REGIONAL SECURITY OUTLOOK - CSCAP
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COUNCIL FOR SECURITY COOPERATION EDITOR IN THE ASIA PACIFIC Ron Huisken Adjunct Associate Professor, Established in 1993, the Council for Security Cooperation Strategic and Defence Studies Centre, in the Asia Pacific (CSCAP) is the premier Track Two Australian National University organisation in the Asia Pacific region and counterpart to the Track One processes dealing with security issues, namely, the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF), the East EDITORIAL ASSISTANT Asia Summit (EAS) and the ASEAN Defence Ministers Kathryn Brett Plus Forum. It provides an informal mechanism for Strategic and Defence Studies Centre, Australian National University scholars, officials and others in their private capacities to discuss political and security issues and challenges facing the region. It provides policy recommendations to EDITORIAL PANEL various intergovernmental bodies, convenes regional and international meetings and establishes linkages with Anthony Milner institutions and organisations in other parts of the world CSCAP Australia to exchange information, insights and experiences in the Ric Smith area of regional political-security cooperation. CSCAP Australia Philips Vermonte CSCAP Indonesia Jusuf Wanandi CSCAP Indoensia Front cover image Source: Jan Huisken, EPA, ASEAN Secretariat, LETTER FROM THE Dong-A Ilbo, and Andrew Harnik. CO-EDITORS On behalf of CSCAP, we are pleased to Back cover image present the CSCAP Regional Security Source: Jan Huisken Outlook (CRSO) 2020. Inaugurated in 2007, the CRSO volume is now in its fourteenth year. The CRSO brings expert analysis to bear on critical security issues facing the region and points to policy-relevant alternatives for Track One (official) CSCAP thanks the Coral Bell School of Asia Pacific and Track Two (non-official) to advance multilateral regional security Affairs, The Australian National University, for their cooperation. support for this publication The views in the CRSO 2020 do Designed and printed by CanPrint Communications, not represent those of any Member Canberra, Australia. committee or other institution and are the responsibility of the individual authors and the Editor. Charts and images in the CRSO 2020 do not ISBN: 978-0-642-60698-3 necessarily reflect the views of the chapter authors. Copyright © 2019 by CSCAP www.cscap.org Ron Huisken and Kathryn Brett
REGIONAL SECURITY OUTLOOK 2020 CONTENTS Regional Security Outlook 4 Introduction – Ron Huisken 9 United States – Siddharth Mohandas 13 China – Wu Xinbo 16 Japan – Yoshihide Soeya 20 India – Sana Hashmi 23 Russia – Alexander Lukin 27 EU – Alice Ekman 30 ROK – Choi Kang 34 Australia – Brendan Taylor 37 Indonesia – Dewi Fortuna Anwar 41 Thailand – Pongphisoot Busbarat 45 Malaysia – Cheng-Chwee Kuik 49 Singapore – William Choong 52 Philippines – Aileen San Pablo Baviera 56 Vietnam – Le Dinh Tinh 60 New Zealand – B.K. Greener 64 Myanmar – Zeyar Oo 68 Cambodia – Chheang Vannarith 72 Laos – Sulathin Thiladej 3
CSCAP The Regional Security Outlook 2020: A prolonged US-China two-step has left us questioning interdependence Ron Huisken many take solace in the belief that the world’s nuclear arsenals present a formidable barrier to major power war. This contention has merit but must be twined with the reality that, for the first time in history, these weapons may have given humankind the capacity to make a mistake from which it cannot recover. Given the further reality that humankind tends to make all the mistakes available to it, the exclusive effect of nuclear weapons must be to reinforce our collective determination to navigate these challenging times using July 31, 2019. Chinese Vice-Premier Liu He (right) with US Trade Representative Robert Lighthizer accommodation and compromise plus (third left) and US Treasury Secretary Steve Mnuchin (second left) in Shanghai. Credit AP. a frank assessment of everyone’s role in getting to where we are. Just a year ago, the CSCAP Outlook gains since World War 2, not least, The present clash between the US highlighted what it termed ‘the in much of East Asia. It may be more and China is arrestingly sharp and end of ambiguity and denial’ about accurate to say, however, that the deep not only because the stakes whether the United States and fundamental question that the contest are so high and the parties so China saw themselves as engaged has exposed is whether dependable profoundly different – most critically, in an adversarial contest for global agreement is possible on the range perhaps, in terms of philosophies pre-eminence. Over the course of of tools and mindsets that states can on governance – but also because 2019, the rivalry between these two legitimately bring to the competition. it has been brewing over several mega-states remained a primary If the answer is yes, interdependence decades of increasingly intimate and cause of the deepening division and will continue to be accepted and complex interaction. In 1944-45, antagonism that characterised the welcomed; if not, then some when the US had a uniquely clean international system. Most of the significant degree of disengagement slate to put the broad management of papers assembled in this edition of will be seen as indispensable to the international affairs on a new footing, Outlook confirm this judgement. national interest. President Roosevelt insisted – over China’s singular fusion of We should not be too surprised or objections from the UK and USSR authoritarian governance and a dismayed by this development. who had particular interests in Tibet market economy (dubbed ‘state Rapid and significant change in the and Xinjiang respectively – that capitalism’) is being viewed by the distribution of power have ranked China be among the select group of US and others as fundamentally as the supreme challenge for the major powers that would be tasked incompatible with traditional notions international community throughout with special responsibilities for the of fair and productive competition. recorded history. It is not easy to maintenance of international order Opinion and assessment have tended get it right and to preserve stability and stability. Within a few years, to focus on the so-called ‘rules- and peace. Although history never Mao Zedong’s communist movement based order’ as the primary arena really repeats itself, too many broadly had seized power in China, entered of dispute, despite this order having comparable episodes in the past into an alliance with the USSR and fostered spectacular and widespread have ended in major wars. Today, joined it in endorsing North Korea’s 4
