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Evangelicals and politics in Brazil: the relevance of
religious change in Latin America
Zilla, Claudia
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Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik (SWP)
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Zilla, C. (2020). Evangelicals and politics in Brazil: the relevance of religious change in Latin America. (SWP Research
Paper, 1/2020). Berlin: Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik -SWP- Deutsches Institut für Internationale Politik und
Sicherheit. https://doi.org/10.18449/2020RP01
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SWP Research Paper
Claudia Zilla
Evangelicals and Politics
in Brazil
The Relevance of Religious Change in Latin America
Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik
German Institute for
International and Security Affairs
SWP Research Paper 1
January 2020, Berlin
Abstract ∎ Since the 1970s a religious change has occurred in Latin America. As a proportion of the population, Catholics have greatly diminished, and Evangelicals rapidly increased. These developments are causally linked. ∎ In the course of this demographic transformation, the Catholic Church has lost its special position in society and its privileged access to politics. It has been replaced by a large number of diverse and autonomous Evan- gelical churches, above all the Pentecostal and neo-Pentecostal. ∎ The substantial social weight of the Evangelical churches is connected, inter alia, to their importance as “problem solvers” in precarious sections of society. Faith communities are increasingly extending this commit- ment into the political sphere. ∎ The increasing social relevance and political power of the Evangelical churches has come to prominence in a particularly striking way in Brazil. Since 1 January 2019, Jair Messias Bolsonaro, a former soldier who was baptised in the Jordan by an Evangelical pastor, has been heading its government.
SWP Research Paper
Claudia Zilla
Evangelicals and Politics in Brazil
The Relevance of Religious Change in Latin America
Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik
German Institute for
International and Security Affairs
SWP Research Paper 1
January 2020, BerlinAll rights reserved. © Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik, 2020 SWP Research Papers are peer reviewed by senior researchers and the execu- tive board of the Institute. They are also subject to fact- checking and copy-editing. For further information on our quality control pro- cedures, please visit the SWP website: https:// www.swp-berlin.org/en/ about-swp/quality- management-for-swp- publications/. SWP Research Papers reflect the views of the author(s). SWP Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik German Institute for International and Security Affairs Ludwigkirchplatz 3–4 10719 Berlin Germany Phone +49 30 880 07-0 Fax +49 30 880 07-200 www.swp-berlin.org swp@swp-berlin.org ISSN 1863-1053 doi: 10.18449/2020RP01 Translation by Tom Genrich (English version of SWP-Studie 26/2019)
Table of Contents 5 Issues and Recommendations 7 The Relationship between Religion and Politics 9 Religious Change in Latin America 9 Evangelicalism 10 The Decreasing Dominance of the Catholic Church 12 Evangelical Diversity 15 The Evangelicals’ Growing Political Engagement 17 The Role of Evangelicals in Brazil 17 Social Relevance 20 Political Relevance 29 Conclusion 31 Abbreviations
Dr Claudia Zilla is Senior Fellow in the Americas Research Division.
Issues and Recommendations
Evangelicals and Politics in Brazil.
The Relevance of Religious Change
in Latin America
One of the most significant demographic transforma-
tions of the last decades in Latin America is the con-
version of large parts of the population from Catholi-
cism to different forms of Evangelicalism, in particu-
lar Pentecostal and neo-Pentecostal (which represent
the majority within this broad Protestant spectrum).
Whereas in the 1970s, 92 per cent of Latin America’s
population were Catholic and only 4 per cent Protes-
tant, by 2014 19 per cent of believers stated that they
belonged to a Protestant church, while the proportion
of Catholics had fallen to 69 per cent. In the Central
American countries of Guatemala, Honduras and
Nicaragua, Protestants, most of them Evangelicals,
now make up around 40 percent of the population.
What implications does this development have at
the social and political-institutional levels? Is the in-
creasing demographic weight of Evangelicals in Latin
America accompanied by a rise in social relevance
and political power? And if so, how is the interaction
between Evangelical churches and politics structured?
What role do Evangelical leaders and believers play in
politics? How do they articulate religious and political
interests? These questions are addressed by this re-
search paper.
While the analysis of the demographic and social
rise of Evangelicals refers to the whole of Latin Ameri-
ca, the specific political implications of the develop-
ment are examined in more detail in a national case
study: Brazil. Although Brazil is still the country with
the most Catholics in the world, it has also become
the largest Pentecostal country. Whilst Evangelicals
are still underrepresented in Brazilian politics com-
pared to Catholics, their popularity has been growing
– not least because of the inauguration on 1 January
2019 of the new President, Jair Messias Bolsonaro, a
military officer who was Evangelically baptised in the
Jordan River.
This research paper comes to the following conclu-
sions: the enormous expansion of Evangelicalism
initially had an impact on the subjective individual
attitudes of citizens. These included not only religious
beliefs and values, but also their worldview. Within
Evangelicalism, one’s unique religious identity gen-
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Evangelicals and Politics in Brazil
January 2020
5Issues and Recommendations
erally plays a much more central role than in Catholi- other from the support of a large section of the Evan-
cism. Personal experiences of God and conscious gelical electorate; he continues to enjoy dispropor-
decisions lead the followers of these churches to con- tionately high levels of approval in this social group.
vert or profess their faith. Their Evangelical identity From a democratic-pluralist perspective, three devel-
therefore shapes their way of life to a greater extent opments in Brazil can be seen as problematic: first,
than Catholicism would. the dominant Evangelical churches are committed to
The demographic rise of Evangelical churches is opposing the social and legal recognition of non-tradi-
accompanied by an increasing loss of importance of tional ways of life. Second, the leading figures of the
the once-dominant Catholic Church. This changes the most influential mega-churches are becoming major
balance of power between the most important reli- economic players, who are also directly or indirectly
gious actors in civil society. However, this is a shift of politically active – a concentration of power across
power not only from one denomination to the other, three social subsystems. Third, the ideological wing
but also from a strongly centralised church to an of Bolsonaro’s cabinet is driven by the belief that it
atomised landscape of myriad, extremely autono- is engaged in a cultural struggle with forces that
mous Evangelical faith communities, which cannot threaten Christianity.
