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sociology of islam 5 (2017) 303-333
brill.com/soi
Salafism in Malaysia: Historical Account on Its
Emergence and Motivations
Maszlee Malik
International Islamic University, Malaysia
maszlee@gmail.com; maszlee@iium.edu.my
Abstract
The term Salafism refers to an interpretation of Islam that seeks to restore Islamic
faith and practice to the way they existed at the time of Prophet Muhammad and the
early generations of his followers. Since this early period represented the golden age
of Islam in its pure form, Salafis believe it should be the example followed by all Mus-
lims today. Salafism as a trend and theological movement has been a point of interest
to many researchers due to the current global political escalation. It has been a focal
point of issues related to global terrorism, radicalism, post-Arab Spring politics, reli-
gious trends as well as theological debates. Salafism, more often known as Wahabism,
has come to Malaysia at different times and with different motivations. The early
brand of Salafism in pre-Malaysia Tanah Melayu, or Malaya, was the emergence of the
early 20th century reformist Salafi movement, known as Kaum Muda, inspired by the
Middle Eastern Abduh-Afghani Pan Islamism. Despite the differences between that
and the current global Salafism they share the same roots. Additionally, according to
numerous historical accounts, the current Salafi trend in Malaysia is closely related to
the global Islamic revivalism of the 1970s and 1980s, and was also affected by the return
of Malaysian students studying abroad during the 1990s and early 2000s. Evidence has
shown that the emergence of Salafism in Malaysia has contributed directly and indi-
rectly to the mainstream discourse of Islamic theology and Islamic worldview amongst
Malaysian Muslims in general, and Islamic organizations in particular. This paper em-
ploys a historical approach in explaining the emergence of Salafism in Malaysia and
offers a critical examination of certain historical events that led to the existence of the
different trends and groupings of Salafism in Malaysia and its implications for Islamic
discourse in the country.
© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2017 | doi 10.1163/22131418-00504003
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Keywords
Salafism – Sunnah – Kaum Muda – Malaysia – abim – Saudi Arabia
Introduction
Salafism, as a trend and theological movement, has become a point of interest
for many researchers due to the current global political escalation, in particu-
lar regarding issues related to global terrorism, radicalism, post-Arab Spring
politics, religious trends, as well as theological debates. Similarly, although
Salafism is strongly associated with its geographical cradle, due to the recent
post 9/11 interest in global terrorism, research on Salafism as an alleged moti-
vations of global terrorism has skyrocketed. Researchers have started looking
at the influence of Salafism in the Southeast Asian region, due to its sizeable
Muslim population and certain events that occurred which are related to Salaf-
ism as an ideology. The myriad studies that have been conducted on the Salafi
phenomenon of Southeast Asia have mainly dealt with issues of Salafism in
Indonesia, with very few on the cases of Salafism in Malaysia.1
In its religious-technical usage, salaf is an Arabic noun, which translates to
“predecessor”, or “forefather”. This meaning can be general or, in its technical
context, it can refer to the first three generations of Islam after the Prophet
Muḥammad: the Companions, their Followers, and the Followers of the Fol-
lowers, the so-called ‘Pious Predecessors’ who were guaranteed by the Prophet
1 See Greg Fealy, “Islamic Radicalism in Indonesia: The Faltering Revival?” Southeast Asian
Affairs, (2004): 104–121; Saliha Hassan, “Islamic non-governmental organisations.” Social
Movements in Malaysia (2004): 105–107; Norhaidi Hasan, Laskar Jihad: Islam, militancy, and
the quest for identity in post-New Order Indonesia. Ithaca, (ny: Southeast Asia Program Pub-
lications, Southeast Asia Program, Cornell University, 2006); Asip M. Iqbal, Salafism and
the Internet in Contemporary Indonesia (Doctoral dissertation, Flinders University, 2008);
Ken Miichi, Salafism Traits Among Militant Islamists in Indonesia (Asia Europe Institute,
University of Malaya, 2008); Jajang Jahroni, “The Political Economy of Knowledge: Shariah
and Saudi Scholarship in Indonesia”, Journal Of Indonesian Islam 7, no. 1 (2013): pp. 165–186;
Abdul Gaffar Karim, “A Fertile Soil? Indonesia and Islamic Fundamentalism”, Journal of In-
donesian Islam 1, no. 1, (2007): pp. 223–228; Amanda Kovacs, Saudi Arabia Exporting Salafi
Education and Radicalizing Indonesia’s Muslims. Hamburg: German Institute of Global and
Area Studies (giga), (2014); Din Wahid, “The Challenge of Democracy in Indonesia: The Case
of Salafi Movement”, Islamika Indonesiana, 1, no. 1 (2014): 51–64; Mark Woodward, M. Sani
Umar, Inayah Rohmaniyah, & Mariani Yahya, “Salafi violence and Sufi tolerance? Rethinking
conventional wisdom”, Perspectives on Terrorism 7, no. 6 (2013).