REGIONAL SECURITY OUTLOOK 2020 Deng maxim about being patient and keeping a low profile into the major public policy theme of peaceful rise (later, peaceful development). For nearly a decade, until towards the end of the Bush administration in 2008, Beijing’s incessant message was that its economic and political revival would not disrupt or threaten the fortunes of other states, a pledge based in part on lessons learned from an exhaustive examination of the experience with rising powers in the past. As the Clinton administration drew October 1, 2019. National Day Parade, Xi, Jiang, Hu. Credit Ng Han Guan / AP. to a close it was characterising China as a ‘strategic partner’, whereas the invasion of the South in June 1950. energies on building a functioning Republican presidential candidate in The US and China were the principal economy. The accelerating success of 2000, George W. Bush, contended that combatants in that conflict, emerging this transformation, linked strongly China was a ‘strategic competitor’. as bitter enemies. China and the to a receptive US market, has become This stark contrast can be traced USSR essentially left the US to cope the stuff of legends. The expectation back to the break-up of the Soviet with the inconclusive aftermath that these economic practices would Union in 1991, thrusting the US into of the Korean War but then also have a wider liberalising influence the condition of unipolarity. The end experienced the complete collapse of – more a hope than a precondition of the Cold War led spontaneously their own bilateral relationship by for continuing to facilitate China’s to a strong and persistent public 1959-60. More than a decade later, economic revival – were sharply demand in America for a major ‘peace in 1972, came the spectacular US- deflated in June 1989. Almost dividend’, including sharp reductions Chinese accommodation, splitting the coincidently, the USSR allowed the in US forces stationed overseas in communist side of the Cold War and Berlin wall to be breached and its Europe and Northeast Asia. Many enlarging the strategic space within partners in the Warsaw Pact to make analysts had marvelled at the which China could manoeuvre in their own choices, a process that durability of the bipartisan consensus comparative safety. culminated in the spectacular break- in the US that sustained its costly up of the USSR itself in December and dangerous global security After Mao’s death in 1976, China’s 1991. These events effectively marked posture. Here was an early and clear new paramount leader, Deng Xiao the end of the special US-China sign that the American public was not Ping, took the country down the relationship forged in 1972. only aware of this burden but eager road of ‘reform and opening up’ – to seek relieve from it. Moreover, the or away from Socialist planning The US basically persisted with White House in 1991-92 was disposed toward a market economy attached the posture of engaging China and to respond favourably to this public to the global trading community. relations were rebuilt over the course pressure. President George H.W. Taking China down this path took of the 1990’s but arguably never Bush began to speak of a ‘new world great courage and skill. A key regained the qualities of tentative order’ and of a minimalist future US plank of Deng’s political platform partnership from the 70’s and 80’s. military posture – ‘just enough’, he was the notion of a ‘window of The Clinton administration in its said, to meet its security obligations – strategic opportunity’ – an external second term acknowledged China’s that would leave room for significant environment that was reliably stable major power status and urged it reductions in prevailing expectations because of the US-Soviet nuclear to also accept the responsibilities of future military expenditure. stalemate and China’s favourable associated with that status. China location between the superpowers appeared to respond positively to this At the same time in the Pentagon, (effectively a recipient of US extended positioning and its implications. In however, an entirely different US deterrence) – that made it ‘safe’ for collaboration with American think- response to the end of the Cold the Party to focus its resources and tankers, Beijing developed a famous War and the advent of unipolarity 5
CSCAP document because Cheney was now Vice-President of the United States and Wolfowitz the Deputy Secretary of Defense. Second, it represented a strikingly abrupt but considered conceptual revolution in America’s security outlook that its authors regarded as already a decade late, even as they recognised that its implementation would again be deferred. Finally, China would have begun to think hard about how the trajectory of its re-emergence might be complicated by this new predisposition in Washington. But then came 911 and the fateful propensity to place regime change in Iraq at the heart of America’s response. Also in 2001, China completed the arduous process of qualifying for membership of the January 7, 2009. President George W. Bush (centre), meets with (from left) former President WTO, a platform for the continued George H.W. Bush, President-elect Barack Obama, and former Presidents Bill Clinton and Jimmy prodigious growth in its GDP and Carter in the Oval Office. exports to magnitudes that dwarfed was taking shape. Informed by presidential elections of 2000 when a earlier export-led economic miracles neoconservative thinking, Secretary conservative think tank re-issued a in Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan. of Defense Richard Cheney and version of it as a potential Republican The transformation in China’s a senior official, Paul Wolfowitz, policy guideline. economic capacities that these were instrumental in crafting a There is little doubt that President circumstances helped to facilitate posture that contended (a) that the Bush was made familiar with and was fed, 15 years later, into the widely- circumstances demanded that the US attracted to the thrust of this security shared view that the US had failed overtly declare its intention to lead posture – in June 2002 he asserted utterly to anticipate that stoic the world and to preserve the liberal that ‘America has, and intends to adherence to its traditional posture of global order it had been instrumental keep, military strengths beyond enabling emerging economies to have in creating , (b) that the US should challenge … limiting (international) privileged access to US markets might declare its intention to preserve rivalries to trade and other peaceful prove unsustainable in the case of unassailable military superiority, and pursuits’. In addition, the first China. By 2002-03, however, Beijing (c) it should be a priority to preclude major security policy document was again sensing that a further in all regions of importance to the prepared by the new administration ‘strategic window of opportunity’ lay US the emergence of a hostile major – the Quadrennial Defense Review ahead, allowing the state to pursue power capable of harnessing the released in early October 2001 – its priority objectives without undue full capacities of that region (initial constituted a sweeping pivot to Asia concerns about complications on the drafts of the proposal cited Germany to address the emerging challenge foreign and security policy fronts or a and Japan as indicative historical from China, utterly demoting concerted effort to change the ground examples). The authors deemed this Europe and the Near East that had rules on trade. agenda to be within US capacities and for decades outweighed the Asian strongly supportive of US interests. In retrospect, it seems that China theatre. Although this intent was A draft of this document was leaked resolved to drive through the ‘window swept aside by the attacks on 911, in 1991 and provoked widespread of opportunity’ – that the vagaries QDR 2001 remains relevant to the outrage within and beyond the US. It if democracy and Islamic terrorism present narrative for several reasons. was disowned by the White House as had conspired to keep open for more First, it had the same intellectual a wholly internal Pentagon document, than a decade – with all deliberate impetus as the 1991-92 Pentagon and then vanished until the speed and using the full panoply of 6