be addressed as a homogeneous whole. A further A context-sensitive (development) policy focusing
consequence of this development is that religious and on Brazil and Latin America should take greater
actor pluralism are increasing in society. Evangelical account of the relevance of Evangelicals in society
churches dominate in urban centres as much as in and politics and include selected Evangelical actors as
slums and remote villages. They are present where interlocutors, especially at the local level. The fact
the state is absent and the Catholic Church has left that societies in Germany and the European Union
room. Large Evangelical churches operate like com- are strongly influenced by Christianity puts Euro-
mercial enterprises. They have significant shares of peans in a strong position to counteract in bilateral
the so-called gospel market and have extensive media and bi-regional relations ideologies claiming that reli-
networks. gions are competing and that Christianity is losing.
In Brazil, the political arena is dominated by three Such ideas jeopardise social peace in Latin America.
Evangelical mega-churches: the Igreja Universal do
Reino de Deus (Universal Church of the Kingdom of
God), the Assembleia de Deus (Assembly of God) and
the Igreja do Evangelho Quadrangular (Church of the
Foursquare Gospel). While their members are in-
volved in several parties, the Partido Republicano
Brasileiro (Republican Party) and the Partido Social
Cristão (Social Christian Party) are particularly in-
fluenced by these churches. Evangelicals are more
strongly represented on the right and centre-right of
the ideological spectrum, though not exclusively.
The primary political strategy of major Evangelical
churches is to assert their institutional interests, such
as religious equality and equal treatment or access to
media licenses, and to enforce a conservative moral
agenda. Evangelical churches support candidates
informally or officially, striving to have their interests
represented in parliament by the cross-party Evan-
gelical Parliamentary Front, and by their candidates
appointed to the relevant committees in the National
Congress.
Generally in Brazil, under the presidency of Jair
Messias Bolsonaro, the demarcation between politics
and religion has become more porous. Even as a
presidential candidate, Bolsonaro benefited like no
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Evangelicals and Politics in Brazil
January 2020
6The Relationship between Religion and Politics
The Relationship between
Religion and Politics
Politics and religion have a complex and reciprocal ment) is based on a certain ideal conception of society
relationship, even in secular states. By shaping the or the social system, and a specific attitude towards
faith and lifestyle of their parishioners, who are also politics, at least implicitly. Furthermore, religions
citizens of a state, religions influence society and continually react to political events and develop-
politics. Every religion contains not only references to ments, for example via theological divisions, doctrinal
the supernatural or transcendental,1 but also a certain renewals and institutional adjustments.
world view. Religious faith offers world orientation
and regulates the dialectical relationship between Like politics, religion must be
retreating from the world and involvement in the examined at the empirical level of
world. Such retreating from the world results from practice to identify patterns of
an occupation with transcendental questions (one’s interaction.
relation to God and the hereafter); an involvement in
the world is already inherent in the fact that religions Politics does not take place in a vacuum of values,
and their believers are present, and work, in the but in a normative environment that is, inter alia,
world.2 Moreover, religions claim to help shape the subject to the influence of religious convictions. Polit-
secular in a normative way, be it in the private indi- ical decisions can be inspired more or less covertly
vidual sphere or in the public collective sphere. by beliefs, or visibly collide with them. Furthermore,
In this tense relationship between retreat from and it is up to politics to regulate the status and scope of
involvement in the world, religions demand different action of religious organisations via legislation. Of
degrees of world renunciation or engagement from course, faith communities are not indifferent to this
their adherents,3 which in turn can evolve over time, political task. In secular states with pluralistic socie-
as will be demonstrated here for Evangelicals. This ties, churches are recognised actors not only in the
requirement (world renunciation vs. world engage- “market of spiritual goods” but also in the “market of
values, ideas and interests”. A strict institutional sep-
aration between state and (dominant) religion exists
1 While Max Weber places the “relationship of men to
virtually nowhere.4 The balance of power among the
supernatural forces” at the centre of his definition of reli-
different faith communities in a country can differ in
gion, Peter Berger emphasises the transcendental dimension,
terms of material or immaterial resources (status,
Max Weber, Economy and Society, vol. 1, edited by Guenther
Roth and Claus Wittich (Berkeley and Los Angeles, CA: Uni-
members, finances, and assertiveness). Each religion
versity California Press, 1978), 424; Peter Berger, The Sacred also defines its relationship to other faiths. Their rela-
Canopy. Elements of a Sociological Theory of Religion (Garden City, tionship pattern can be, structurally as well as situa-
NY: Doubleday, 1967). tionally, competitive or cooperative (e.g. ecumenism
2 Max Weber believed that “[t]he most elementary forms in Christianity). Moreover, religious communities and
of behaviour motivated by religious or magical factors are their organisations often take on social tasks. These
oriented to this world”, Weber, Economy and Society (see note have a political effect where church institutions are
1), 399. more noticeably present for citizens than state insti-
3 Bernd Oberdorfer, “Religiöser Einfluss in Staat und
Gesellschaft. Eine Problemskizze”, in Machtfaktor Religion.
Formen religiöser Einflussnahme auf Politik und Gesellschaft, ed. 4 On this point, see Jonathan Fox, “Do Democracies Have
Bernd Oberdorfer and Peter Waldmann (Cologne et al.: Separation of Religion and State?” Canadian Journal of Political
Böhlau, 2012), 1–13 (7f.). Science 40, no. 1 (March 2007), 1–25.
