Towards a Global Movement for Palestine
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Palestinian grassroots Anti-Apartheid Wall Campaign
www.stopthewall.org June 2007
Towards a Global
Movement for Palestine:
A framework for today’s
anti-apartheid activism
Contents
• Introduction … p.1
• What are BDS? … p.1
• Legacies of BDS:
Activism and Apartheid
South Africa … p.3
• Lessons learned: The
Arab League Boycott
… p.5
• Resurrecting Boycott
as a Tool for Change
… p. 8
• Challenges Ahead …
p.9
• How can a boycott
work? – Tackling key
economic sectors …
p.11
• Conclusion - Where
Next in Building Unity
for a Global
Movement? … p. 13
A guide for
Boycott, Divestment & Sanctions
1
Introduction lished in 2007, containing further
detail and referencing. With the
Boycotts, Divestment and Sanc- aim of supporting grassroots cam-
tions (BDS) have gained currency in paigners, the study comes at a time
recent years as a series of strate- when BDS solidarity has the poten-
gies used to pressure Israel in the tial to grow into a truly global
pursuit of justice for Palestinians. movement. Materials, resources
Reminiscent of the global anti- and tools – based upon the frame-
apartheid movement against South work of the report - are being
Africa, various BDS initiatives have constantly added to
emerged within a loose coalition of www.bdsmovement.net, an
social movements, trade unions, invaluable site for today’s Palestin-
churches, civil society groups and ian solidarity.
activists. In the infancy of BDS cam-
paigns there have been some nota- 1. What are BDS?
ble successes. Yet, it is clear that
initiatives need to strengthen and A united Palestinian Call for a
gain greater popular support if they comprehensive BDS campaign
are to be an effective force in sup- against Israel emerged in 2005 and
port of Palestinians. has been signed by over 170 Pales-
tinian organizations. Importantly
We consider the scope for the devel- the signatories represent the three
opment of a global BDS movement major components of the Palestin-
which can work in accordance with ian people: the refugees in the dias-
the goals set out by Palestinians in pora, Palestinians under occupation
their calls. We assess the various in the West Bank and Gaza Strip
objectives of BDS initiatives and and the subjugated Palestinians who
conclude with a framework of hold Israeli citizenship. Their appeal
goals, priorities and aims to take for external support invoked spe-
such work forwards. The oft-cited cific solidarity strategies, all of
model of the international anti- which have historical significance in
apartheid movement against South challenging injustice.
Africa will be explored to see if it
forms a relevant basis for today’s
BDS activism, and what strategies B oycotts, at least by name,
originate from the experiences
may be applied from past cam- of an Irish community in relation to
paigns. The Arab League boycott an agent of a British landlord called
will also be considered, and what Captain Boycott during the 19th
can be learnt from other boycott century. As a means of expressing
experiences that stretch back over local grievances held against Boy-
half a century. cott, the community successfully
isolated the agent and refused to
This report is a summary of an deal with him. After he returned to
extensive BDS study to be pub- England, the story immortalized his
2
last name and boycott has populace looks for external
been used ever since to support in their struggle to
describe the collective bring about social or politi-
power of a group to ad- cal change. This becomes
vance their goals via strate- even more pertinent when
gies of ostracism. History the offender depends upon
has shown how a variety of external backing in order
boycotts can successfully to carry out and perpetu-
overcome forms of injus- ate crimes.
tice. Today activists and
groups have many forms of
boycott at their disposal:
• Consumer/Payment
S anctions can be deployed
across a wide array of institu-
tions, taking in measures made by
• Trade and Embargo local community groups, to munici-
• Cultural palities and city councils, to inter-
• Academic national forums and bodies. They
• Secondary (surrogate) are embodied in the actions taken
• Sports to rebuke or inhibit the activities of
• Tourist the offender, in ways conducive to
Increasingly in northern-based so- attaining change. Momentum for
cieties boycott refers to consumer sanctions tends to begin at a grass-
rights and as an important tool of roots level even if implementation
often relies upon decision-making
protest, exercised through not
purchasing the products of an of- bodies which have some claim to
fending country, company or insti- representation. The phenomenon
tution. In other parts of the world, of “peoples sanctions” developed
boycotts remain one direct mecha- by the anti-apartheid movement
referred to the success of cam-
nism to ensure the attainment of
basic rights and services (such as paigns that called for and suc-
ceeded in ensuring mechanisms of
over rents, electricity and water).