REGIONAL SECURITY OUTLOOK 2020 its mammoth Belt and Road Initiative The abrupt reconfiguration of US in 2013 (although its grandeur policy objectives effectively drew a has initially been diminished by line under the posture of engagement modalities for project selections and of China that had endured since 1972. implementation that were seen as Washington was characteristically deficient in terms of transparency, transparent, declaring the era of accountability, and engagement selfless US leadership of the liberal with partners, issues that President international order, including Xi in April 2019 promised would assuming primary responsibility to be addressed); and in 2014-15, the counter international terrorism, to frantic construction of seven new be over. Instead, the US would again islands in the South China Sea focus its full attention and energies ahead of an international tribunal on competition with rival major assessing the merits of competing powers, above all on the perceived June 29, 2019. G20 in Osaka Japan. President national claims in this body of ocean. comprehensive challenge, particularly Donald J. Trump joins Xi Jinping, President of the Some of these created islands now from China but also Russia, to ‘shape People’s Republic of China, at the start of their bilateral meeting. Credit Official White House host significant military capabilities, a world antithetical to US values and Photo by Shealah Craighead / Flickr. helping to propel China’s historical interests’. claim to virtually all of this sea space Despite the divisiveness of the Trump – a claim alleged to date back more policy options open to it. It stepped era, this newly declared confrontation than 1000 years – into perhaps the past a deliberate effort by the Bush has significant bipartisan support. major dark cloud over the ‘China administration in 2004 to offer China It is initially (since mid-2018) being dream’ of national rejuvenation. greater recognition of its new status played out primarily as a ‘trade war’, in world affairs, sensing that the These are some of the key trends and alongside negotiations seeking to ‘responsible stakeholder’ proposal developments of the post-Cold War construct a bridge that will reliably was skewed toward China sharing era that shaped the US presidential span the stark asymmetries in more responsibility rather than more elections in 2016 and the breath- the instincts of and policy options power. When the Global Financial taking victory of Donald Trump. After available to the two sides in the Crisis of 2008-09 dealt a further body 18 months of boisterous, divisive and arenas of trade and technological blow to US standing in the world, somewhat incoherent posturing on innovation. that window was thrown wide open, what Make America Great Again More than a year of negotiations bringing into consideration outcomes actually meant and where it had have been inconclusive. They have that had seemed to fall far over the come from (much of it directed at neither confirmed nor precluded that horizon and enticing China to strive America’s allies and friends and the stark differences between China even harder to take full advantage involving a haemorrhaging of US and the US on the principles and of these fortuitous circumstances. A soft power comparable to that which practice of governance can be bridged sustained effort over both terms of occurred over the period 2002-08 to sustain constructive economic the Obama administration to get new under the Bush administration), entanglement. By November 2019, understandings on some of China’s the administration towards the as Outlook went to press, the most distinctive trade policy practices (the middle of 2018 swung its attention likely outcome was an indefinite so-called structural issues, including unambiguously toward China. pause on new tariffs and agreement the subsidisation of state-owned China’s domestic agenda in the years to defer consideration of the so- enterprises, intellectual property leading up to 2017-18 involved a called structural issues. Perhaps protection and forced technology comprehensive campaign to reaffirm the most promising outcome of transfers) was deflected and deferred, the absolute authority of the Party. these negotiations is the stronger but contributed nonetheless to an This objective was firmly extended appreciation on both sides, first, that overt ‘rebalancing’ of US economic, to include the business and trade any agreement will require difficult foreign, and security policy in 2011-12 community, sharpening the sense concessions and, second, that if a to present a more concerted defence that the Chinese model of state deal is not achieved or proves to of US interests in the broader Asia capitalism was structurally skewed to be incapable of sustaining mutual Pacific region. China then launched preclude open and fair competition. confidence in an equitable trading two stunning geopolitical initiatives: relationship, either or both sides 7
CSCAP may look to de-coupling the two the trends highlighted here. More Finally, Outlook has in the past urged economies – prioritising security particularly, it is unlikely that they ASEAN to more directly exploit its and sovereignty considerations would contest what appears to be privileged role in hosting the key East and minimising economic the most important conclusion to be Asian multilateral security processes interdependence. The costs of such drawn from it, namely, that for long- to press the major powers to step up a move could prove calamitous, not standing reasons both states share the quest for durable solutions to simply in economic terms but also in deep responsibility for the prevailing the issues generating division and terms of a heightened risk that the state of affairs between them. hostility. ASEAN centrality and being bilateral relationship writ large will in the ‘driver’s seat’ cannot remain There is a further dimension of become darker and more dangerous, as concepts with a special meaning today’s international scene that a progression that would inevitably linked exclusively to the origins and warrants particular attention. suck in many other states. Economic