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Evangelicals and Politics in Brazil
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7The Relationship between Religion and Politics
tutions, for instance in remote places – which is a therefore focus on a specific setting: in this paper, it
very widespread situation in Latin America. will be Brazil. An analysis of the development of
Like politics, religion must also be examined at the Evangelical churches in Latin America precedes and
empirical level of practice, i.e. at the level of institu- contextualises the case study.
tional functioning and the actions of specific actors to
identify patterns of interaction. For example, even in
the case of the distinctly hierarchical Catholic Church
in two similarly developed South American countries
such as Argentina and Chile, there are clear differ-
ences in the way the respective clergy dealt with the
military dictatorships of the 1970s and 1980s: sup-
portively and cooperatively east of the Andes (Argen-
tina), critically and in a spirit of some resistance west
of the Andes (Chile).5 Such divergences show that
“religion” is too broad, too heterogeneous a category
to serve as a heuristic diagnostic instrument and lead
to meaningful insights. The Catholic Church, for ex-
ample, is home to such divergent currents as Opus
Dei and liberation theology.6
One should be cautious about generalising the
relationship between Evangelicals and politics in
Latin America, since the national context is of great
significance. Factors such as a specific sacred tradi-
tion, political culture or historical imprint influence
the actors and institutions in the religious and public
spheres of a country in different ways. Moreover, in
each state, the two social subsystems of religion and
politics are differently structured in legal, institution-
al and social terms. The Evangelical world consists of
a diverse, highly fragmented landscape of churches
that stand in stark contrast to the centralism of the
Catholic Church, with its pontificate at the head and
the Vatican as its headquarters. In order to examine
the political activity of the Evangelicals, we must
5 Peter Waldmann, “Verbündeter oder Gegner der Herr-
schenden: Die Rolle der lateinamerikanischen Kirche unter
der Militärdiktatur”, in Machtfaktor Religion, ed. Oberdorfer
and Waldmann (see note 3), 233–52. The author identifies
two main factors that explain the different patterns of
action. In contrast to Argentina, the existence in Chile of a
significant Protestant, especially Pentecostal, community (i.e.
a pronounced religious pluralism) and a more deeply rooted
democratic tradition (i.e. a political culture) would have pre-
pared the ground for the Catholic Church to adopt a more
critical and distanced attitude towards the dictatorship of
Augusto Pinochet – although the military dictatorship in
Argentina was also much more repressive.
6 Nikolaus Werz, “Theologie der Befreiung in Lateinameri-
ka”, in Die Ambivalenz des Religiösen. Religionen als Friedensstifter
und Gewalterzeuger, ed. Bernd Oberdorfer and Peter Wald-
mann (Freiburg et al.: Rombach, 2008), 107–31.
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Evangelicals and Politics in Brazil
January 2020
8Evangelicalism
Religious Change
in Latin America
Evangelicalism is spreading rapidly in Latin America. authorities and researchers.8 “Evangelical” is used
Two additional developments accompany it. On the here as an umbrella concept, which primarily in-
individual, subjective level, religiosity intensifies cludes Pentecostal and neo-Pentecostal churches.9
since, compared to Catholics, faith plays a much more Members of the historically Protestant churches such
significant role in the life of Evangelicals. On the level as Lutherans and Calvinists, i.e. the so-called immi-
of society, the dominance of the Catholic Church gration churches or transplant churches in Latin
decreases for two reasons: it loses members in favour America, do not fall under this category. Rather
of the Evangelical Churches; and the latter challenge “Evangelical” refers to a wide range of more recent
its social and political influence. It is a relationship and now Latin American churches, which exhibit
that can be starkly observed in Brazil, yet it also tends many of the characteristics below.10
to apply to the entire region, with a few exceptions. Evangelical churches assume a literal interpreta-
tion of the Bible. It contains, they believe, the healthy
doctrine (sana doctrina) that glorifies Christ and heals
Evangelicalism sin. Huge importance is therefore attached to inten-
sive study of the Bible. Evangelicals believe that God
The term “Evangelical” (Spanish: evangélica/o)7 is intervenes in daily life, for example by giving good
ambiguous and controversial. It refers to a hetero- health and material wealth to Christians with strong
geneous group of largely independent Christian faith (Prosperity Gospel). The work of the Holy Spirit
churches from the Protestant tradition attached to has a central importance in the teaching and faith
various national and regional associations. Nomen- practice of Evangelicals. Worship services often in-
clatures and classifications within this religious uni-
verse are not strictly consistent. There are discrepan-
cies in names between languages, adherents, religious 8 Heinrich Schäfer, “The Pentecostal Movement: Social
Transformation and Religious Habitus”, in What the World
Believes: Analysis and Commentary on the Religion Monitor 2008,
ed. Bertelsmann Stiftung (Gütersloh, 2009), 533–85 (536f.).
9 The word Pentecost comes from the ancient Greek (Πεντη-
κοστή, Pentēkostē, in English: fiftieth day). In the New Testa-
th
7 In Spanish-speaking Latin America the term evangélica/o ment it refers to a Jewish holiday on the 50 day after Easter
has come to mean the religious communities discussed here. Sunday. This became relevant for Christianity since on this
Evangélicas, however, not only includes the Pentecostal (pente- day the Holy Spirit is said to have descended on the disciples
costales) and neo-Pentecostal (neopentecostales) communities, of Jesus.
but also a number of other non-Catholic Christian denomi- 10 Paul Freston identifies four constant characteristics of
nations (on this term, see Fn. 25). It does not include the Evangelical faith: “conversionism (emphasis on the need for
historically Protestant congregations of the Lutheran or change of life), activism (emphasis on evangelistic and mis-
Calvinist traditions, for these are usually referred to as sionary efforts), biblicism (a special importance attributed to
Protestant congregations. Evangelical, on the other hand, is the Bible, though not necessarily the fundamentalist shibbo-
used more frequently to refer to the first missionaries who leth of ‘inerrancy’), and crucicentrism (emphasis on the
came from the USA. The term Evangelista, sometimes errone- centrality of Christ’s sacrifice on the cross)”, Paul Freston,
ously used in Latin America for members of Evangelical “Introduction”, in: idem, Evangelicals and Politics in Asia, Africa
churches, should be reserved for Jesus’ four disciples, after and Latin America (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University
whom the four gospels are named. Press, 2001), 1–7 (2).
