Why has Europe's Past Become Africa's Postcolonial Present? Reflections on Mahmood Mamdani's Ideas on Decolonising the Political Community
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CODESRIA Bulletin Online, No. 12, June 2021 Page 1
Online Article
Why has Europe’s Past Become Africa’s Postcolonial Present?
Reflections on Mahmood Mamdani’s Ideas on
Decolonising the Political Community
Introduction for understanding other parts of
T
the world where imperialism,
he leading Ugandan Sabelo J. Ndlovu-Gatsheni colonialism and racial capitalism
intellectual, Mahmood Chair, Epistemologies wreaked havoc and left a legacy of
Mamdani, has since the of the Global South, conflicts and violence. Mamdani’s
publication of his seminal book University of Bayreuth, position on the impact of
Citizen and Subject: Contemporary Germany colonialism and its consequences
Africa and the Legacy of Late on Africa and the world that fell
Colonialism (1996) been making victim to it, places him firmly within
cutting-edge interventions in Sudan (Mamdani 2001, 2009, the ‘epic school’ rather than the
understanding how Europe 2013a). One of his theses is ‘episodic school’ that was advanced
ruled Africa, how colonialists that the invented ‘settler-native’ by the veteran historian, Jacob Ade
dealt with what they called the and indeed ‘majority-minority’ Ajayi, of the Ibadan School of
‘native question’, how colonial intersubjective construction sur- History (Ajayi 1969). Of course,
governmentality interpellated vived the dismantlement of the the notion of colonialism being a
African nationalism and shaped physical empire to continue to ‘mere episode’ in African history
African political consciousness, generate postcolonial conflicts and emerged within the ‘golden age’ of
how colonialism manufactured violence, while at the same time African nationalism and within a
problematic, antagonistic and providing a deeper understanding terrain in which African historians
racially hierarchised political of the bifurcated architecture were challenging and dethroning
identities, how the legacy of late and configuration of the state colonial/imperial historiography,
colonialism lives on in postcolonial produced by colonialism in Africa. which denied history to Africans.
Africa long after the dismantlement Mamdani’s interventions can be However, the nationalist corrective
of the physical empire, and indeed read together with that of Nigerian went too far and provoked Ekeh
how to make sense of conflicts and sociologist Peter P. Ekeh (1975), to question its complacent view of
violence including genocides. who introduced the widely cited such a force as colonialism, with its
At the centre of colonialism, concept of ‘the two publics’, a transformations of Africa in ‘epic
Mamdani identified the project concept which he argued ‘led to the proportions’ (Ekeh 1975, 1983).
of ‘define and rule’ (as a form emergence of a unique historical In short, the epic school does not
of colonial governmentality configuration in modern post- reduce colonialism to an event
symbolised by a bifurcated colonial Africa’. but understands it as a process
colonial state), which produced and power structure located at the
Taken together, these are very
problematic political identities, centre of what Mamdani terms
persuasive, well-thought-out
with far-reaching consequences, ‘political modernity’. At the
and usable theses, that helps
including generation genocides heart of political modernity is the
in understanding many of the
in countries like Rwanda and question of the ‘birth of the modern
postcolonial African dilemmas
fuelling complicated postcolonial state amid ethnic cleansing and
of conflicts, governance and
conflicts in places such as overseas domination’ (Mamdani
identity. They are even useful
2020: 2).CODESRIA Bulletin Online, No. 12, June 2021 Page 2
What is distinctive about Mamdani’s grounds for our argument that In this expansive and wide-ranging
scholarship is its fidelity to a social science which does work, Mamdani spreads the canvas
nuanced historical understanding, not acknowledge gender as of his analysis wide to reflect
its anti-imperialist orientation an analytical category is an on the Native American Indian
and grounded theorising, even impoverished and distorted question in the United States, the
science, and cannot accurately
though he has yet to address and Nazification and limits of de-
explain social realities and
integrate the topical issues of Nazification in Germany, apartheid
hence cannot provide a way out
patriarchy and sexism, which of the present crisis in Africa and de-apartheidisation in South
cannot be ignored in any serious (Iman 1997: 2). Africa, secession and the crisis of
social science. This is a glaring nation-building in South Sudan,
gap in his work, bearing in mind The violent postcolonial state, like and the Israel-Palestine question.