Boycott calls can also be made in pressure were put upon South Af-
situations where an oppressed rica. In some instances sanctions
institutionalize the boycotts pro-
moted by grassroots campaigns.
At a higher level, sanctions are im-
plemented by governments (local
and national), associations such as
the EU or NAM, or global agencies
such as the UN or WTO. It can be
argued they reinforce the strength
and legitimacy of powerful actors,
many of whom have questionable
commitment to human rights and
3
social justice. However, making
demands on these bodies also en-
sures that powerful states and
global institutions face up to their
responsibilities regarding such rights
and international law. Moreover, a
strong movement advocating sanc-
tions can stimulate consciousness-
raising amongst the public and adds
an important element of moral
pressure to campaign work gener-
ally, even if the sanctions them- 2. Legacies of BDS:
selves are not always attained. In Activism and Apartheid
recent years sanctions campaigns South Africa
have emphasized various forms:
South African history has en-
• Diplomatic
shrined boycotts, divestment and
• Military/Arms
sanctions as invaluable tools in
• Economic/Trade combating oppression and injustice.
• Oil/Energy How they were deployed can yield
D ivestment was first used in important lessons for a BDS move-
the 1950's as a way to de- ment today, and are also relevant
scribe the stripping away of eco- given the parallels drawn between
nomic investments as a mechanism Israel and apartheid South Africa in
of protest and pressure. Today it is public opinion and academia. How-
referred to as the process in which ever, their effectiveness and contri-
an individual, group or institution bution to the South African strug-
disposes of its stocks and shares gle requires consideration if cur-
within a business or holding. rent campaigns are to emulate pre-
vious solidarity.
In solidarity work, divestment is
While resistance to white rule pre-
similar to sanctions in that it can
ceded the struggle against the
rely upon securing certain actions
apartheid system introduced from
by others (in this instance, share-
1948, it was not until the late 1950s
holders or companies withdrawing
that appeals for BDS emerged and
investments). However, a variety of
solidarity campaigns were launched.
institutions exist in which individu-
Early studies recognized that the
als and constituents hold consider-
South African economy was vulner-
able stake and influence (churches,
able to external pressure and cam-
unions, universities, pension funds),
paigns were organized around im-
and which hold great potential for
posing sanctions on the regime (oil,
BDS campaigns.
diplomatic and military), as well as
developing boycotts against key
4
South African exports (agriculture, tional and support-building activi-
coal). In other parts of the world, ties: distributing fliers and pam-
especially in states directly opposed phlets, getting endorsements from
to recognition of racist South Af- community leaders, showing films,
rica, boycotts were promoted in sponsoring conferences and orga-
sports, the arts and culture. nizing speaking engagements with
black South Africans and Americans
In Europe in 1963, Danish dockers with knowledge on southern Africa,
set an important precedent when submitting newspaper articles, hold-
they refused to unload a shipment ing cultural and social
of South African goods. events, doing research on
Dockers in Sweden also Connecticut investments
refused to unload the and obtaining support and
cargo and later that year endorsements from or-
governing parties in Scandi- ganizations around the
navia jointly proposed a state. Out of the relatively
resolution advocating eco- small group emerged a
nomic sanctions on South lobby powerful enough to
Africa. It revealed how influence wider changes at
initiatives taken on the a state level, symptomatic
ground could pressure or of the success of outreach
influence those with politi- programmes across the
cal power. country.