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Evangelicals and Politics in Brazil
January 2020
9Religious Change in Latin America
clude manifestations that are considered “gifts from reintegrating the world of work after having joined
the Holy Spirit,” such as healing by laying on hands, an Evangelical church.12 Faith communities thus lead
speaking in tongues (glossolalia), exorcism, and re- them back to an orderly life. The view held by Pente-
ceiving direct revelations from God. With regard to costal churches that material well-being is proof of
eschatology, i.e. the doctrine of the ultimate destiny God’s favour (Prosperity Gospel) here works as a self-
of the individual human being and the world, Evan- fulfilling prophecy. It also refers to the community as
gelicals are followers of millenarianism. They believe a whole. In Evangelical circles, the principle that
that the return of Jesus Christ (parousia) is imminent, believers cede a tenth (tithe) or other portion of their
and that he will establish a kingdom for a thousand personal income to the church plays a central role.
years (a millennium) with Israel as the politically and This pecuniary charge is levied by church authorities
religiously dominating world power, followed by the based on the Old Testament, and paid with great dis-
Last Judgment. While Pentecostal churches more cipline by the majority of the faithful, providing
strongly profess pre-millennialism (the belief that Evangelical churches and elites with significant re-
the present is pre-millennial), the neo-Pentecostal sources.
churches adhere to a post-Millennialism (the belief Another characteristic of Evangelicals, especially
that the millennium has already begun). the Neo-Pentecostals, is a strong sense of mission.
Missionary work has gone through three different
Evangelicals usually oppose non- phases in the history of the (wider) Protestant move-
traditional lifestyles even more ment in the region:13 (1) Evangelisation in the service
rigorously than Catholics. of human development, aiming to individually and
socially promote and recognise the most marginalised
While the Catholic Church in Latin America (with the groups in society; (2) Evangelisation in the exclusively
Vatican’s support) takes a similarly conservative atti- religious sense; (3) Evangelisation with the predomi-
tude to moral and social issues, most Evangelicals are nant intention of proselytising and promoting one-
even more rigorously opposed to abortion, homo- self, based on an understanding of the church that
sexuality, same-sex marriage, artificial means of birth resembles corporate management. One speaks of the
control, sex outside marriage, and alcohol consump- “second Evangelisation of Latin America” considering
tion. This difference remains even between Catholics the numerical expansion of Evangelical congregations
and Evangelicals of similar piety levels. in the region and the centrality they attach to mission.
In a survey conducted by the Pew Research Centre
in 2014, former Catholics most frequently gave the
following reasons for their conversion to Evangeli- The Decreasing Dominance of the
calism:11 the search for a personal connection to God Catholic Church
(81%); the joy of worship in a new church (69%); the
need to attach more importance to morality (60%); Latin America is regarded as the Catholic region of the
the desire to belong to a church that helps its mem- world. Its two most important colonial powers, Spain
bers more (59%); and the personal approach of the and Portugal, left the subcontinent with a socially,
new church (58%). Immaterial concerns thus clearly
prevail over material interests. Qualitative studies
12 See Schäfer, “The Pentecostal Movement” (see note 8),
show that Evangelical churches convey a sense of 546.
belonging and foster an emotional bond that neither 13 This division into three phases, in which missionary
the Catholic Church nor the state can offer today. work or evangelisation has variously played a role, draws on
People from precarious and vulnerable social condi- José Luis Pérez Guadalupe, “¿Políticos Evangélicos o Evan-
tions marked by alcoholism and domestic violence gélicos Políticos? Los Nuevos Modelos de Conquista Política
seem to succeed better in escaping the misery and de los Evangélicos en América Latina” [Evangelical politi-
cians or political Evangelicals? The new models of political
conquest of the Evangelicals in Latin America], in Evangélicos
11 Pew Research Center, Religion in Latin America. Widespread y Poder en América Latina [Evangelicals and power in Latin
Change in a Historically Catholic Region (Washington, D.C., 13 America], ed. José Luis Pérez Guadalupe and Sebastian
November 2014), https://www.pewresearch.org/wp-content/ Grundberger (Lima: Instituto de Estudios Social Cristianos
uploads/sites/7/2014/11/Religion-in-Latin-America-11-12-PM- [IESC] and Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung [KAS], 2018), 11–106
full-PDF.pdf (accessed 20 December 2018). (17).
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Evangelicals and Politics in Brazil
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10The Decreasing Dominance of the Catholic Church
economically and politically dominant religion. The epoch of its supremacy in the region, the Catholic
variety of religious beliefs that shaped Latin America Church has experienced at least two caesuras, accom-
by its numerous indigenous peoples and the influ- panied by a marked loss of power.
ence of African slaves has always been reflected in The first upheaval was driven by secular forces. In
religious syncretism (e.g. Macumba in Brazil); immi- the second half of the 19th century, the Catholic
grants of other denominations also contributed to a Church in Latin America had to accept a significant
certain religious diversity. For a long time, however, curtailment of its prerogatives. With the emergence
this remained limited to migrant settlements and was of the bourgeoisie and associated liberal political
relatively “invisible”, especially in wider society. forces, demands were voiced in the subcontinent’s
In the vast majority of Latin American countries, states for a sharper separation of church and state
the Roman Catholic Apostolic Church still has a and for a secularisation of the state, which resulted in
special status with a number of legal and financial a series of laicist reforms. For example, religious edu-
advantages, such as a special mention in the Consti- cation was banned from state schools, civil marriage
tution, recognition as a public corporation (and not and birth registration were introduced, and much of
merely a civil corporation), tax benefits or financial the land and real estate of the Catholic Church was
contributions from the state. Among the prerogatives transferred to state ownership. By these measures the
of the Catholic Church is a privileged access to poli- Church lost not only material resources, but signifi-
tics, whether through formalised or tolerated influ- cant political influence; nevertheless it maintained its
ence on legislation, the official participation of the supremacy over other faith communities.15
Church in political processes; or close links between The second challenge to the Catholic Church’s
the spiritual and political elite. The Catholic Church dominance in Latin America is more social than
also has great mobilisation capital: it can host mega- political in nature, and manifests itself as “religious
events and bring people out onto the streets. Exten- competitive pressure”.16 Since the 1950s, and even
sive intellectual resources and a pronounced attitude more so since the 1970s, it has been steadily losing
of involvement in the world allow it to articulate members – though not due to an expansion of secu-
doctrinal positions – that is, teachings of the Church larism.17 Rather, religious pluralism is growing, no
– in secular terms and in the form of ostensible longer because immigrants contribute to it, but un-
sociological arguments, so that they can be presented doubtedly from within Latin American societies.