evolution of the ASEAN Regional We have now seen many years of and security interests cannot be Forum since 1994. These concepts discussion about the scale of the rigorously compartmentalised, they also have a literal meaning that transformation in the distribution overlap and intersect. ASEAN has been somewhat reluctant of economic, military, and political to embrace. This year, however, has The ambitious Regional weight in the international seen two important steps in the right Comprehensive Economic Partnership system and its significance for the direction – the direction of greater – seven years in the making – was ‘international order’ – that body transparency and the protection finalised and its conclusion announced of norms, principles, laws, and of multilateralism. The first was in the margins of the ASEAN and regulations that has evolved to Singapore Prime Minister Lee’s East Asia Summits in Bangkok in manage the intersection of states address to the Shangri-La Dialogue November 2019, both confirming and beyond their sovereign borders. in June 2019. The assessment and consolidating the status of these fora There is a detectable undercurrent diagnosis he offered was insightful as consequential regional gatherings. in this discussion that, as this and refreshingly direct. This is an How this milestone accomplishment international order has been or is example that the ASEAN chair could might play into the US-China in the process of being overtaken, consider following in respect of the trade dispute is difficult to gauge. the visible or tangible evidence of East Asia Summit and the ASEAN The conclusion of RCEP, because its existence should be regarded as Regional Forum. The second was it includes China, may loosen the so much obsolete clutter. This is an ASEAN’s assertive step, at the ARF logjam in the US-China negotiations. exceedingly foolish perspective on the in Bangkok in June 2019, to take Although the US-China agenda seems international order – a perspective the increasingly popular but also significantly more generic, there may perhaps most conspicuous in recent controversial regional descriptor of be elements in RCEP that suggest times in the field of nuclear arms ‘Indo-Pacific’ and position it within new ways of looking at some issues control – and one that political leaders the traditions of the regional security on the US-China agenda. India was need to ensure gains no further processes it had pioneered. a founding participant in the RCEP traction. Whatever one’s views on the negotiations but declined to join the extant international order, one has a pact at the last moment, expressing responsibility to recall the enormity of concerns about the vulnerability the events that preceded and inspired Ron Huisken of major sectors of its large (and its creation. There can be no appetite Adjunct Associate Professor, Strategic & potentially massive) economy to to risk repeating these events in order Defence Studies Centre, ANU Chinese imports. A US-China trade to create an opportunity for a new agreement may well tip the scales and designer to replicate something close give India sufficient confidence to sign to what we already have. Clearly, on to RCEP. the same discipline must apply to the authors of the current order. That This is a necessarily selective and order may have a significant inbuilt subjective account of the primary capacity to adapt and renew itself currents in world affairs over the but there has to be a willingness to past several decades. Many readers consider more overt mechanisms would recast the story in major ways. to effect necessary adaptation and It is unlikely, however, that they revision. would discount all or even most of 8
REGIONAL SECURITY OUTLOOK 2020 The New Normal: Rising US-China Competition and Uncertainty in Asia Siddharth Mohandas January 30, 2019. White House. US Trade Representative Ambassador Robert Lighthizer, senior staff and cabinet members meet with Chinese Vice Premier Liu He and members of his delegation for trade talks. Credit Andrea Hanks / Flickr. After three years of the Trump real record and answered largely in foreign policy. At the same time, administration, we can start to move the affirmative. No longer do we need however, US allies and partners beyond the many questions the to ask what Trump might do, we can in Asia have not been spared the election of Donald Trump provoked look at what he has actually done. administration’s severe gaze. Even to some preliminary answers. Was he where allies have successfully What we find is that the Trump truly willing to risk a massive trade managed Trump administration administration has fundamentally war with China? Would he really demands, unpredictable new shifted the US-China relationship follow through on rhetoric questioning gambits on trade and security have in a more competitive and even the value of alliances and existing left foreign capitals off balance. On confrontational direction. US trade deals? Would he actually North Korea, the White House’s policy focus on China extends far embrace North Korean dictator Kim commitment to pursuing diplomacy beyond trade to encompass a range Jong-un? What were once concerned has appeared firm but there are signs of economic, security, technology, and somewhat speculative questions that Pyongyang is growing impatient and ideological issues that are now about how disruptive Trump would with the pace of progress. Hanging increasingly at the centre of American be can now be compared against a over all of this is what promises to 9
CSCAP be a bitter and acrimonious political mutual recrimination between the economic, and domestic policies – season in the United States as two sides accompanied by start-and- was closely studied for signals about the country heads to the polls in stop efforts to restart stalled talks. As whether continued confrontation November 2020. This, then, is the of this writing, a ‘phase one’ deal that was the White House’s intention or new normal in Washington’s Asia rolls back some US tariffs in return whether there were in fact limits to policy – rising confrontation with for Chinese purchases of American Washington’s new, more assertive China and uncertainty throughout agricultural products seems possible. approach. Pence did offer some the rest of Asia regarding the extent However, a comprehensive trade deal reassuring words, saying, ‘the United of escalation, its impact throughout that resolves Washington’s structural States does not seek confrontation the region, and whether the political complaints about the Chinese with China’ and that the goal of winds will shift. economy is highly unlikely. administration policy was not to decouple the United States and The greatest risk to the security The Trump administration also China. But, arguably more tellingly, outlook in Asia in the year ahead is significantly expanded the scope of the vast majority of the content of that the changes we have seen in US-China competition to include Pence’s speech was an extension US Asia policy cannot be managed