Impeachment.”13 when it was used repeatedly by Parliament 1386 trial of Michael de la Pole, Earl of Suffolk, This is an official charge against the person AUG US T/S E P T E M BE R 2 01 8 | C OL OR A D O L AW Y E R | 31
FEATURE | CONSTITUTIONAL TITLE LAW being impeached, taking the form of “articles managers submitted briefs to the full Senate official, in this case a judge, on the articles of of impeachment,” approved by a majority of and delivered arguments from the Senate impeachment delivered to the Senate by the the House. The Senate, like the House of Lords, floor during the three hours set aside for oral House.21 then conducts the trial, with the senators under argument in front of that body. The full Senate The Chief Justice pointed out that the Fram- oath.14 The Constitution expressly excludes voted to convict Nixon. ers had considered “scenarios” in which the trial by jury for impeachment.15 The Senate Nixon argued that, under the Constitution, power to try impeachments was placed in the sits as both the trier of fact and the decider of the trial must be conducted in its entirety federal judiciary, including a proposal by James the law. When the President is being tried, the before the Senate sitting as a committee of the Madison that the Supreme Court should have Chief Justice of the United States presides; this whole.19 Because that had not happened, he that power.22 The ultimate version gave the “sole is the only role assigned to the judiciary in the power” to the Senate for reasons explained by impeachment/trial process.16 Unlike the House Alexander Hamilton in Federalist 65.23 First, of Lords, where a simple majority could convict, according to Hamilton, the Senate was the “fit “ in the Senate conviction requires a “super depositary for this important trust because its majority” of two-thirds of the members present.17 members are representatives of the people.”24 This requirement was included as an additional In addition, the Supreme Court was not the The impeachment protection of the President from legislative proper body because the Framers “doubted encroachment on his executive powers. whether the members of that tribunal would Significantly, although there were advocates at the Constitutional Convention for involving procedure at all times be endowed with so eminent a portion of fortitude, as would be called for in the judiciary in impeachment, that view was established by the the execution of so difficult a task” or whether U.S. Constitution rejected, and the Constitution allocates no role the Court “would possess the degree of credit to the judiciary in the process. The 1993 U.S. and authority” to carry out its judgment if it Supreme Court decision in Nixon v. United States18 made this clear. The petitioner was roughly mimics conflicted with the accusation brought by the Legislature—the people’s representative.25 Walter L. Nixon, a former chief judge of the the respective U.S. District Court for the Southern District of The Remedy Mississippi. He was convicted by a jury of two roles of the The only remedy upon conviction for impeach- counts of making false statements before a grand jury impaneled as part of an investigation lower and upper ment is removal from office: “Judgment in cases of Impeachment shall not extend further than into reports that Nixon had accepted a gratuity from a Mississippi businessman in exchange legislative to removal from Office, and disqualification to hold and enjoy any Office of honor, Trust, or for asking a local district attorney to halt the chambers in the Profit under the United States . . . .”26 However, British process. prosecution of the businessman’s son. He was “the Party convicted shall nevertheless be liable sentenced to prison. and subject to Indictment, Trial, Judgment and However, Nixon refused to resign his position Punishment, according to Law.”27 ” as a federal judge and continued to collect his The President’s pardon power does not federal paycheck during his incarceration. extend to persons convicted on impeachment: Impeachment was necessary to terminate “[H]e shall have Power to grant Reprieves and this unseemly use of taxpayers’ money. The Pardons for Offenses against the United States, House sent three articles of impeachment to except in Cases of Impeachment.”28 the Senate, which invoked a Senate rule under which a committee of senators was appointed asked the trial court to rule his impeachment Debating Presidential Impeachment to receive evidence and take testimony. The conviction invalid and to restore his salary