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of the authenticity of their Islamic practices and teaching.2 The term salaf is
often placed in opposition to the term khalaf, which linguistically is defined as
what is behind and, in religious terms, refers to any later generation of Mus-
lims, most particularly those who come after the first three. Despite its techni-
cal usage, the term Salafi in the modern and contemporary convention can be
defined as fundamentalist Sunni Islamic thought looking back to the first three
generations of Muslims for inspiration and guidance.3 However, despite the
usage of the term, there is no specific definition or presence of the term Salafi
found in the original sources of Islam (al-Quran and the traditions of Prophet
Muhammad).4
In terms of its political utility, the label ‘Salafi’ or Salafism has always been
associated and used interchangeably with Wahhabi or Wahhabism.5 Both
theologians and politicians use Salafi and Wahhabi interchangeably to de-
scribe a group of people who strongly adhere to the undisputed principle that
Al-Quran and As-Sunnah (as understood by the first three generations of Mus-
lims) should be the only references for Muslims when discussing Islam, with
very limited reference afforded to reasoning and rationality.6 It condemned
the rigid adherence to specific schools of Islamic law, the elaborate religious
science of scholastic theology, and both the popular religious practices of
Sufism and the strict hierarchies of Sufi orders. Salafis considered theirs to be
“the only true method of understanding and practising Islam which follows
2 See Muhammad ibn ‘Umar Bazmul, The Salafi Methodology, its definition, distinct character-
istics & its call towards rectifications. (Michiggan: Sunnah Publisher, 2010).
3 Other similar terms that have been used by those who proclaimed themselves to be Salafi-
yyun or Salafists are: Ahlus Sunnah, Ahl al-Hadith, Ansar al-Sunnah, Ahlul Athar and al-
Jama’ah. (See Ahmad Farid, “al-Salafiyyah: Qawa’id wa Usul” (Alexandria: Dar al-Khulafa
al-Rashidun, 2011), pp. 6–9).
4 Muḥammad ibn ‘Abd al-Raḥmān al Maghrāwī, Al-Masadir al-‘lmiyya fi al-Difa’ ‘an al-‘Aqida
al- Salafiyya. (Riyad: Dar al-Raya, 1996).
5 ‘Wahhabism’ as another facet of Salafism refers to a movement established by a reformist
from the Arabian Peninsula in the 18th century, Muhammad bin Abdul Wahab, that sought
to purify the Islamic religion of any innovations or practices that deviate from the teach-
ings of the Prophet Muhammad and his companions. It is currently a dominant ideology in
Saudi Arabia and it is at present spreading to various parts of the world including Malaysia.
(Richard Gauvain, Salafi ritual purity: in the presence of God. (London: Routledge, 2012)
pp. 7–10). Wahhabism is also known for its strong emphasis on the concept of sola scrip-
tura: back to the scripture only, in which, the followers of Wahabbism are also considered as
literalists (Febe Armanios, The Islamic traditions of Wahhabism and Salafiyya. (crs Report
for Congress, 2003): p. 1).
6 Muhammad ibn ‘Umar Bazmul, The Salafi Methodology, its definition, distinct characteristics
& its call towards rectifications.