By the 1970s activists advo- The NAM and the UN
cated that apartheid could became more vocal in their
not survive without the condemnation of the re-
external assistance which gime and South Africa
was fuelling the economy emerged in the 1980s as an
and entrenching a system of racial increasingly isolated pariah state.
capital based upon the exploitation Nevertheless, western governments
of black labour. Divestment activity and companies maintained their
emerged on US university and col- economic ties with the regime.
lege campuses and in city and town Western leaders claimed that apart-
councils, targeting any companies heid could be reformed, while banks
with links to the regime. Typically with strong interests in South Africa
solidarity was driven by committed (such as Barclays) stated that
grassroots activists. The Connecti- “economic ties and investment”
cut Anti-Apartheid Committee were “the only viable instruments of
(CAAC) formed in August 1978 peaceful change.” However, South
had a nucleus of between six and Africa’s internal resistance rejected
ten people on the steering commit- anything other than overthrowing
tee for the first 18 months. They apartheid and by the mid-1980s
undertook a wide range of educa- brought the country to a point
5
where many predicted the regime’s the climate in which domestic
imminent collapse. Internal uprising South African capital considered
was complemented by BDS meas- the possible transition to black
ures in the rest of the world which majority rule.
in turn catalyzed popular rhetorical
support for the liberation struggle. There are numerous contesting
Trade unions, church groups, pen- accounts of the final demise of the
sion fund holders, town councils regime, but most are unanimous
and universities were all instrumen- that BDS strategies in one shape or
tal in this process and their actions form contributed in the struggle to
spurred a greater collapse of confi- end apartheid. However, the re-
dence in the regime at another gime did to some extent, consoli-
level, taking in banks and govern- date its financial position after
ments. 1985, leading many
to value the sus-
By 1985 the South tained symbolic
African economy and psychological
was in serious impact of BDS
difficulty, owing initiatives just as
western financial much as the eco-
institutions $24 nomic impact they
billion, $14 billion achieved. Upon
of which was closer inspection,
short-term debt. The declaration of even some the most celebrated
a state of emergency in June 1985 victories of divestment revealed
added to the pressure and Ameri- continued trade and links below the
can banks refused to rollover loans surface. At least 46 US firms that
and demanded their capital back. had pulled out of South Africa from
European banks followed suit. As 1984 were later found to be licens-
the Rand plummeted on foreign ing technology to former subsidiar-
exchange markets, South Africa ies or held distribution and franchise
responded by freezing all repay- agreements with South African
ment, followed on 1 September firms. One Israeli subsidiary of US
with the declaration of a debt corporation Motorola, continued to
standstill. A year later in Novem- do business in South Africa after the
ber, after a decade of high-profile parent company had officially pulled
campaigning, Barclays announced out and gained considerable praise
it’s withdrawal from South Africa, for divesting its holdings.
shattering the myths it propagated
of economic ties bringing peaceful While solidarity work in support of
change. Sports, cultural and tourist South Africans created a legacy for
boycotts were equally important in BDS campaigns, it is important to
breaking the morale of the regime highlight that BDS formed one
and its backers, helping to facilitate means of challenging injustices. It
assisted rather than directed the
6
liberation struggle, which was led companies was developed and main-
first and foremost by the internal tained, working alongside national
resistance. lists.
Typically, companies would receive
3. Lessons Learned: a request to end business relations
The Arab League Boycott and ties with Israel, threatening
their addition to the blacklist if they
If South Africa is the oft-cited did not take steps to rectify their
model of current solidarity activi- activities. This met with mixed suc-
ties, the boycott of Israel by the cess, with some companies acquies-
Arab League receives little mention cent, and others openly challenging
despite the wealth of experiences and defying the boycott. On occa-
of a movement which had a far- sion League members continued
reaching influence during its peak in business relationships with black-
the 1970s. Anti-Zionist boycotts listed companies, weakening the
had already been initiated before boycott’s influence. Nevertheless, it
the Israeli state had come into be- became standardized practice in
ing. These were begun in protest at business dealings between League
the presence of the Zionist move- countries and a third party for as-
ment in Palestine, which other surances that no part of the trans-
states in the region perceived as an action included merchandise, tech-
external and colonial threat. nology or input from Israel. In
many cases this took on an auto-
In 1948, the League banned all com- matic function, with companies
mercial and financial transactions ensuring they had no official ties
between Israel and its member states and links with Israel to avoid being
and developed three mechanisms of targeted.