and Two significant presidential impeachment issues Senate Committee held four days of testimony other privileges.20 Both lower courts rejected were debated at the Constitutional Convention: from 10 witnesses, including Nixon himself. The this argument, as did the Supreme Court. In a (1) Was it necessary to provide for impeachment Committee presented to the full Senate a tran- deferential opinion for the court, Chief Justice of the President? (2) If so, what were to be the script of the proceedings before the committee Rehnquist affirmed the circuit court, concluding grounds for impeachment?29 and a report stating the uncontested facts and that there was no “textual” basis for limiting the The most extensive debate on the propriety summarizing the evidence on the contested Senate’s discretion in deciding what procedure of presidential impeachment occurred on facts. Nixon and the House impeachment it would use to fulfill its obligation to “try” the July 20, 1787, while the delegates were still 32 | C OL OR A D O L AW Y E R | AUG US T/S E P T E M BE R 2 01 8
wrangling over a number of other issues about impeachment power by which the President the delegates as a term of art under English law the shape of the executive. Three positions were could be removed only for gross abuses of that included a range of serious criminal and advanced during the debate. The day before, public authority.”38 non-criminal conduct for which impeachment Gouverneur Morris, who, like Hamilton, favored Various standards for impeachment were was available. 42 Mason had said earlier in an “energetic executive,” had spoken against suggested throughout the course of the Con- the Convention that the President should be including a power to impeach the President in vention. They included “mal- and corrupt punished “when great crimes were committed.”43 the Constitution, warning that impeachment administration,” “misconduct in office, neglect The fact that he included the words “against would “render the president dependent on of duty, malversation, or corruption,” and the state” indicated that he understood that those who are to impeach him.”30 At the other “treason, bribery or corruption.” In the face the impeachable conduct had to be directed extreme was Roger Sherman’s view, which of all these suggestions, on September 4, the at the state. received little support, that the legislature so-called “Committee of Eleven” proposed As Mason said in the exchange quoted should have the unfettered power to remove that removal of the President should be limited above, bills of attainder were excluded under the the President.31 to “treason or bribery.”39 This set the stage for Constitution.44 A bill of attainder was a special As the debate unfolded, it gravitated to- the following brief but important exchange legislative act that inflicted capital punishment ward a middle view advocated by a number that occurred on Saturday, September 8, as upon persons supposed to be guilty of high of delegates, including James Madison, who recorded in James Madison’s notes: offenses, such as treason and felony, without argued that it was “indispensable” to provide Col. Mason. Why is the provision [as con- conviction in the ordinary course of judicial for presidential impeachment. Otherwise, the tained in the Committee’s report] restrained proceedings.45 President might “pervert his administration to Treason & bribery only? Treason as With one exception, the language that into a scheme of peculation and oppression. defined in the Constitution will not reach resulted from the exchange made it into the final He might betray his trust to foreign powers.”32 many great and dangerous offenses. Hastings version of the Constitution. When the “Com- Benjamin Franklin noted in a morbid comment is not guilty of Treason. Attempts to subvert mittee on Style” produced the final document, that, without impeachment, “Why recourse the Constitution may not be Treason as the words “against the state” were removed.46 was had to assassination in which he [the above defined—as bills of attainder which This odd bit of drafting history has provided a “Magistrate”] was not only deprived of his have saved the British Constitution are hook for those who argue that the removal of life but of the opportunity of vindicating his forbidden, it is more necessary to extend the qualifying language reflected a decision by character.”33 George Mason, who played a major the power of impeachments. the Convention to open up impeachment to role in the final debate that was yet to come, He