technology trade and investment – of his 2018 remarks. He castigated effectively either in Washington or in most notably by putting in place a China for its industrial policies, the region. Specifically, while there is ban on selling critical US components cyberespionage, and intellectual widespread justification and support to Huawei and launching a global property theft – also critiquing for a tougher US policy approach campaign to shut the company US companies for ‘kowtow[ing]’ to toward China, the challenge for both out of 5G infrastructure efforts. the Chinese Communist Party for Washington and Beijing will be to The US Commerce Department market access. He criticised China’s find a new framework that prevents is further set to issue regulations activities in the South China Sea necessary competitive policies from banning the export of ‘emerging and East China Sea. He denounced totally undermining the security and foundational’ technologies to China’s treatment of its own and economic benefits of US-China China. The Trump administration citizens, particularly in Xinjiang. He relations. For allies and partners ramped up its criticism of China’s reaffirmed US support for Taiwan and throughout the region, the question is human rights record, particularly proclaimed US support for protestors how to deal with the unpredictability with respect to Xinjiang and Hong in Hong Kong. In short, Pence spent of an increasingly distracted and Kong, and sanctioned Chinese far more time identifying areas of depleted Trump administration. And officials responsible for repression disagreement than agreement. on North Korea, while Washington’s in Xinjiang as well as Chinese pursuit of diplomacy has been a technology companies that have aided If continued confrontation is the likely welcome change from ‘fire and fury,’ surveillance there. The White House shape of US-China relations in the policymakers must remain prepared has announced plans for a major arms year ahead, even in the event of a to deal with a sudden return to sale to Taiwan. Washington regularly small trade deal, the danger for the tensions. condemns the Belt and Road region is that this process could spiral Initiative and promotes US and allied into unrestrained and destabilising US-China: A New Era of Competition. funding alternatives. And, opening competition. To be clear, the 2019 featured a parade of tough, even a new front in US-China relations, relationship needed to be rebalanced unprecedented actions by the Trump the administration has denounced and there is widespread support administration against China. After Chinese efforts to influence US public in the United States for a more levying tariffs on $250 billion USD opinion and is aggressively engaging reciprocal US-China relationship. worth of Chinese goods at the end in counterespionage efforts. The sum Indeed, this is one of the few areas of of 2018, Donald Trump promised total of these actions has been to bipartisan consensus in Washington, to tariff an additional $300 billion confront China in almost every aspect with leading Democratic members of products – nearly the entirety of its policies. of Congress joining with Republican of China’s exports to the United colleagues in proposing legislation States – if a trade agreement was Thus, US Vice President Mike Pence’s designed to push back on China. The not reached. Negotiators had seemed October 2019 speech on US-China challenge for Washington and Beijing close to striking a deal in May 2019 relations – a sequel to his speech a is to find some way to preserve but, in the White House’s telling, year earlier that provided the Trump stability in the overall relationship China walked away from the table. administration’s comprehensive as it becomes more competitive, to Since then, there has been much indictment of China’s foreign, 10
REGIONAL SECURITY OUTLOOK 2020 maintain global economic growth been satisfied and it will continue to country. The Trump administration is that depends on trade and integrated press allies and partners on a range reportedly demanding a 500 percent supply chains, and to find ways to of issues, in turn putting pressure on increase in South Korea’s payment, cooperate on common challenges Washington’s diplomatic standing in promising a high stakes and highly such as climate change. As the two Asia. contentious negotiation with the sides retreat to their corners and potential to break the alliance. South Korea provides a striking mutual trust plummets, there is little example of the ups and downs of Japan’s experience has been similar evidence that this is happening. dealing with Trump’s Washington. to that of South Korea. Tokyo Allies and Partners: Uncertainty Seoul successfully renegotiated the has concluded a ‘phase one’ trade Reigns. For US allies and partners, Korea-US Free Trade Agreement agreement of its own that appears the challenge has been how to making some largely cosmetic to have mollified Washington and manage a mercurial president concessions while giving Trump the held off – for now – Donald Trump’s and a more unconstrained United appearance of a ‘win’. This successful threat to levy tariffs on all Japanese States that demands support for defusing of a complex trade issue auto exports. However, Japan too its China policy, changes in trade has not been matched, however, has to renew its Special Measures flows, and greater contributions in the security realm. Just a year Agreement in 2021. The US-South to mutual defence. Asian capitals after concluding a previous pact, the Korea talks will set a precedent for have responded with a variety of United States and South Korea are US-Japan discussion and it could be a negotiating gambits and some have renegotiating a Special Measures worrisome one. Against this backdrop, had some success in striking deals Agreement that determines the extent Japan-South Korea relations with Washington. But there is no of Seoul’s funding contribution for the have deteriorated over a dispute sign that the administration has presence of US troops based in the concerning reparations for wartime Jun 30, 2019. President Donald J. Trump and Chairman of the Workers’ Party of Korea Kim Jong Un in Freedom House at the Korean DMZ. Credit Shealah Craighead, White House / Flickr. 11