that heteronormative patriarchy its predecessor the colonial state and While the human rights discourse
ranks alongside enslavement, indeed the modern state elsewhere, has, since the end of the Cold War,
imperialism, colonialism and is characteristically male-led and assumed a normative character
racial capitalism as a modality -dominated, making its engender- and has enchanted many scholars,
of oppression (see Mama 2001; ing and depatriarchisation very Mamdani is very critical of its ability
Nnaemeka 2004; Lugones 2008). necessary as part of the efforts to resolve injustices connected to
So, depatriarchisation of the towards its pacification. While there colonial and postcolonial conflicts,
modern world must be part of is a gender gap in Mamdani’s work, violence and even genocides,
anti-imperialist and decolonial it has other positive distinctive where the Nuremberg template
scholarship (Ndlovu-Gatsheni features—not only a meticulous cannot be easily implemented.
2018, 2020, 2020b). This is urgent diagnosis of the modern problems Instead of being enticed by the
within a context in which there of genocides, conflicts, identity reformist and transitional justice
cannot be any cutting-edge social and indeed the problematics of discourses cascading from
science that is not attentive to the living together, but also in daring neoliberal democracy and human
intersections of race, class, gender, to prescribe what the historian Paul rights, Mamdani is pushing for
culture and other categories Tiyambe Zeleza (1997) depicted as an epistemic revolution capable
to highlight multiple forms of the ‘murky present and mysterious of delivering a new kind of
oppressions (see Crenshaw 1995). future’. political imagination and indeed
This point was delivered forcefully decolonisation of the political
in the seminal work Engendering Europe’s past as Africa’s community.
African Social Sciences (1997) postcolonial present
edited by leading feminist scholars It is in this push that his work
Contrarianism is another hallmark coincides with my own on
Ayesha M. Imam, Amin Mama of Mamdani’s cutting-edge
and Fatou Sow. While Mamdani epistemological decolonisation for
scholarship. This is well captured the delivery of epistemic freedom.
has not expressed any hostility to by Moustafa Bayoum in his
gender as an analytical category, My books, Epistemic Freedom
endorsement of Mamdani’s latest in Africa: Deprovincialization
several chapters in Engendering book, entitled Neither Settler Nor
African Social Sciences made clear and Decolonization (2018) and
Native: The Making and Unmaking Decolonization, Development and
that there was a general resistance of Permanent Minorities (2020).
and hostility to it within African Knowledge in Africa: Turning
This book is a treasure trove of Over A New Leaf (2020a), highlight
scholarship and African academy razor-sharp and deep political
(see also Tamale 2020). It was the primacy of the epistemic
diagnoses of issues of European question as perhaps the foundation
this resistance and hostility that political modernity and how these
prompted Ayesha M. Imam to of the systemic, structural and
impinged on colonial notions of institutional problems that haunt
articulate the feminist standpoint the state, constructions of political
this way: not only Africa but the modern
identities, the character of conflicts world in general. In Epistemic
What makes the political and the nature of violence(s). Freedom, I made the following
character of this hostility even It offers robust, courageous, observations:
more marked is that, as we all daring and sensible resolutions
know, at least half of humanity predicated on the radical agenda If the ‘colour line’ was
is of feminine genders. This of decolonising the political indeed the major problem
fact alone gives sufficient community. of the twentieth century asCODESRIA Bulletin Online, No. 12, June 2021 Page 3
articulated by William E. B. problematics of the contemporary But this story starts too late, and,
Du Bois …, then that of the era. Here are some of them: as a result, provides the wrong
twenty-first century is the lesson. … Modern colonialism
epistemic line. … Epistemic • Why did Europe’s past become and the modern state were born
freedom is fundamentally Africa’s present? together with the creation of the
about the right to think, nation-state. Nationalism did not
• Why did nationalist elites
theorise, interpret the world, precede colonialism. Nor was
develop own methodologies revive the civilising mission colonialism the highest or the last
and write from where one is that colonialism had stage in the making of a nation.