moved to add after “bribery” “or mal- conduct by the President that does not relate stated that “[n]o point is of more importance administration.” Mr. Gerry seconded him. to his official duties. (This became a significant than that the right of impeachment could be Mr. Madison: So vague a term will be issue in the impeachment and trial of President continued. Shall any man be above justice? equivalent to a tenure during pleasure of Clinton.) Above all shall that man be above it, who can the Senate. However, that argument ignores the fact commit the most extensive injustice.”34 Edmund Mr. Govr. Morris, it will not be put in force that the Committee on Style did not have Randolph favored impeachment because the & can do no harm—An election every four the authority to change the meaning of the executive “will have great opportunit[ie]s of years will prevent maladministration. language of the document, because it was abusing his power; particularly in time of war Co. Mason withdrew “maladministration” submitted to them for polishing up.47 It also fails when the military force and in some respects & substitutes “other high crimes & misde- to account for the impeachment debates during the public money will be in his hands.”35 meanors agst. the State.”40 the Convention and statements made during Having heard these comments, Gouverneur Mason’s reference to Hastings was to a the ratification debates, described below, that Morris changed his position and agreed that celebrated English impeachment case ongoing clearly show the founders were concerned about impeachment was necessary, but urged that at the time of the Convention and well-known to significant breaches of trust by the President the “cases ought to be enumerated & defined.”36 the delegates. Hastings, the Governor-General in the discharge of his official duties. Accordingly, on July 26, the Convention reaf- of India, was charged with “high crimes and firmed what had been tentatively decided on misdemeanors” in the form of “maladmin- What Is an Impeachable Offense? July 20, that the President shall be “removed for istration, corruption in office, and cruelty The Constitution provides that “[t]he President impeachment and conviction of malpractice toward the people of India.”41 Mason’s point . . . shall be removed from Office on Impeach- or neglect of duty.”37 From this point forward, was that, under English law, treason was not ment for, and Conviction of, Treason, Bribery, impeachment was included as a mechanism the only grounds on which impeachment could or other high Crimes and Misdemeanors.”48 for removing the President. The “trend of the be based. His substitute language of “high Like so much else in the Constitution, there is discussion was toward allowing a narrow crimes or misdemeanors” was also known to a lot packed into the eight words defining an AUG US T/S E P T E M BE R 2 01 8 | C OL OR A D O L AW Y E R | 33
FEATURE | CONSTITUTIONAL TITLE LAW impeachable offense: “treason, bribery, or other the head,” stressing that only willful conduct, under English common law as understood by high crimes and misdemeanors.” The last four not errors of opinion, would be impeachable.50 the Framers at the time the Constitution was words seem especially open to interpretation, At the North Carolina convention, the most drafted and ratified, as reflected in the text of the and there are different views about whether significant remarks on the scope of impeachable Constitution and contemporaneous statements “high crimes and misdemeanors” includes conduct were made by James Iredell, who made by the Framers and ratifiers, as well as non-criminal conduct. This issue is informed was later appointed as an associate justice of the historical context surrounding its drafting by the people who drafted and ratified the the Supreme Court. He noted the complexi- and ratification. Constitution. ty, if not the impossibility, of describing the The most prominent modern proponent of As already noted, under English law, im- bounds of impeachable conduct other than to this view is Professor Raoul Berger. He contends peachment was available to remove ministers acknowledge that it involves serious injuries that while Parliament claimed an unlimited who had engaged in non-criminal conduct. to the federal government. He understood to right to define impeachable conduct, the The Framers were aware of and drew upon this impeachment to be “calculated to bring [great Framers had a more limited view with respect English law when they adopted the English term offenders] to