CSCAP forced labour and Washington has remaining who can restrain the may come after. A major concern is appeared to be largely a bystander in president’s impulses. that North Korea may take more the process. The US alliance system provocative action in 2020 – whether North Korea: Pursuing Diplomacy in Northeast Asia – the linchpin of a return to long-range missile testing for Now. A third risk to the security America’s regional security presence – or perhaps even a resumption of outlook in Asia in 2020 is a rapid is under unprecedented pressure and nuclear testing. With diplomacy return of tensions between the further strain constitutes a major risk seemingly discredited, it would be no United States and North Korea. in 2020. surprise if the United States swung Donald Trump’s unprecedented back sharply in response and tensions The trajectory of US-India step of meeting with North Korean again spiked. relations has been positive across leader Kim Jong-un in Singapore administrations since 2000 and there in June 2018 was largely welcomed There is little question that the has been continued warmth under in the region – despite misgivings Trump administration has met its Trump and Indian Prime Minister about what exactly the United goal of disruption in foreign policy. Narendra Modi. However, a series of States would gain from the meeting Growing US-China confrontation disputes – over trade and e-commerce, – because it marked a decisive break characterises almost every aspect India’s plans to purchase S-400 from the threats of ‘fire and fury’ of the bilateral relationship and, missiles from Russia and oil from of the previous year and allowed crucially, this approach has Iran, and New Delhi’s strategy for concerns about imminent conflict bipartisan support in the United 5G expansion – have all combined to on the Korean Peninsula to recede. States. Allies and partners must create an atmosphere of uncertainty However, the diplomatic spectacle prepare for abrupt new shifts in in the bilateral relationship. of the Trump-Kim summit quickly security relations and trade. US- Similarly, while US-ASEAN relations devolved into an impasse between North Korea relations have swung have been for the most part stable, the two governments as working level from threats of war to reality-TV countries in Southeast Asia have still talks proceeded fitfully. Washington diplomacy and could yet swing back had to deal with unpredictable trade demanded immediate and concrete to tension again. The most pressing actions and erratic diplomacy by the steps toward denuclearisation while question at this stage is whether administration. Trump skipped the Pyongyang has demanded far- these disruptions are temporary or East Asia Summit for the second reaching sanctions relief – both have more fundamental. The evidence of year in a row and the most recent been disappointed. This resulted in the past year is that instability is not summit featured the lowest-level the failed Hanoi summit in February a passing phenomenon but the new American delegation ever, feeding 2019 where Trump walked away from normal against which all regional perceptions of American distraction the table, citing Kim’s failure to make capitals must plan. and retrenchment. Countries across meaningful concessions. the region are teetering on the edge The situation since Hanoi has been of recession as the US-China trade war grinds on. Even as Washington an unstable equilibrium. North Siddharth Mohandas Korea has broken its self-imposed Adjunct Senior Fellow, Center for New touts its concept of a free and open American Security and former Principal moratorium on missile testing, Indo-Pacific and supports maritime Deputy Director of Policy Planning at the launching a number of short-range US Department of State rights in the South China Sea, missiles. The Trump administration countries such as Vietnam have found has responded largely by downplaying themselves unexpectedly threatened the significance of the missile tests with or subjected to trade actions. and stating its continued interest What all of the foregoing issues have in diplomacy. This has not mollified in common is uncertainty about US Pyongyang and North Korean officials intentions and staying power. While on a number of occasions have stated a perennial concern among nervous that the Trump administration US allies and partners, these have must produce concessions by the taken on a greater force as the end of 2019 or face unspecified Trump administration operates more consequences. There is, however, little erratically – particularly in the face of evidence that the White House has a impeachment – and it is evident that diplomatic plan in place to manage there are few if any senior officials the situation or a plan for what 12
REGIONAL SECURITY OUTLOOK 2020 Sino-US strategic competition and Asia-Pacific security Wu Xinbo Throughout 2019, the single most technology and even cultural and also raised the prospect of conflict, important development impacting educational exchanges, seriously intended or not, with the People’s on Asia-Pacific regional security straining the overall bilateral Liberation Army (PLA) in this region. has been the intensifying strategic relationship. While the Trump On the Taiwan issue, the Trump competition between China and administration utilises the trade administration is also pushing the United States. As enunciated war as an important leverage in the envelope more boldly. For the in its reports on National Security pursuing strategic rivalry with China, pro-Taiwan influence within the Strategy and National Defense Beijing senses a determination on administration, Taiwan stands as a Strategy released respectively in the part of Washington to reorient uniquely important source of leverage December 2017 and early 2018, the its entire China policy towards a in the US strategic competition Trump administration defined China more competitive and confrontational with China. For those who want to as a major competitor/rival and stance. In fact, the trade war pressure China on trade and other jumpstarted strategic competition and the approach the Trump issues, Taiwan serves as a useful with Beijing. The year of 2019 administration has adopted have and convenient card. Moreover, as witnessed the full play of Trump’s brought China’s trust towards the US Taiwan enters the next campaign new strategy towards China: the to a historical low. On the security season, Washington favours the protracted and expanding trade front, Washington has been trying incumbent leader Tsia Ing-wen and war, the rising standoff in the South to exert more pressure on Beijing in is willing to take necessary measures China Sea and in the Taiwan Straits, the South China Sea by conducting to promote her chances. In August, the unfolding of the US Indo-Pacific more active and provocative Freedom Washington announced the sale of strategy and the prospect of the US of Navigation Operations (FONOS), 66 F-16V fighters to Taiwan worth a deploying intermediate-range missiles strengthening its military presence, total of $8 billion, the single largest in the Western Pacific. encouraging the involvement of its arms deal in the history of US arms allies and partners, and promoting The trade war with China launched sale to the island. Washington also security cooperation with surrounding by the Trump administration in keeps strengthening US-Taiwan countries such as Vietnam, Malaysia, July 2018 quickly escalated to an ties by increasing all kinds of Indonesia, etc. Determined to employ unprecedented level and extended cooperation and exchanges with the cost-imposing strategy towards into 2019. Characterised by Taipei. The most provocative action China and to be more risk-taking in escalation, intermittent negotiation taken by the Trump administration the South China Sea, the US military and stalemate, the trade war spilled is that US Department of Defense’s has not only increased tensions but over into the fields of investment, Indo-Pacific Strategy Report treats China unveiled its new H-6N long-range strategic bomber with aerial refuelling capability at the National Day military parade held in Beijing on October 1, 2019. Credit DEFPOST. 13