boycott. A primary boycott prohib-
ited direct trade and relations be- In the first decades of the boycott,
tween Israel and the League states, a attempts to suppress its impact
secondary boycott was directed at relied upon the efforts of Israel’s
companies that did business with external supporters, an anti-
Israel and the third tier of boycott boycott office in Tel Aviv, as well as
blacklisted firms that traded with secret or third party trade. Pro-
other companies carrying out busi- Israeli groups established mecha-
ness with Israel, or which maintained nisms of pressure on companies to
Israeli capital. A central boycott office maintain or create trade with Is-
(CBO) was established, alongside rael, largely relying upon exposure
national offices, and over the next of the boycott as a means by which
two decades they accumulated de- to garner public support. In a cli-
tailed information on Israel’s eco- mate where there was little under-
nomic activities, efforts to ensure standing or sympathy for the
targeted firms and countries acceded League boycott in the west – whe-
to the boycott. A central blacklist of
7
re Israel carried out the majority of more than those which get black-
its trade – exposure of the issue listed, have complied with the Israel
formed the major weapon of anti- boycott regulations when their
boycott activists. This task was attention was drawn to the subject
often made easier in that the Lea- and its consequences.” Moreover,
gue had little in the way of outre- significant companies acceding to
ach activities to promote the rea- the terms of the boycott came
sons and rationale for the boycott from the US and Western Europe,
and which sought acquiescence to from countries with the strongest
its terms via economic coercion. historical links with Israel.
Attempts to publicly shame compa- The backlash against the boycott
nies known or thought to be ac- saw US Congress enact amend-
ceding to the boycott were made ments to the Export Administra-
alongside accusations of anti- tion Act in 1977, to prohibit com-
Semitism and of cynicism for engag- panies from cooperating with the
ing in the boycott under the moti- League’s demands. What the
vation of profits and markets in the change in US laws did not prevent
League states. Nevertheless, the was continued cooperation
boycott stepped up after the 1973 amongst American firms with the
war with League countries using League states, particularly in the
their oil resources as a further immediate years following the legis-
means to extend their influence. By lation. On average in the early
1976, 2,200 companies in the US 1980s, 50 businesses per year were
reported over 97,000 transactions fined for cooperation with boycott.
with boycott conditions or require- Despite the threat and implementa-
ments. Britain’s largest food can tion of fines, some American com-
company, Metal Box, was one typi- panies preferred to pay fines rather
cal example of the boycott’s influ- than endanger the loss of business
ence when it divested from its 27% with League states.
equity share in the Israel Can Com-
pany in 1977 so as not to lose im- The decline of the boycott in the
portant sales in Saudi Arabia and 1980s was a reflection of the splits
Kuwait. The Wall Street Journal in pan-Arab co-operation and
noted in December of 1974 how growing regional disunity. It also
individuals and businesses estab- stemmed from the numerous occa-
lished their own boycott rules that sions when League states continued
were much tighter than the official to trade with blacklisted companies,
boycott and that “to be on the safe in line with sovereign or elite inter-
side they lean far over to be ests and to the detriment of boy-
friendly to Arabs even if this means cott unity. Egypt’s treaty with Israel
being overtly unfriendly to Israel.” in 1978 had already sharpened the
Amer Sharif’s study of the boycott regional fractures and as pan-Arab
in 1970 noted: “Many companies, cooperation declined the boycott
gradually relaxed from the early
8
1980’s. Many companies that had of companies and businesses across
previously stayed out of the Israeli the globe. At the same time boy-
market began to invest including cott experiences suggest that trans-
Toyota and Nestlé. The Oslo Ac- forming economic success into con-
cords and normalization appeared crete political and social changes
to land a final blow to the boycott, requires key characteristics which
and today bar a few exceptions, were lacking in the League boycott.
trade and links with Israel are de- Public relations and media cam-
veloping across the Middle East. paigns; an open and transparent
movement; accessibility of the cam-
Estimates of the yearly loss to Is- paign to the wider public and a
raeli GDP as a result of the boycott clear set of aims and objectives
have fluctuated from 3 to 10%. In were all missing in the League’s
1993, then President of the Israeli work. Added to this was the ab-
Chambers of Commerce Danny sence of civil society input into the
Gillerman along with analyst Danny working of the boycott, despite the
Lipkin estimated the financial loss groundswell of regional grassroots
to Israel since 1950 at somewhere popular support for Palestine.
between $45 and $49 billion, while
the Syrian boycott office has esti-
mated anything up to $90 billion
covering the period until 1999.