punishment for crime which it to the American adaptation. They included a of art “high crimes and misdemeanors.” The is not easy to describe,” although he gave the tight definition of treason in the Constitution debates on impeachment at the Constitutional following examples: giving false information to and listed bribery along with it. To broaden the Convention referred to such non-criminal the Senate; bribery, or, more broadly, “acting ambit of impeachable offenses, they adopted the conduct as “neglect,” “maladministration,” from some corrupt motive or other.”51 He also English phrase “high crimes and misdemeanors” and the like when they spoke of the grounds distinguished between “want of judgment” because they thought the words had a limited for removing the President. The key exchange (not impeachable) and “willfully abusing[ing] technical meaning.56 They further conceived among Mason, Madison, and Governeur Morris his trust” (impeachable).52 As an example of that the President would be impeachable not on September 8, quoted above, underscores impeachable conduct Iredell cited a situation just for indictable crimes, but for other “great the point. in which “the President had received a bribe . . . offenses” such as “corruption or perfidy.” For The political tracts issued and statements from a foreign power, and, under the influence originalists, the impeachable conduct needs to made at the ratification conventions further of that bribe, had address enough with the be limited to a cause that would win the assent support the conclusion that the Constitution Senate, by artifices and misrepresentations, to of “all right thinking men.”57 authorizes impeachment for non-criminal seduce their consent to a pernicious treaty.”53 conduct. Hamilton’s definition of impeach- One scholar has looked for but been unable A “Living Meaning” of ment in Federalist 65 is telling. Impeachment, to find a single example of an impeachable Impeachable Offense according to Hamilton, one of the signers of offense advanced in the ratification debates that The other mainstream view begins with the same the Constitution and an active participant in did not involve the abuse of “public power.”54 material relied upon by the originalists, but also promoting its ratification, “proceeds from the Echoing this proposition, Justice Joseph Story asserts that, given the difficulties in imagining misconduct of public men . . . from the abuse wrote in his 1833 Commentaries on the Consti- all of the complex, unpredictable situations or violation of a public trust.” The offenses tution of the United States that impeachment that might justify removal, the Framers meant that support impeachment “may with peculiar applies to offenses of a “political character” for the scope of impeachment to be worked propriety be denominated POLITICAL, as they that are so varied as to be impossible of exact out in the future on a case-by-case basis, but relate chiefly to injuries done immediately to definition, but that involve discharging the constrained by the principles derived from society itself.” duties of public office.55 Based on this record, the “original materials.” Professor Michael The historical record also includes state- there are two mainstream arguments that Gerhardt is a well-regarded advocate of this ments made at both the Virginia and North together are widely accepted. Under both views, view. He concludes that the Framers made a Carolina ratifying conventions that reveal im- a President may be impeached for conduct decision to loosely define “other high crimes peachment was not limited to criminal conduct. that is not indictable as a crime, but there and misdemeanors” with the content to be In Virginia, James Madison, George Nicholas, are limits on Congress’s power to do so. The developed later as cases arose.58 Professor Cass John Randolph, and Edmund Randolph all mainstream positions are book-ended by two Sunstein has pointed out that the fact that the stated that impeachable offenses were not more extreme views. impeachment power has been so little used is limited to indictable crimes.49 John Randolph itself an indication that it has been reserved by elaborated that “[in] England, those subjects The “Originalist” View Congress for truly exceptional cases.59 which produce impeachments are not opinions One mainstream view, the “originalist” view, is Given the fact that the historical record . . . . It would be impossible to discover whether that the meaning of the impeachment phrase contains only two presidential impeachments, the error in opinion resulted from a willful must be determined by looking at what the the differences in outcome between these two mistake of the heart, or an involuntary fault of term “high crimes and misdemeanors” meant schools of thought is, at least so far, without any 34 | C OL OR A D O L AW Y E R | AUG US T/S E P T E M BE R 2 01 8