CSCAP Taiwan as a ‘country’, which signals has been actively seeking to deploy in China and ASEAN countries should a deliberate attempt to shift the the Asia-Pacific region intermediate not compromise ‘the third party’s US policy from ‘One China’ to ‘One range missiles (conventional but also interests’ in South China Sea. China, One Taiwan’. Indeed, Taiwan’s likely nuclear) so as to augment its Moreover, China continues to make internal political development and deterrence capability vis-a-vis China. efforts to improve ties with its two the evolving US Taiwan policy are Should this occur, it will seriously major neighbours, India and Japan. coalescing to foment a serious crisis in undermine the strategic stability in In October 2019, Chinese President Xi the Taiwan Strait. the region and stir up a new round of Jinping went to India for the second arms competition. To be sure, China informal summit meeting with Indian In June 2019, the Pentagon released is unlikely to join the US and Russia Prime Minister Modi, following the US Indo-Pacific Strategy in negotiating a new version of INF their first informal summit meeting Report which outlined the goals treaty. Beijing may instead respond in China in 2018. The two leaders and approaches of the doctrine. by further building up its missile agreed to expand bilateral cooperation The document defines China as a arsenal and even reconsider the while managing their differences revisionist power and asserts that ‘no-first-use’ position in its nuclear more cautiously. President Xi also ‘[t]he Indo-Pacific increasingly is doctrine. plans to visit Japan in the spring confronted with a more confident of 2020, as Sino-Japanese relations and assertive China that is willing Confronted with the ever-growing remain on a positive trajectory. to accept friction in the pursuit of strategic competition launched by a more expansive set of political, the Trump administration, including To be sure, for many regional economic, and security interests.’ the forging ahead of its Indo-Pacific countries, US allies and partners Indeed, the US Indo-Pacific strategy strategy, Beijing has responded by alike, it is not desirable to choose sets China as the primary target, taking a series of measures to dilute sides between US and China. While with its strategic design and means and offset the impact of US actions. some of them have to maintain close of implementation having a matching First and foremost is the deepening security ties with Washington, they focus. The quadruple cooperation of security cooperation with Russia. also need to keep robust economic among the US, Japan, Australia and In addition to conventional forms ties with Beijing. In fact, as China India (QUAD) serves as the backbone of arms transfer and joint military becomes more influential in regional of the strategy, aimed at dealing with exercises, China and Russia seek affairs, forging comprehensive China’s naval activities from the to promote mutual military action relations with China is a must. Just Western Pacific to the Indian Ocean and coordination. For instance, in as Singaporean Prime Minister on the one hand, and competing with July 2019, Chinese and Russian air Lee Hsien Loong noted at the 2019 China’s Belt and Road Initiative on forces held their first joint aerial Shangri-La Dialogue, ‘In a new Cold the other. In addition to QUAD, the patrol in Northeast Asia, involving War, there can be no clear division US also stepped up efforts to engage two bombers from each side. It is between friend and foe.’ In response South Asian countries such as Sri reported that Russia is also helping to the US-led Indo-Pacific strategy, Lanka, the Maldives and Bangladesh China create its missile early warning ASEAN released a paper outlining its as well as the Pacific Islands, in an system. Meanwhile, China has own vision of the Indo-Pacific concept, unvarnished endeavour to check been actively pushing forward the stressing the ongoing need for China’s expanding ties with those negotiation with ASEAN member ASEAN centrality and inclusiveness, countries. states of the Code of Conduct (COC) and underlining its reservation in the South China Sea, in an earnest toward the intention behind Compared with Obama’s Rebalance effort to stabilise the situation in Washington’s strategic initiative. The to Asia strategy, the Indo-Pacific the region and improve relations ASEAN Outlook on the Indo-Pacific strategy launches geo-political and with ASEAN countries. Beijing also proposed to seek cooperation geo-economic competition with China expressed the hope that negotiation with other regional members in four in a much broader geographical of the COC be concluded by 2021. areas, i.e., maritime cooperation, context, while pinning down China In July 2019, all parties concerned connectivity, UN Sustainable as the major target also pushes many finished the first reading of the Development Goals 2030, and countries in the region to choose sides Single Draft Negotiating Text of the economic development, suggesting between Washington and Beijing. COC, marking a major step forward that ASEAN and China can continue As the US formally withdrew from in the COC consultations, in spite to cooperate in many fields, as they the Treaty on Intermediate-Range of Washington’s repeated warning have already done over the years. Nuclear Forces (INF), Washington that the COC negotiation between Growing Sino-US discord has also 14
REGIONAL SECURITY OUTLOOK 2020 cast a shadow over their coordination denuclearisation and the building of in both bilateral and regional and cooperation in dealing with the a permanent peace mechanism on contexts. Bilaterally, the two parties Democratic People’s Republic of the peninsula, the lack of well-tuned should keep the growing strategic Korea (DPRK) nuclear issue. Since coordination between the two most competition healthy and benign, as the first Trump-Kim meeting held in important external players only bodes a malign rivalry will inevitably lead Singapore in June 2018, Washington ill for the future. to antagonism and overt conflict. has turned to diplomatic engagement Regionally, they should avoid drawing The Asia-Pacific has entered a with Pyongyang to advance the goal lines and encouraging members of period of profound changes set off of the DPRK’s denuclearisation, yet the region to split into rival camps, by shifts in the power balance as with little progress so far. On the otherwise the economically most well by adjustments of strategy and other hand, ties between Beijing and dynamic region will gradually lose policy settings by regional players. Pyongyang have warmed up quickly its momentum for growth and Managing major