located and unencumbered abandoned when it embraced The two were co-constituted.
by Eurocentrism. (Ndlovu- the defence of ‘tradition’? (Mamdani 2020: 1–2)
Gatsheni 2018: 3) • Is nation-building violence Like the Latin-American decolonial
This intervention was gesturing a criminal act, calling for theorists, Mamdani identified 1492
towards an epistemic revolution prosecution and punishment? as a beginning of the construction
for epistemic freedom. These two • Or is it a political act, the of the modern nation-state. It was
epistemic agendas for me formed answer to which must be a not born out of a peace settlement
the basis for a paradigmatic new, non-nationalist politics? or the abstract ideas of classical
decolonial work of ‘reconstituting European philosophers, but from
• Can a multinational society,
the political’ away from the blood and tears (ethnic cleansing,
organised as a nation-state that
dominant Eurocentric conception genocides, displacements and
divides its population into a
predicated on the paradigms of conquests). For Europe, tolerance
permanent national majority
difference, discovery and war, emerged after Westphalia; for
and minority, be democratic?
and the notions of the survival of non-Europeans, violence and
the fittest. Building on the work • Can the principle of the state, conquest became the signature of
of Enrique Dussel and the life of which calls for equal treatment Euro-political modernity. What
struggle stalwart Nelson Mandela, of all citizens under rule of is intriguing for me is Mamdani’s
I proposed a decolonial political law, be reconciled with the interest in the epistemic aspects
project predicated on the ‘will to principle of the nation, which and epistemic consequences
live’and politics of life (see Mandela preserves sovereignty for of Euro-political modernity.
1994; Dussel 1985, 2008; Ndlovu- the nation—the permanent Listen to Mamdani (2020: 3):
Gatsheni 2016, 2018). Mamdani’s political majority? ‘Embracing political modernity
work, together with that of Latin- means embracing the epistemic
Asking difficult questions is part
American decolonial theorists and condition.’ He links the epistemic
of Mamdani’s methodology and
liberation philosophers, influenced and the political this way:
approach. One learns a lot from the
my thinking in a profound way (see
questions themselves. Mamdani The violence of postcolonial
Maldonado-Torres 2008, 2007).
responded to the first, on why modernity mirrors the violence
In particular, Mamdani’s notions of European modernity and
and how Europe’s past became
of survivors and political justice colonial direct rule. Its principal
Africa’s present, by delving deeper
(2013b) made me begin to rethink manifestation is ethnic
into Europe’s political modernity
the constitution of the political. cleansing. Because the nation-
and revealing how it provided
state seeks to homogenize its
A close reading of Mamdani’s a template for the constitution
territory, it is well served by
expansive archive leaves one of the political, how it informed
ejecting those who introduced
with the impression of a leading colonial governmentality and how
pluralism. (Mamdani 2020: 4)
historically-inclined intellectual’s it impinges on the postcolonial
take on how Euro-political world. In the process, Mamdani Thus, Neither Settler Nor Native is
modernity impinged on African manages to successfully rewrite the thematically cut across by a desire
postcolonial modernity and ‘biography of the modern state’, to make sense of ethnic cleansing
beyond—to the United States beginning from before the time of not as an aberration but as part of
and the Middle East. Mamdani the Treaty of Westphalia in 1648. the epistemic condition of political
poses hard, serious and disturbing This rewriting is very necessary, as modernity that normalises it as
questions pertaining to the Mamdani posits: part of nation-state making andCODESRIA Bulletin Online, No. 12, June 2021 Page 4
consolidation. Mamdani’s thesis The primacy of knowledge in model of political modernity, the
is that colonialism underpinned by understanding even issues of nation and the state are coupled
Euro-political modernity unfolded conflicts and violence is increas- problematically into what is known
in terms of ‘making permanent ingly gaining some consensus, as the ‘nation-state’. Nandita
minorities and their maintenance including the concept that without Sharma (2020: 3) expressed this
through the politicisation of changes in knowledge the outcomes problem in a profound way:
identity, which leads to political might never be revolutionary (see
In the Postcolonial New
violence—in some case extreme Maldonado-Torres 2011; Ndlovu-
World Order, being a member
violence’ (Mamdani 2020: 18). Gatsheni 2021). This is why we find of a nation in possession of
leading decolonial theorists and territorial sovereignty is the
In my own work I use the concept activists like Nelson Maldonado-
of the ‘cognitive empire’ to refer to thing to be(come). It is an
Torres (2011: 8) advising that: aspiration, moreover, that
an empire that is not physical but
cannot be named as such, for, to
that survives through the invasion Revolutions need their
be convincing, it must be seen as
of the mental universe of a epistemologies, or ways of
an invitation but an inheritance.