real distinction. Together they stand for the James St. Clair in a February 1974 memorandum currently the substantial weight of opinion from proposition that a President may be removed when he was chief defense counsel for Richard constitutional scholars is that impeachment for criminal or non-criminal conduct that Nixon, fighting to keep the impending threat is properly brought when the President has amounts to a serious breach of trust causing of Nixon’s impeachment at bay.62 engaged in criminal or non-criminal conduct injury to the political community, and that the This position receives virtually no support undertaken in the discharge of his duties as Congress’s ability to do so is not unlimited. from constitutional scholars.63 It ignores the President that results or threatens to result in English practice of basing impeachment on significant harm to the government and/or the Congress Defines Impeachable Conduct non-criminal conduct. More importantly, it political system as a whole. The first extreme view is the open-ended view brushes aside, without explanation, the debates that an impeachable offense is whatever the at the Constitutional Convention and during House and the Senate together agree is im- the ratification process that “high crimes and peachable as they exercise their respective misdemeanors” was meant to embrace “political constitutional roles in the process. This view crimes” amounting to great breaches of trust. was most famously espoused by then-Con- It would be incompatible with the intent of the gressman Gerald Ford when he proposed Framers to provide a mechanism broad enough Scott S. Barker is a civil trial lawyer the impeachment of Supreme Court Justice to maintain the integrity of constitutional gov- who has practiced in Denver for 37 years, first at Holland & Hart LLP and William O. Douglas in 1970. He asserted that an ernment. Impeachment is a constitutional safety then at Wheeler Trigg O’Donnell LLP, impeachable offense is whatever the House of valve that must be sufficiently flexible to deal where he is currently senior counsel— Representatives, with the requisite concurrence with circumstances that are not foreseeable.64 barker@wtotrial.com. This article is extracted from a book Barker is writing on presidential of the Senate, considers it to be.60 impeachment. That view ignores the clear record from the Conclusion Constitutional Convention and the ratifying The concept of impeachment has developed over Coordinating Editor: Seth Masket, smasket@ debates, as well as commentary from others centuries. While there is room for disagreement, du.edu writing in the early 19th century familiar with the founding generation, that there are limits to the scope of conduct that will support removal NOTES of the President. There was substantial concern 1. See, e.g., Turley, “Senate Trials and Factional 12. Before the 17th Amendment was ratified expressed during the Convention debates that Disputes: Impeachment as a Madisonian in 1913, senators were elected by the state the formula could not be such as to invite the Device,” 49 Duke L.J. 1, 34–35 (Oct. 1999), legislatures, not by popular vote. https://scholarship.law.duke.edu/cgi/ 13. U.S. Const. art. I, § 2, cl. 5. legislature to impeach the President based viewcontent.cgi?article=1059&context=dlj. 14. U.S. Const. art. I, § 3, cl. 6. solely on their disagreement with his actions. 2. Hamilton, Federalist No. 65 (Mar. 7, 1788), 15. U.S. Const. art. III, § 2. In Madison’s words, such a vague term as http://academic.brooklyn.cuny.edu/history/ johnson/fedimpeachment.htm. 16. Id. “maladministration” would be “equivalent to 17. Id. 3. Impeachment Law at www.britannica.com/ a tenure during the pleasure of the Senate.” The topic/impeachment. 18. Nixon v. United States, 506 U.S. 224 (1993). Ford position is fundamentally inconsistent 4. See Turley, supra note 1 at 11. There have been no judicial decisions regarding presidential impeachment. with this view and would, if adopted, make the 5. Id. at 12–13. 19. Id. at 228. 6. Berger, Impeachment: The Constitutional President subject to “votes of no confidence” 20. Id. Problems, Enlarged Edition at 32–49 (Harvard as in the British system. This would make the University Press 1974). 