as universalist and accessible. Finally, the Catholic Evangelical churches in particular have gained fol-
Church has schools, universities, hospitals, social lowers over the years (and are subsumed hereinafter
organisations, and political parties (such as Christian under the broader category “Protestant” due to the
Democratic parties) that are more or less close to it, terminology used in the main data source). Only four
and members in all organs of state.14 countries in the region show deviating trends,18 on
The Catholic Church in Latin America
has already experienced two caesuras, 15 Peter Waldmann, “Verbündeter oder Gegner der Herr-
schenden: Die Rolle der lateinamerikanischen Kirche unter
which were accompanied by a marked
der Militärdiktatur”, in Machtfaktor Religion, ed. Oberdorfer
loss of power.
and Waldmann (see note 3), 233–52 (233).
16 The following paragraphs are based on an earlier public-
Such connections between church, state and cation by the author: Claudia Zilla, Evangelicals and Politics in
society can seem natural and be taken for granted as Latin America. Religious Switching and Its Growing Political Rele-
long as the dominant religion is not challenged by vance, SWP Comment 46/2018 (Berlin: Stiftung Wissenschaft
secular social or political forces and/or other, worse- und Politik, October 2018), https://www.swp-berlin.org/en/
off or oppressed religious communities. In the long publication/evangelicals-and-politics-in-latin-america-1/
(accessed 20 December 2018).
17 Secularism comprises three categories of religious self-
14 On this point I follow the arguments concerning Argen- description: atheistic, agnostic and non-religious.
tina proposed by Hilario Wynarczyk, “Argentina: ¿Vino 18 Data from Corporación Latinobarómetro, El Papa Fran-
Nuevo en Odres Viejos? Evangélicos y Política” [Argentina: cisco y la religión en Chile y América Latina. Latinobarómetro 1995–
new wine in old hoses? Evangelicals and politics], in Evan- 2017 [Pope Francis and religion in Chile and Latin America]
gélicos y Poder en América Latina, ed. Pérez Guadalupe and (Santiago de Chile, January 2018), http://bit.ly/2NvpPYt
Grundberger (see note 13), 107–40 (134ff.). (accessed 20 December 2018).
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Evangelicals and Politics in Brazil
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11Religious Change in Latin America
the one hand because Catholicism has been stable denomination but did not regularly participate in
there, on the other due to growing secularism. In religious activities,20 to “active Evangelicals”. This is
contrast with the rest of Latin America, the Catholic partly because Evangelicalism is not a matter of birth,
Church has not suffered (considerable) losses in but a conscious decision by adults. The turn towards
Mexico and Paraguay. Respectively 80 and 89 percent an Evangelical faith community goes hand in hand
of their population today describe themselves as with a stronger commitment to religion and one’s
Catholic, and only 5 percent as Protestant. Yet in Chile own congregation.
(38%) and Uruguay (41%), the number of atheists and In parallel with the expansion of religious plural-
agnostics has increased significantly. ism in Latin America, religious acceptance also in-
Most Latin American countries, however, are ex- creased. Two factors have contributed to this. The
periencing religious transformation. The data point to Second Vatican Council (October 1962–December
a strong correlation between the declining number of 1965) under Pope John XXIII, which was intended
those who describe themselves as Catholic and the to bring about a pastoral and ecumenical renewal of
increase in non-Catholic Christians, mainly Evangeli- the Church, also moved the Catholic Church toward
cals. According to Latinobarómetro 2018, less than half recognising religious freedom. Moreover, with the
the population of Honduras (37%), El Salvador (38%), expansion of (collective) rights and the strengthening
Nicaragua (40%), Guatemala (43%) and the Dominican of political and social movements of indigenous
Republic (48%) consider themselves Catholic. These communities in Latin America, tolerance for diverse
countries have the highest proportions of Protestant worldviews increased.21 There is a certain “cultural
believers in Latin America, most of whom are Evan- continuity” between Latin American popular reli-
gelicals: Honduras (39%), El Salvador (28%), Nicaragua giosity and Evangelicalism.22 Elements of popular
(32 percent), Guatemala (41%), and the Dominican religiosity are adopted and legitimised by the Evan-
Republic (21%). In Brazil (54%), Panama (55%) and gelical churches.23
Costa Rica (57%) a majority of the population still sees
itself as Catholic, but even there more than a quarter
of the population self-describes as Protestant. Between Evangelical Diversity
1995 and 2017, the proportion of Catholics in ten
countries in the region fell by between 22 and 39 per- The development of Latin America’s Protestant (in the
centage points. The decline is particularly pronounced broadest sense) churches can historically be divided
in Central America. into three phases, each of which is characterised by a
different degree of retreating from the world or be-
In the last 50 years, religious adher- coming involved in it, and thus also by a specific rela-
ence has shifted towards Evangelical tionship to society and politics.24
churches in most Latin American
countries.
20 R. Andrew Chesnut, Competitive Spirits. Latin America’s New
Religious Economy (New York: Oxford University Press, 2003),
Thus in the last fifty years in the great majority of
9.
Latin American states, the numerical weight has
21 Juan G. Navarro Floria, “Introducción” [Introduction], in
shifted from the Catholic Church towards Evangelical
Estado, Derecho y Religión en América Latina [State, law and reli-
churches.19 These developments are causally linked: gion in Latin America], coord. Juan G. Navarro Floria (Buenos
surveys confirm that most Evangelicals formerly be- Aires et al.: Marcial Pons, 2008), 11–16.
longed to the historically dominant religion. They 22 Alejandro Frigerio, “La experiencia religiosa pente-
have changed from “passive Catholics” or “nominal costal”, Nueva Sociedad, no. 280 (March–April 2019): 47–54
believers”, who felt culturally connected with the (50).