people, in the process committing approaching knowledge, its
… The Postcolonial New
epistemic violence (see also production, and its justification.
World Order of nationally
Santos 2018, where the concept Political revolutions have
sovereign states thus ushers
arguably suffered for not
of cognitive empire is used in the in a new governmentality,
having good epistemologies,
title of the book). The victims tend and the wrong epistemology
one which produces people as
to repeat/mimic what has been Nationals and produces land
can halt a revolution or even
inscribed on their minds (Ndlovu- as territories in control (in the
bring back the very vices and
Gatsheni 2020b). This epistemic past and sometime in the future
problems that the revolution
condition was well articulated by if not always in the present) of
seeks to overcome.
Frantz Fanon (1968) in terms of sovereign nation-states.
pitfalls of consciousness/alienation What also emerges poignantly
How African anticolonial nation-
and by Ngugi wa Thiong’o (1986) is that Mamdani has a number of
alists casually embraced this
as ‘colonization of the mind’. fellow travellers in his journey
model and template provoked
Paradigmatically, what Mamdani of arriving at an epistemic
Basil Davidson (1992) to write
is driving at is how epistemology revolution capable of unleashing
about the ‘Black man’s burden’
framed ontology. This is a point also the decolonisation of the political
and the ‘curse of the nation-state’.
made by Walter D. Mignolo and community.
The coupling of the nation and
Catherine E. Walsh (2018: 135), the state is increasingly identified
Towards an epistemic
who openly stated that ‘Ontology as a major problem. For example,
revolution for the
is made of epistemology. That is, Hamid Dabashi (2020: 17) has this
reconstitution of the political
ontology is an epistemological to say: ‘My concern is a complete
community
concept, it is not inscribed in decoupling of the nation and the
entities the grammatical nouns Across the case studies in Neither state. This is a bad and misbegotten
name.’ Mignolo and Walsh Settler Nor Native, Mamdani is marriage, and the sooner it ends,
elaborated that: demonstrating empirically that the better.’ So, Mamdani is not
for paradigmatic change to take alone in identifying the nation-state
What matters is not economics,
or politics, or history, but
place an epistemic revolution is an as an obstacle to the process of
knowledge. Better yet, what essential prerequisite—for political the reconstitution of the political.
matters is history, politics, change and practical political According to him:
economics, race, gender, reconstitution of the political
sexuality, but it is above all the community in such a way that The decoupling of state from
knowledge that is intertwined conflicts and violence are pacified. nation begins with a retelling
in all these praxical spheres The current model and template of the history of the modern
that entangles us to the point nation-state. In this retelling, the
of political modernity normalises
of making us believe that it is seemingly permanent categories
violence ‘as an act of constructing of settler and native, majority and
not knowledge that matters the political community’ (Mamdani
but really history, economics, minority, are made provisional.