With or without the boycott, Israel
would have engaged in a concerted
effort to develop key sectors of its
economy, but it is clear such devel-
opment would have been more
favourable without the impediment
of the boycott. 4. Resurrecting
Discussion of the boycott is made Boycott as a Tool for
problematic in that it was pursued
by various states which took on Change
increasingly authoritarian traits
The Oslo Process and normalization
within domestic policies and issues,
transformed the dynamics of the
leaving them with little legitimacy
liberation struggle as important ele-
and recourse to a moral dialogue.
ments in the PLO entered the struc-
However, the history of the boy-
tures of the PNA. While endless
cott reveals the potential for BDS
negotiations failed to bring about any
campaigns today to achieve a real
of the Palestinian objectives, the
impact. It shows how building unity
PNA became absorbed with the
and consensus in a movement can
tasks of day-to-day administration
yield successes and fundamentally
over the disparate Bantustans of the
that divestment and boycott can be
West Bank and Gaza Strip (WBGS).
institutionalized into the operations9
The second intifada provided the Israel’s occupation and colonization
catalyst for a renewal in global soli- of the 1967 areas. These do not
darity work and the revitalization usually include ending discrimina-
of ties with social movements and tion against Palestinians under Is-
civil society organizations. BDS raeli rule since 1948, or the right of
strategies against Israel took on return for Palestinian refugees. In-
increasing resonance, receiving deed, campaigns can be influenced
popular support across the Middle by the Israeli “peace” lobby which
East, Asia and in solidarity groups sees the ‘67 occupation as the issue
in the west. to overcome, but does not con-
sider the right of return as an ac-
The BDS call of 2005 was quick to ceptable platform for BDS work.
spread on a global level and came This is clearly at odds with the Pal-
as an important development in estinian position in which the oppo-
forging a common position from sition to Zionism as an ideology
which to base solidarity relations forms the major impetus for the
with the rest of the world. These struggle. The rhetoric of other
had core goals which guided the campaigns – notably from South
vision of BDS work: Africans who struggled against
• Ending its [Israel’s] occupation apartheid – view BDS work as the
and colonization of all Arab lands means by which to challenge
and dismantling the Wall; “Israeli apartheid”. Such similarities
• Recognizing the fundamental between Israel and South Africa as
rights of the Arab-Palestinian citizens apartheid states have been compre-
of Israel to full equality; and hensively detailed. A wide range of
• Respecting, protecting and pro- today’s BDS initiatives are moti-
moting the rights of Palestinian refu- vated by the recognition of the
gees to return to their homes and rights of all Palestinians and are
properties as stipulated in UN reso- based upon anti-racist or anti-
lution 194. apartheid frameworks.
In Palestine where colonial and
External solidarity groups differ in
post-colonial dynamics are still un-
the emphasis taken towards influ-
ravelling, external solidarity move-
encing social and political change.
ments need to be responsive to the
All BDS campaigns agree on the
calls of the oppressed and ensure
need for some kind of collective
that relationships are not charac-
action to put pressure on Israel,
terized by external organizations
but there is not a consensus as to
becoming the dominant partner.
the goals driving the appeal. For
Finding commonalities with Pales-
example, NGOs and faith-based
tinian civil society organizations
organizations in Europe and North
that are accountable to the people,
America have backed and/or begun
and using their popular appeals as a
various initiatives that tend to focus
basis, can reflect the ideals forming
only on the urgent need to end10
the basis of solidarity assistance to dependent upon) foreign invest-
an oppressed people. Moreover, ments. Israel has strong export
for Palestinians, re-establishing links markets which are reliant upon
with other oppressed peoples in four interlinked core sectors: tech-
the global south can be a source of nology, Research and Development
inspiration and unity in challenging (R&D), diamonds, and arms. In ad-
injustice. dition, it has received approxi-
mately $3 billion in aid per year
5. Challenges Ahead from the US since the mid-1980s.
Israel began to implement policies of
Successful BDS campaigns are built trade liberalization in the early
upon diligent and detailed research 1990s, setting the country on a tra-
which can guide the jectory of privatization
efforts of activists in which continues today.