power competition following Kim Jong-Un’s first visit integration. Third, the most urgent and dealing with hot spot issues top to China in March 2018. To some issue for China-US security relations the regional security agenda, while extent, the improved atmosphere is crisis avoidance and management. Sino-US interactions hold the key. and growing exchanges between As noted above, the risk of a serious To be sure, competition between the two countries renders Beijing crisis and conflict over either the Beijing and Washington will continue more influence over Pyongyang, South China Sea or Taiwan is to unfold and likely intensify, and encouraging the latter to continue growing against the backdrop of an the challenge for both countries as to freeze nuclear and long-range overall relationship that is strained well as the entire region is how to missile tests, and to seek progress and characterised by historically low manage such rivalry. Here are some in negotiations with Washington in levels of trust. It is important that suggestions. First and foremost, improving DPRK-US ties as well as the US conducts FONOS in South it is imperative for China and the pursuing denuclearisation on the China Sea with more caution rather US to delineate the boundary of Korean peninsula. Nonetheless, than more provocation, and refrains their competition. For one thing, compared with the first year of from crossing the red line of ‘One robust economic ties benefitting both the Trump administration when China’ policy while enhancing ties countries should not be decoupled Beijing and Washington pursued with Taiwan. For any crisis avoidance or seriously downgraded, as some robust and effective coordination and management effort to succeed, hawkish people in the Trump team and cooperation on the North good communication at the strategic have advocated. It is very likely that Korean issue, since 2018, the level and effective management at China will emerge as the world’s quality of Sino-US interactions the tactical level are indispensable. largest economy over the coming has plummeted as serious frictions Yet, as overall relations between decade, so restricting economic arose in their bilateral ties. Given Beijing and Washington fell from relations with China under the logic the fact that a long and bumpy road cooler to freezing, there has been a of relative gains will only cause the lies ahead for the DPRK’s complete notable shortage of communication US to lose tremendous business and exchanges between both the opportunities. Moreover, although two national security teams and economic interdependence does senior defence personnel, while crisis not necessarily prevent contention management mechanisms are not from occurring between countries well coordinated. Needless to say, (actually close economic ties tend to such a precarious situation needs to be a major source of frictions), it does be redressed as soon as possible. raise the cost of conflict and therefore can act as a useful buffer. For Sino- US relations, vigorous economic exchanges have been an important Wu Xinbo strategic pillar and should be Professor & Director, Center for American preserved for the long-term interests Studies Dean, Institute of International Studies Fudan University of both countries and many others, even though they are undergoing September 25, 2019. Haiyang Shiyou 982. a tough period of rebalancing. Beijing has deployed a new oil rig in the Second, China and the US should disputed waters of the South China Sea. Credit Weibo / SCMP. exercise strategic self-restraint 15
CSCAP Indo-Pacific: From Strategy to Vision Yoshihide Soeya November 4, 2019. Bangkok, Thailand. Heads of State and Government of the Member States of ASEAN, the People’s Republic of China, Japan, and the Republic of Korea, gathering at the 22nd ASEAN Plus Three Summit. Credit ASEAN. The concept of Indo-Pacific has now released his concept of a ‘security Vietnam in November 2017. Since become a catchphrase of the times, diamond,’ a network of allies then, both Tokyo and Washington a reference point in discussing formed by Japan, the United States, began to use the term ‘Free and Open regional politics and security. It Australia and India, and clearly Indo-Pacific (FOIP),’ as a strategic is not clear, however, that there intended to counterbalance China. concept directed against the Chinese is widespread agreement in the This initial move has come to be BRI launched by President Xi Jinping region on its scope or its role vis-à- regarded, rightly so, as the baseline of (originally as ‘One Belt One Road’) in vis rising China in general and its Abe’s regional outlook and Japanese 2013. Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) in strategy, including Abe’s version At some point in 2018, however, particular. Australian intellectuals of Indo-Pacific. In August 2016 the Japanese government stopped were among the first (around 2010) at the Sixth Tokyo International calling FOIP a strategy and re- to introduce the concept of Indo- Conference on African Development labelled it as a vision. In mid-2019, Pacific and depicted it essentially (TICAD VI) held in Nairobi, Prime the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of as inclusive, embracing both China Minister Abe declared, ‘Japan bears Japan summarised the principles of and India as the central causes of the responsibility of fostering the the FOIP vison into three domains: 1) the rising importance of the Indian confluence of the Pacific and Indian promotion and establishment of the Ocean. Thus, the Pacific Ocean to Oceans and of Asia and Africa into a rule of law, freedom of navigation, its east and the Indian Ocean to place that values freedom, the rule and free trade; 2) pursuit of economic its west have come to be seen as an of law, and the market economy, free prosperity (by improving connectivity integral region, Indo-Pacific. In this from force or coercion, and making it in three areas: physical connectivity initial conception of Indo-Pacific by prosperous’. through quality infrastructure; Australia, Japan and China were both US Secretary of State Rex Tillerson people-to-people connectivity through treated as key players, making their followed suit in October 2017, with a education, training and friendship; difficult bilateral relationship a factor substantial reference to ‘Indo-Pacific’ and institutional connectivity of uncertainty for the stability and in his address at the Centre for through harmonisation and common prosperity of the broader region. Strategic and International Studies rules including EPA/FTA); and 3) At about the same time, in December in Washington D.C. The following commitment to peace and stability 2012, Japanese Prime Minister month, President Donald Trump (by such means as capacity-building, Shinzo Abe came back to power also used ‘Indo-Pacific’ in his speech humanitarian assistance and disaster for the second time, and promptly to the APEC summit in Da Nang, relief, anti-piracy, counter-terrorism, 16
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