23 Ibid.
24 There are numerous models for systematising the his-
19 A further development in Latin America consists of the tory of Protestant and Evangelical churches in Latin America.
so-called “Evangelicalization of the Catholic Church”. This While there is broad consensus on the major lines of devel-
refers to the influence of the charismatic renewal movement opment, the models differ in terms of phase classification,
within the Catholic Church, which has much in common grouping and differentiation. The present study is based
with Pentecostalism. The Catholic Charismatic Renewal was most closely on the systematisations of José Luis Pérez
officially recognised by the Vatican in 1973. Guadalupe and Hilario Wynarczyk in Evangélicos y Poder en
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January 2020
12Evangelical Diversity
The first missionaries of the traditional Protestant middle, and especially the lower social strata of Latin
denominations25 reached Latin America in the mid- America. Supporters of this religious movement27
19th century. They saw mission and educational op- tend to adopt conservative values and to be apologists
portunities as ways of influencing society. The idea- for the prevailing social and political conditions.28 It
tional foundation for their social commitment was was this Protestant movement that finally helped the
social ethics directed towards the common good. denomination evangélica/o (instead of protestante) to
Church members were involved in evangelisation, prevail in Latin America. In the context of this grow-
education and social work. Numerous pastors and ing Evangelical presence, the role type of the national
parishioners within these churches sympathised with Evangelical pastor replaced the one of the foreign
liberation theology, the ecumenical movement and a Protestant missionary.
contextualised interpretation of biblical statements Today’s Evangelicals, whose denominations form
that distances itself from a purely literal reception of the largest group within Latin American Protestan-
Scripture. Politically mostly liberal, the early Protes- tism, can trace back to a movement which originated
tants together with anti-clerical forces stood up for in the early 20th century in the USA and was brought
religious freedom, the separation of state and church, into the region by charismatic leaders. Yet these
secular education and civil marriage. Even though churches are now clearly rooted in Latin American
this kind of alliance was successful, the political role culture, and the denomination – though conserva-
of these first Protestants remained limited, as did tively biblically oriented – can today no longer be
their social role, since their evangelisation efforts called Evangelical (evangelical), but evangélica. The
hardly bore any fruit. Their impact remained limited Evangelicals now predominant in Latin America have
to European immigration communities. Today the abandoned many previous stances (anti-communism,
churches of this phase are a minority within the anti-ecumenism etc.). First and foremost they want to
Protestant universe in Latin America. However, they convert and bring about a renewal of Latin American
have considerable intellectual capital and good con- religiosity. They have gained new supporters especial-
nections to the middle and upper social strata. ly among the urban and rural lower social strata.
In the early 20th century a new Protestant move-
ment mainly consisting of missionaries from the USA There may be several thousand
reached the region. Comparative analyses describe it different Evangelical churches in the
as conservative-biblical, anti-communist and anti- same country.
ecumenical.26 The main focus of the mission work of
this “Evangelical Protestantism” or “Evangelicalism” Pentecostal social ethics were originally individual-
(Spanish: Evangelicales) was conversion, so as to help istic and focused on mission work. Their pre-Millen-
bring Jesus Christ into people’s lives and steadily nialism encouraged the acceptance of worldly injus-
grow the faith community. This Evangelicalism was tice and personal suffering, since the imminent re-
based on a literal understanding of the Bible, which turn of Christ would put an end to it. This resulted in
in the opinion of its representatives contained a plan a retreat from the world, a rejection of social and
of salvation, and called for a retreat from the corrupt political commitment. However, this attitude changed
world and thus also from politics; at most, individual from the 1980s onwards and gave way to an increas-
participation was tolerated. Accordingly, social ethics ing involvement in the world, which is more typical
here were less focused on society as a whole than on a for the post-Millennialism of the neo-Pentecostal
believer’s immediate religious community. Evangeli- church movement. The latter likewise assigns the
cal Protestantism spread with great success among the highest prestige to mission for the purpose of conver-
sion. The social ethics of the neo-Pentecostals, how-
América Latina, ed. Pérez Guadalupe and Grundberger (see ever, present themselves as political ethics, while
note 13), 11–106 and 107–41.
25 “Denomination” denotes a separate religious commu-
nity within a religion. For the faith community, its shared 27 The term “movement” here generally refers to a cross-
name (denomination) stands for its collective identity. denominational type of religious community that has a
26 ”Anti-ecumenical” describes an attitude that opposes number of relevant common characteristics and shapes a
the dialogue between different Christian faith orientations. particular historical phase.
In the Latin American context, it generally means anti- 28 Later tendencies of Evangelical Protestantism have
Catholic. attached more importance to the “social question”.
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Evangelicals and Politics in Brazil
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13Religious Change in Latin America
charity work is considered of marginal importance. count themselves as part of a larger international
Believers are invited to get involved in society and movement of foreign origin, the Latin American pro-
politics. The neo-Pentecostal church movement finds file (and even more so the national profile) predomi-
special resonance in the middle and higher social nates in terms of personnel, structure and operation.
strata of Latin America. Due to the success of the
Pentecostal and neo-Pentecostal churches, these third- The work of the Evangelical churches
phase Evangelicals have become important minorities is now shaping the lives of many
in many of the region’s countries. In Central America, people, be it in the city or in the
they have already exceeded the 40 percent mark. countryside.