their outreach work, Yet the economy re-
and in which the dis- tains a duality in
semination of such state/private activities,
information to a net- ensuring apartheid and
work of solidarity occupation policies go
movements is vital. hand-in-hand with neo-
Challenging and oppos- liberalism. Many busi-
ing Israeli crimes re- ness and economic
quires the presentation practices are integrated
of clear and easily iden- into Israeli “security”
tifiable means by which objectives and are fur-
people get involved in ther interwoven into
campaign work. Outlining the na- wider circles of capital and invest-
ture of the Israeli policies and the ment. Israel in 2007 has a highly-
overall Israeli economy presents diversified economy, driven via
opportunities for BDS work to transnational accumulation and par-
develop effective mechanisms of ticularly sensitive to the fusion of
pressure. local capital into the global circuits
of ownership. While it shares R&D
In 1949 fruit juices and citrus fruits
projects with a host of countries,
accounted for 67% of Israeli ex-
the US is the major player in buying
ports. Almost sixty years on, the
into the Israeli economy. Israeli in-
Israeli economy has been totally
vestments are also strong in the US
transformed from settler based
and Western Europe, but are in-
agrarian production to a high-tech,
creasingly represented in the ex-
highly diversified economy. Today,
eastern bloc and Africa, specifically
Israel is viewed as the technological
in construction, diamonds and arms.
and industrial powerhouse of the
Middle East, and as one of the most Israeli export markets (bar dia-
attractive markets for (and which is monds) are predominantly depend-11
ent upon the EU and the US (33% finds its way into the everyday con-
and 28% respectively). However, sumer goods manufactured in
emerging markets in Asia and the countries across the world and the
Middle East have meant that trade deep integration of the economy
in these regions has steadily in- into high-tech markets causes obvi-
creased over the last decade. Lack- ous problems in sourcing Israeli
ing in many natural resources, Is- components and products.
rael is dependent upon imports of
The high-tech sector currently ac-
petroleum, coal, food and raw ma-
counts for 33% of Israel’s total ex-
terials. It also relies on other coun-
ports. Over the last two decades, a
tries (notably the US and Germany)
significant transformation has
for the transfer of advanced mili-
shifted the emphasis of business
tary equipment which it is unable
activity into the field of computers,
to manufacture internally. In terms
software and electronics; commu-
of imports, figures show (excluding
nications; biotechnology; medical,
diamonds) that 56.5% arrive from
agricultural and scientific equip-
the EU or US which means (in light
ment; and advanced weapon and
of the African diamond market)
military defence systems. Technol-
that Israel is dependent upon a
ogy plays a significant part in pro-
significant proportion of imports
duction across nearly all sectors of
from the rest of the world. Israel's
the economy.
energy imports (various types of
The Ministry of Finance has sug-
crude oil) have risen by 42% over
gested that after Sweden, Israel
the past four years, from $3.1 to
spends more on the R&D sector
$4.5 billion, of which Russia ac-
than any other country. However
counted for a third.
the government keeps aspects of
R&D programmes confidential,
6. How can a boycott specifically the military sector
work? - Tackling key which has been estimated to usurp
economic sectors 2% of GDP. Israel’s overall R&D
expenditure is thus considered to
“Israel enjoys the highest concen- be 4.3% of GDP – 85% above the
tration of high-tech companies out- OECD average, and 30% more than
side of the Silicon Valley.” Sweden. It has various incentives in
Robert Greifeld President & CEO NASDAQ place to boost the R&D sector,
2004 which grew out of the Oslo agree-
Almost every major multinational is ments as a financial and cooperative
involved or linked into the Israeli enticement from the global com-
economy which has evolved from munity for the “peace process”.