2020: 329). The second problem They are exposed as products
politics, etc. (Mignolo and
is that in the current template and of modernity’s obsession
Walsh 2018: 135)CODESRIA Bulletin Online, No. 12, June 2021 Page 5
with civilisation and progress. Conclusion: Which social the positions of victim and
(Mamdani 2020: 329–330) forces for epistemic perpetrator, and yet in which most
revolution and for the people do occupy such clear-cut
Mamdani’s latest book is the roles. Less ‘actively’ involved
decolonisation of the
best example of how to retell the than perpetrators, implicated
political?
history of the modern state with a subjects do not form the mold of
view to rendering its cognitive and Mamdani’s Neither Settler the ‘passive’ bystander, either.
epistemic foundation transparent, Nor Native was published at a Although indirect or belated,
temporary and provisional. And time of insurgent and resurgent their actions and inactions
in this way, it opens a political help produce the positions of
decolonisation in the twenty-
path for new political imagination victims and perpetrators. In
first century. This makes it very
as an essential prerequisite for other words, implicated subjects
timely. Because at the heart of help propagate the legacies of
the painstaking process of the this decolonisation are deep historical violence and prop
reconstitution of the political. cognitive and epistemic issues as up the structures of inequality
Throughout the dense case studies, well as a deliberate drive towards that mar the present, apparently
of the United States, Nazi Germany, an epistemic rupture, which the direct forms of violence turn
Apartheid South Africa, Sudan decolonisation of the twentieth out to rely on indirection.
and Israel-Palestine, Mamdani has century failed to deliver. While Modes of implication—
successfully demonstrated through most of the discussions are about entanglement in historical and
careful historical analysis how decolonising the university, in present-day injustices—are
the political is produced through which Mamdani is also involved, complex, multifaceted, and
historical process mediated by the decolonisation of the state is sometimes contradictory, but
the conflicts and violence that are nonetheless essential to
a necessary and urgent task partly
accompany state formation. confront in the pursuit of justice.
because even the decolonisation
Through law, state monopoly of (Rothberg 2019: 1–2)
of the university and knowledge
violence is normalised, routinised cannot be realised without the We know that the leading social
and rendered ‘righteous’, making decolonisation of the state. forces in the decolonisation of
the state ‘blameless’ (Mamdani the twentieth century were the
2020: 331–332). Like all good books, Mamdani’s
African educated elite born
Neither Settler Nor Native will
What is revolutionary about within the belly of the beast of
provoke many questions but its
Mamdani’s work is how he posits the colonialism, about whom Fanon
shelf life and its virtual space life
agenda of decolonising the political had expressed misgivings because
are guaranteed. The questions that
as an epistemic revolutionary of their intellectual laziness and
arise from it include, ‘Who are
solution to violence as well as to the pitfalls of consciousness. With
the potential social forces to be
problematic identitarian categories of hindsight we also now know that
relied on for this decolonisation
settler-native and minority-majority the African educated elite never
of the political community?’ This
statuses. To him, the decolonisation paid attention to Amilcar Cabral’s
question becomes pertinent if one
of the political is in the first call to commit class suicide to be
considers Michael Rothberg’s
instance an act of new political reborn as genuine revolutionaries.
notion of ‘implicated subjects’,
imagination—an act of dreaming Today, this elite, which is in charge
which he explained this way:
about another political community. of the postcolonial nation-states,
Epistemic revolution is an enabler Implicated subjects occupy contains the most vociferous
of this new dreaming and imagining positions aligned with power defenders of the nation-state
and privilege without being in Africa. Epistemically and
of a new political community. The
themselves direct agents of cognitively, this elite is blind to any
future political community can be
harm; they contribute to, new imagination of the political
imagined as an inclusive formation inhabit, inherit, or benefit
in which the state does not wither community. It is this lazy bourgeois
from regimes of domination elite that has internalised Euro-
away but is decoupled from the but do not originate or control
plural nation and operates as a legal political modernity and colonial
such regimes. An implicated
structural management institution subject is neither a victim
political modernity to the extent
protecting every citizen rather than a nor a perpetrator, but rather of reproducing it in Africa within
chosen and privileged nation above a participant in histories and their problematic nation-building
other nations. social formations that generate and state-making projects.CODESRIA Bulletin Online, No. 12, June 2021 Page 6
Even for those South African to believe we could not live Dabashi, H., 2020, The Emperor Is
leaders who met the erstwhile without the nation-state, lest we Naked: On the Inevitable Demise
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notion of a ‘rainbow nation’, there permanent minority. The nation Burden and the Curse of the
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nation made the local a native Dussel, E., 1985, Philosophy of
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