From a perspective of the sociology of religion the
Pentecostal movement has been described as a hetero- This Latin American or national profile manifests
geneous, fluid and highly dynamic social movement.29 itself in many different ways. Public attention has
Several thousand different and independent Evangeli- been particularly drawn to Evangelical churches that,
cal churches may exist within the same country, and like corporations, offer services to various social
may join together to form a variety of umbrella orga- milieus. More numerous, however, are the Evangeli-
nisations – if at all. Even religious communities in cal churches whose activities focus on marginalised
remote places belonging to a particular Evangelical and disadvantaged social groups in poorer congrega-
church (usually located in a big city) normally retain a tions. The work of Evangelical churches is now shap-
high degree of autonomy. The relationship between ing the lives of many people, be it in the city or in
the central and peripheral congregations is often the countryside. In urban centres, many mostly neo-
based on a sort of franchising, whereby the rural Pentecostal Evangelical communities under the
branches are given the right to use the denomination. leadership of charismatic preachers have changed
Numerous Evangelical churches have emerged as from “garage temples” to “mega-churches”, and
a consequence of secessions that regroup around settled in former theatres and new monumental
charismatic leaders. There is a general tendency to buildings. In Santiago de Chile the first Evangelical
favour pastoral charisma over theological competence University of the country is to be built opposite the
(there is hardly any formal training).30 Occasionally Pontifical Catholic University of Chile.32 In smaller
churches have developed a few selection criteria and towns and villages, simple shops (for example) are
preparatory stages for qualification as pastors, but transformed into Evangelical temples in the evening
these are not systematically applied. Overall it is or on weekends. Evangelical churches also have a
relatively easy for believers with leadership skills to strong presence in the slums (villas, favelas), where
legitimise themselves as pastors after a short “sociali- criminal gangs often hold sway. They tend to be the
sation period” and subsequently establish their own only providers of pastoral care and social and health
congregation or even a new church. Progressing to assistance in the “underworlds” of Latin America, the
such a position is also experienced and understood prisons. Wherever human rights are massively vio-
as a form of social advancement. Most pastors come lated and the state is either absent or only repressive,
from humble backgrounds. The pronounced tendency Evangelical pastors support the affected persons im-
towards secession is also connected with the self- materially and materially.
image of Evangelicals. They see themselves as a move-
ment of revival and renewal of traditions. Therefore,
after a certain period of institutionalisation, they
often dare to break with existing churches, which
further advances the process of fragmentation.31 This
is why Evangelical churches with presences in many
Latin American states tend to be the exception. How- 32 This is an initiative of the Municipality of Bendecidos para
ever, even where Evangelical faith communities Bendecir, Nicolás Massai and Francisco Velásquez, “Frente a
frente: primera universidad evangélica se levanta mirando a
la PUC” [Face to face: the first Evangelical University is built
29 Schäfer, “The Pentecostal Movement” (see note 8), 534. in front of the PUC], diarioUchile, 1 January 2018,
30 Chesnut, Competitive Spirits (see note 20), 157. https://radio.uchile.cl/2018/01/01/frente-a-frente-primera-
31 Pérez Guadalupe, “¿Políticos Evangélicos o Evangélicos universidad-evangelica-se-levanta-mirando-a-la-puc/ (accessed
Políticos?“ (see note 13). 20 December 2018).
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Evangelicals and Politics in Brazil
January 2020
14The Evangelicals’ Growing Political Engagement
The Evangelicals’ Growing Political that they can actively participate in the establishment
Engagement of the Kingdom of God on Earth, including through
political engagement.
Religious pluralism now forms part of the social reali-
ty of Latin America; the Evangelical churches have an The civic engagement of Evangelicals
important role to play. Yet measured by their demo- in Latin America has strongly
graphic weight, Evangelicals are (still) politically increased.
underrepresented in all Latin American countries. The
beginnings of political participation by Evangelicals Evangelical parties have been founded in many
in Latin America go back to the 1980s, when many Latin American countries since the third wave of
countries transitioned from a military dictatorship to democratisation in the 1980s. However, most of them
a democratic regime. The Pentecostal and neo-Pente- could not achieve political relevance. In that phase
costal Evangelicals only began to influence politics Evangelical churches also tried to achieve equal treat-
later, in the 1990s. The change in the Latin American ment with the Catholic Church in the sense of an
Evangelicals’ perspective on the world – from an expansion of religious freedom, the secularisation of
initial retreat to a subsequent involvement that was the state, and the realisation of the democratic prin-
once characteristic of traditional Protestantism – was ciple of equality. In many of the region’s countries,
due to several factors.33 Evangelicals have relied on public engagement and
Evangelicals in Latin America now have their own lobbying to advance relevant legislation and constitu-
specific history spanning several generations, and tional reforms.
great demographic weight. This has boosted their self- Yet in the same epoch the first Evangelicals did
confidence and strengthened their claim to shape take the levers of power. In the 1980s and 1990s,
politics. The established parties, on the other hand, Guatemala had the first two Evangelical heads of state
have been highly discredited over poor governance in Latin America: the dictator General Efraín Ríos
and corruption scandals. This so-called crisis of repre- Montt and the democratically elected Jorge Serrano
sentation has prepared the way for new actors, who Elías. Decades later, in January 2016, the Evangelical
draw their social cachet from professions outside comedian Jimmy Morales took office as President of
politics, such as acting, sport, and journalism. In this Guatemala. In Costa Rica, the Evangelical Fabricio
context, some Evangelical pastors have also sought to Alvarado, a singer of Christian music and a member
make their way into politics, presenting themselves as of the Protestant National Restoration Party (Restau-
successful religious leaders with a discourse of ethical ración Nacional, RN), made it to the runoff for the
renewal and moralising politics. In Latin America presidency in 2018, which he lost to Carlos Alvarado.