settler-based agriculture to a cen- Yet despite the transnational na-
tre of transnational investment in ture of the economy, various op-
high-tech industries, manufacturing portunities exist for extending an
and research. Israeli technology effective boycott. Israeli companies12
can lose their competitive edge in a gem diamonds, and plays a key role
climate where divestment initiatives in the overall control of the trade.
target selective companies holding Moreover, Israeli dealers have been
key or symbolic interests in the linked to conflict or blood dia-
economy. Campaigns against the monds in Africa where virtually all
R&D sector – and the joint pro- the unpolished diamonds that enter
grammes held with over 20 differ- Israel are sourced. The industry
ent countries – form another tar- makes up a vast contribution to the
get for BDS work in ending the economy and is interwoven into
external cooperation the oppression not
and funding for Israeli just of Palestinians,
growth and production. but also of the Afri-
cans who own the
Moreover, technology raw resources. Like
is built into a handful of South African coal
core economic indus- and food exports
tries which form viable were key characteris-
targets for BDS cam- tics of the export
paigns. One of these economy and later
central markets is that subject to embargo
of diamond processing. and boycott, Israeli
Israeli diamonds diamonds have the
potential to be the
Diamonds make up a focus of an interna-
massive 28% of Israeli tional campaign.
exports and Tel Aviv is the hub of a
trade with extensive moral and Arms Exports – Sustaining Oc-
ethical implications. In 2005 Israel’s cupation, Fuelling Conflict
diamond industry ended the year Israel is one of the world's major
with growth in all areas of activity, exporters of military equipment. By
maintaining its position as the the 1980s Israel joined the top ten
world manufacturing and trading countries of the world in military
centre for polished and rough dia- production and by 2000 officially
monds. Diamond exports broke, recorded exports reached a new
for the first time, the $10 billion high of over $2.49bn. In 2004, offi-
threshold. Net polished exports in cial figures showed Israel’s sale of
2005 rose 5.8% to reach an all time armaments to “developing” coun-
high of $6.707 billion, compared to tries amounted to US $1.2 billion.
$6.337 billion in 2004. Rough dia- However, unreported clandestine
mond exports from Israel rose deals could mean that this figure
20.5% in 2005 to reach $3.517 bil- does not represent the full extent of
lion, up from $2.920 billion in 2004. arms exports.
Israel processes about 75% of the
annual production of higher-value Israel has a long history of aggres-13
sively marketing weapons in the gies with specific campaigns can
rest of the world, as well arming a bring in the wider audience and
variety of dictators, juntas, factions conditions needed for a broad anti-
in civil wars and regimes well apartheid movement to take root.
known for systematic human rights Campaigns on the arms trade and
abuses. Israel has also taken on the diamonds have been highlighted,
mantle of a major subcontractor but other forms of boycott can
and broker for US arms to the de- have both symbolic and economic
veloping world. value. The question of BDS should
not solely be judged on its eco-
Only around a quarter of current nomic efficacy, but rather the role
Israeli production in the military it plays in educating people about
sector is produced for the internal the real ties that exist between
market. Consequently, Israel, con- their every day existence and Israeli
trary to the norm of large arms apartheid and occupation.
producing countries (such as the Produce symbolic for its origins in
US), gears production towards the Israeli economy (e.g. fruit, cut
external markets to bring in vital flowers) form a useful basis for
cash flows for the economy, per- BDS work alongside the boycott of
petuating conflicts, mini arms races goods which make a fundamental
and violence. contribution to the economy (e.g.
technology deployed in cell
7. Conclusion - Where phones). Campaigns around “soft”
Next in Building Unity for targets that centre upon the most
abhorrent and illegal Israeli prac-
a Global Movement? tices are useful starting points for
BDS work. Consumer boycotts and
‘Don’t doubt the damage of the sanc-
divestment campaigns can look to
tions fight, devastating, them boycotts
be more encompassing once BDS
bite
work is accepted and established as
The more we know the more we can
the prime focus of solidarity work.
do, so get on down, it’s up to you
Don’t mess, don’t wait, don’t hesitate,
However, symbolic and start up
do your thing boycott campaigns on economic
Hit the Apartheid State, cos’ the little
production directly linked to the
bit more occupation of the 1967 areas, can-
That we take away, the little bit closer
not alone challenge the main facets
To the VICTORY day - AMANDLA!’ of Israeli occupation and apartheid.