21. Id. at 238. President completely beholden to Congress, a 7. See Turley, supra note 1 at 9–10. Unlike the 22. Id. at 233. English system, members of the U.S. Congress 23. Id. practice that is at odds with the separation of are not subject to impeachment. 24. Federalist No. 65. powers at the heart of the Constitution. 8. Sunstein, Impeachment: A Citizen’s Guide at 25. Id. 35 (Harvard University Press Oct. 2017). 26. U.S. Const. art. I, § 3, cl. 7. Presidents May Be Removed 9. See Turley, supra note 1 at 11–12. 27. Id. 10. Gerhardt, The Federal Impeachment Only for Indictable Crimes Process: A Constitutional and Historical Analysis 28. U.S. Const. art. II, § 2. The second extreme view is that presidents at 103–104 (Princeton University Press 1996). 29. See Gerhardt, supra note 10 at 5–10. may only be removed for indictable crimes. 11. Constitutional Grounds for Presidential 30. Id. at 7. Impeachment, Report by the Staff of the 31. Sunstein, “Essay: Impeaching the President,” This argument, advanced in 1867, is based on Impeachment Inquiry, Committee on the 147 Univ. Penn. L.Rev. 279, 286 (Dec. 1998), a reading of English law that impeachment Judiciary, House of Representatives, Ninety- https://scholarship.law.upenn.edu/cgi/ Third Congress, Second Session at 7 (U.S. viewcontent.cgi?referer=https://www.google. was limited to a “true crime . . . a breach of the Government Printing Office Feb. 1974). om/&httpsredir=1&article=3404&contex common or statute law.”61 It was picked up by t=penn_law_review. 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FEATURE | CONSTITUTIONAL TITLE LAW 32. See Gerhardt, supra note 10 at 8. 51. Id. at 18–19. 62. Id. at 331. 33. Farrand, ed., The Records of the Federal 52. Id. 63. On November 9, 1998, as part of the Clinton Convention of 1787, vol. II. at 65 (Yale University 53. See Sunstein, supra note 31 at 289. impeachment proceedings, 19 law professors, Press 1911). political scientists, and historians testified on 54. Id. at 290. 34. Id. the grounds for presidential impeachment 55. See Constitutional Grounds for Presidential before the House Subcommittee on the 35. Id. at 67. Impeachment, supra note 11 at 16–17. Constitution. While there was disagreement 36. Id. at 65. 56. See Berger, supra note 6 at 310–311. about what those grounds are, they all 37. Id. at 121. 57. Id. unanimously agreed that the President can 38. See Sunstein, supra note 31 at 287. be removed for conduct other than indictable 58. Gerhardt, “The Presidency: Twenty-Five crimes. See Impeachment of President William 39. See Gerhardt, supra note 10 at 8. Years After Watergate, Putting the Law of Jefferson Clinton, The Evidentiary Record 40. See Farrand, supra note 33 at 550. Impeachment in Perspective,” 43 St. Louis Pursuant to S. Res. 16, Vol. XX, Hearing of U. L.J. 905 (1999). See also Weeden, “The 41. See Constitutional Grounds for Presidential the Subcommittee on the Constitution— Clinton Impeachment Indicates a Presidential Impeachment, supra note 11 at 7. “Background and History of Impeachment” Impeachable Offense is Only Limited by 42. See Berger, supra note 6 at 66. (Nov. 9, 1998), Ser. No. 63 (U.S. Government Constitutional Process and Congress’ Political 43. Id. at 91, n. 158. Printing Office 1999), www.gpo.gov/fdsys/ Compass Directive,” Wm. Mitchell L.Rev., vol. pkg/GPO-CDOC-106sdoc3/pdf/GPO-CDOC- 44. U.S. Const. art. I, § 9. 27, iss. 4, art. 7 at 2498 (2001); Gerhardt, supra 106sdoc3-20.pdf. See also Constitutional note 10 at 103–11; Constitutional Grounds for 45. Garner, Black’s Law Dictionary (West Grounds for Presidential Impeachment, supra Presidential Impeachment, supra note 11 at Publishing Co. rev. 4th ed. 1968). note 11 at 22–25. 64–79; Gerhardt, supra note 10 at 25. 46. See Farrand, supra note 33 at 600. 64. See Constitutional Grounds for Presidential 59. See Sunstein, supra note 31 at 293–98. 47. See Sunstein, supra note 31 at 288. Impeachment, supra note 11 at 25. 60. See Berger, supra note 6 at 56 note 1. 48. U.S. Const. art. II, § 4. 61. See id. at 59 (quoting an 1867 writing by 49. See Gerhardt, supra note 10 at 19. Theodore Dwight). 50. Id. SERIOUS INJURIES • MEDICAL NEGLIGENCE OVER 150 JURY TRIALS Over $350 Million Collected for Our Clients 4601 DTC Blvd., Suite 950, Denver, CO 80237 Office: 303.571.5302 • Toll Free: 800.630.2366 • www.denvertriallawyers.com 36 | C OL OR A D O L AW Y E R | AUG US T/S E P T E M BE R 2 01 8 ©2018 Colorado Bar Association. All rights reserved.
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