“the church” (of any denomination) is rather highly More successful were Jair Messias Bolsonaro in Brazil
trusted by the population (63%), while the political (of whom more below) and the Catholic and left-wing
parties (of any colour) are the least trusted (13%).34 candidate of the National Regeneration Movement
The turn towards politics, which more and more (Movimiento Regeneración Nacional, MORENA),
Evangelicals have pursued, also has a theological Andrés Manuel López Obrador, who received Evan-
dimension, namely the turning away from pre-Millen- gelical support in the 2018 Mexican presidential
nialism and the shift to post-Millennialism, a process elections: the Evangelical-Conservative Party of Social
which many faith communities went through in the Encounter (Partido Encuentro Social, PES) supported
late 1980s. The post-Millennial doctrine goes hand in his successful presidential candidacy.35
hand with a more optimistic view of the world, and a The civic engagement of Evangelicals in Latin
stronger reference to the present. Its followers believe America has also increased considerably. Many of
them regularly take part in protest rallies and go on
the offensive against diversity politics, positive dis-
33 For a detailed analysis of these facilitating factors, see crimination for minorities, and the extension of equal
Pérez Guadalupe, “¿Políticos Evangélicos o Evangélicos rights for women and for groups who follow non-
Políticos? “ (see note 13), 34ff.
34 Corporación Latinobarómetro, Informe 2018 [Report
2018] (Santiago de Chile, November 2018), http://www. 35 Cecilia A. Delgado-Molina, “La ‘irrupción evangélica’ en
latinobarometro.org/latNewsShowMore.jsp?evYEAR= México” [The ‘Evangelical irruption’ in Mexico], Nueva Socie-
2018vMONTH=-1 (accessed 20 December 2018). dad, no. 280 (March–April 2019): 91–100.
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Evangelicals and Politics in Brazil
January 2020
15Religious Change in Latin America
traditional lifestyles. In Colombia, for example, Evan-
gelicals mobilised against the peace agreement in the
2016 referendum because it was allegedly supported
by a “gender ideology”; the same year in Mexico, they
agitated against same-sex marriage;36 in Argentina in
2018 against the decriminalisation of abortion; and
similarly in Uruguay against the so-called integral law
for the legal recognition of transsexuals –just to
name a few current examples. In their struggle “for
life and family”, the Evangelicals strongly concur
with some Catholic groups and right-wing political
forces, an ideological convergence that has been
called “conservative new ecumenism”.37
36 Alberto Nájar, “La marcha ‘sin precedentes’ en México
contra la legalización del matrimonio gay” [The ‘unprece-
dented’ march in Mexico against the legalisation of gay
marriage], BBC Mundo (Mexico City), 11 September 2016,
https://www.bbc.com/mundo/noticias-america-latina-
37331685 (accessed 20 December 2018).
37 Wynarczyk, “¿Vino Nuevo en Odres Viejos?” (see note
14), 135.
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Evangelicals and Politics in Brazil
January 2020
16Social Relevance
The Role of Evangelicals
in Brazil
In Brazil, the interplay between Evangelicals and themselves as Evangelical.40 Women and younger
politics has a dynamism that is unparalleled in the people, i.e. the group with the greatest demographic
region.38 The political relevance of the Evangelicals growth, are disproportionately represented among
in this South American country is based on a social Evangelicals.41
significance that goes beyond the demographic weight The Evangelical universe is as diverse as Brazilian
of the faith community. Brazil’s “Evangelical world” society, and there is great social inequality in this
is highly differentiated and now comprises various religious subsystem as well. There are Evangelical
social strata. However, it is primarily three Evangeli- churches for the rich and Evangelical churches for
cal churches and two parties associated with them the poor, but there are also large churches that are
that dominate the political stage. They played a major more socially inclusive. According to the number and
role in Jair Messias Bolsonaro being elected president social background of their members, the Evangelical
in October 2018. churches and their leaders have different material
resources. In general, however, Brazilian Evangelicals
are more likely to support their congregations finan-
Social Relevance cially than Catholics do.42 The tithe is a deeply inter-
nalised norm on which church leaders rely. Unlike
In absolute numbers, Brazil is the country with the the Catholic Church, which receives financial benefits
second largest Christian population in the world or subsidies from the state, the Evangelical churches
(after the USA). It is also the largest Catholic country are also much more dependent on these revenues.43
and is now – according to several estimates – home Many believers regard paying the tithe as the func-
to the Evangelical congregations with the most mem- tional equivalent of contributing to social insurance
bers in the world. The 2010 Brazilian census iden- (which does not exist for them in this form in Brazil):
tified over 42 million people of Evangelical faith, in an emergency or in the event of unemployment,
representing 22.2 percent of the total population.39
Of these, 13.3 percent are members of Pentecostal
40 “Na hora do voto, 19% do brasileiros com religião
churches, 4 percent of historical Protestant churches,
seguem líder da igreja” [When it comes to voting, 19% of
and 4.8 percent Protestants without church affilia-
Brazilians who profess a religion follow their church
tion. According to a representative national survey
leaders], Instituto Datafolha, 26 October 2017,
conducted in October 2017, seven years after the cen- http://bit.ly/33VNpn6 (accessed 20 December 2018).
sus, as many as 32 percent of Brazilians now describe 41 José Eustáquio Diniz Alves, IBGE, cited in: Paula Corrêa,
“Honrar a Dios... con tarjeta de crédito o efectivo. El auge
38 R. Andrew Chesnut, Born Again in Brazil. The Pentecostal evangélico en Brasil” [Honouring God... by credit card or
Boom and the Pathogens of Poverty (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers cash. The Evangelical boom in Brazil], Nueva Sociedad, no. 248
University Press, 1997). (November–December 2013): 134–43 (139),
39 Instituto Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatística (IBGE), http://nuso.org/media/articles/downloads/3997_1.pdf
Censo Demográfico 2010. Características da população e dos domi- (accessed 20 December 2018).
cílios [Demographic census 2010. Characteristics of the 42 In a 2013 Datafolha survey, 34 percent of Catholics and
population and households] (Rio de Janeiro, 2011), 52 percent of Evangelicals stated that they regularly support
https://biblioteca.ibge.gov.br/visualizacao/periodicos/93/ their own church financially, Corrêa, “Honrar a Dios ...”. (see
cd_2010_caracteristicas_populacao_domicilios.pdf note 41), 139.
(accessed 20 December 2018). 43 Chesnut, Competitive Spirits (see note 20), 11.
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Evangelicals and Politics in Brazil
January 2020
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