- From London Anti-Apartheid News, Companies with obvious complicity
Summer (1989) in Israeli apartheid such as Caterpil-
lar and Veolia form the starting
Historically, boycotts show that in
point for a broader campaign as
order to be effective the public
much as companies supporting the
cannot be overwhelmed with tar-
Israeli military or the continued
gets and goals. Developing strate-14
discrimination against Palestinians movement, people’s sanctions can
with Israeli citizenship. That invest- look to local councils and other
ment in Israel represents investment community decision-making bodies
in a system of occupation, injustice to adopt progressive legislation and
and apartheid must be reinforced as positions.
the basis for campaigning.
Aside from forms of economic boy-
Boycott and buycott lists will need cott, a variety of other initiatives
to be managed in democratic and are at the disposal of campaigners,
transparent ways in a solidarity and have already emerged in acade-
movement which can develop the mia, sports, culture and trade un-
mechanisms by which to coordi- ionism. These can have a powerful
nate serious research in the sourc- impact on Israeli society as a
ing of Israeli production and in its whole, sending a clear message that
outreach work. Institutions and occupation and apartheid will no
groups could pass boycott resolu- longer be accepted in the rest of
tions, which include mandates to the world.
investigate the levels of trade pur-
sued with Israel and share such
data amongst activists on a global
level. Campaigners can as well tar-
get a series of intergovernmental
bodies – from the UN to the NAM
– and their monitoring and report-
ing commissions to take up the
valuable task of research. Calling
those bodies to responsibility leads
the way into sanctions campaigns Yet while Palestine BDS work has
within these organizations. already become established by vari-
ous campaigns, the lack of a com-
mon discourse or framework has
left initiatives isolated or in the pur-
suit of different aims. Binding efforts
together requires common refer-
ence to the 2005 Boycott Call and a
realization amongst solidarity move-
Sanctions campaigns can look to ments that BDS is meant as a strat-
annul Free Trade Agreements egy of support for all Palestinians
(FTAs) and other preferential agree- struggling for liberation. For those
ments with Israel, sever diplomatic movements unable or unwilling to
ties and maintain arms embargoes, adopt this position, particularly in
until more comprehensive measures the US and parts of Europe, their
can be put in place. As we see from contribution can assist BDS initia-
the South African anti-apartheid tives but should not come at the15 expense of subverting the calls and essary from civil society and move- appeals of Palestinians. ments in Palestine with the rest of The opening of new historical nar- the world. BDS movements, no ratives, finally revealing the full sub- matter how powerful, cannot and jugation and horror experienced by should not look to replace the re- the Palestinian people as a result of sistance and struggle of those peo- Zionism, is making new waves in ple they are trying to support. They global discourse and perceptions. can, under the right circumstances, Part of this is the achievement of make a positive and proactive con- solidarity work which has already tribution in supporting the attain- influenced popular opinion as well ment of human rights for others as the “opinion makers”. Personali- and for securing long-term justice. ties such as UN Special Rapporteur for Human Rights John Dugard and Detailed references for the quotes and even ex-US president Jimmy information contained in this work as Carter, are clearly raising the pro- well as the source and context of the file and discussion of Israeli apart- photos can be found in the longer heid and hence the need for a version of the report to be published strong and effective BDS campaign. soon or obtained from However, BDS campaigners need global@stopthewall.org to be aware of the constraints or Front page painting: Dora McPhee. underlying interests of opinion makers and ensure that communi- cation with Palestine remains the pillar on which global solidarity needs to be anchored. BDS styled campaigns can achieve great heights in taking this further and in working for a lasting and genuine peace, but should be aware that external groups are not the ones to define the political and social objectives of the work. In maintaining an aware- ness of these dynamics, continual dialogue and communication is nec- Palestinian grassroots Anti-Apartheid Wall Campaign www.stopthewall.org mobilize@stopthewall.org Supported by: Tel: +970-222971505 Fax:+970-22975123 Ramallah, Palestine
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