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the Qur’an and Sunnah” as claimed by the late prominent Saudi scholar, Ibn
Uthaymin.7 This definition implies that only those who follow the teaching of
Muhammad Abdul Wahab8 and his like are to be considered true Salafis. While
in a similar tone, Nasir al Din al-Albani asserts that the only path leading to
the truth is the method of the Salaf, which is the only group of Muslims that
should be followed.9
The term ‘Salafism’ used in this article mainly refers to a global contempo-
rary trend or movement to reassert the ideals of the pious generations of the
first three generations following the death of the Prophet Muhammad, wheth-
er they are individuals, groups, or thoughts. Salafism in this sense is adhered
to by those who mainly follow the Wahabism form of aqidah teaching, which
is mostly based on the Hanabilah (Hanbali school of thought) approach. The
writings used to explain their creed are predominantly those of: Ahmad bin
Hanbal (Usul al-Sunnah), Ibn Taimiyyah (al-Aqidah al-Wasitiyah) and Muham-
mad Abdul Wahab (Risalat al-Tauhid, Syarh al-Usul al-Thalathah, etc.) and oth-
er contemporary Salafi scholars such as former Saudi mufti, Abdullah Bin Baz
(1910–1999), the prominent Saudi scholar, Abdullah bin Uthaymin (1925–2001),
and the modern Jordanian based Albanian scholar, Nasiruldin al-Albani (1914–
1999).10 Their influence has been felt greatly among Muslims in the Middle
7 “Ibn al-Uthaymin – ‘The Salafi Sect’ vs. The Way of the Salaf,” YouTube video, 2:58, from a
private Lecture, posted by “SFAvfx.” 10 Dec 2009, http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2v
_qeMxc_vY. (Retrieved on 12 October 2014).
8 Muḥammad Ibn Abd al-Wahhab (1703–1792) was born into the Najd region of what is
today central Saudi Arabia. He obtained his education through traditional means and
eventually led a campaign across the Arabian Peninsula to rid the Muslims by force of
what he referred to as shirk. His seminal set of works, which consists of a set of short
letters gathered together by his followers known as the Rasail al Tawḥid, describes what
further explanatory texts would call the pure version of Islam expressed usually in no
more than a few short Qur’ānic verses and Prophetic Traditions (Muḥammad ibn Abd
al-Wahhab, Kitāb al Tawhid. (Riyadh: Dar Atlas al Khudra. 2012). ‘Abd al-Wahhāb’s mission
began to gather momentum after a pact was created with the Al Saud clan. In the early
20th Century, the alliance between the Saud and ‘Abd al-Wahhab families would regain
prominence and, along with significant British and American help, form the backbone of
the Saudi monarchy which stands to this day.
9 Selīm Amr ‘Abd al-Mun’im (ed.), Al-Masā’il al-‘Ilmiyya wa al-Fatāwa al-Shara’iyya. (Tanta:
Dār al-Diā’, 2006). p. 30.
10 For a more detailed list of contemporary Salafi scholars and their backgrounds see the
contents page in Gibril Fouad Haddad, Albani and his Friends: A Concise Guide to the Salafi
Movement. (Birmingham, 2004) & Adis Duderija, “Islamic Groups and Their World-views
and Identities: Neo-Traditional Salafis and Progressive Muslims” Arab Law Quarterly 21,
November (2007): pp. 339–60.
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East, North Africa, and the Indo-Pakistani subcontinent, as well as major Mus-
lim communities living in the United States, Canada, Australia and the United
Kingdom.11
Of the few researchers who have dealt with Salafism in Malaysia, most ex-
amined the issue of terrorism, focusing on groups such as Salafiyah Jihadiyah or
Jamaah Islamiyah (ji).12 Correspondingly, research on contemporary S alafism/
Wahabism as a trend in Malaysia has often concentrated on the Salafism of
the early 20th century reformists, Kaum Muda, or the Sunnah movement in
the state of Perlis,13 without identifying the differences between the two, and
without looking into the disparities between the two periods. Likewise, discus-
sions on the Kaum Muda and the Sunnah of Perlis centre on the 20th century
phenomenon of global Salafism as a trend in Malaysia. The discussions nor-
mally attribute the rise of Salafism in Malaysia to the legacy of graduates of
Saudi Arabian universities and the active involvement in Malaysia of certain
agencies and institutions related directly or indirectly to the Saudi Arabian
government.14 It is also worth noting that, most research to date has ignored
11 Olivier Roy, Globalized Islam: The Search for New Ummah (New York: Columbia University
Press, 2004) pp. 234–254.
12 Desker, Barry. “The Jemaah Islamiyah (ji) Phenomenon in Singapore.” Contemporary
Southeast Asia (2003): pp. 489–507; Barry Desker, “Islam in Southeast Asia: the challenge
of radical interpretations.” Cambridge Review of International Affairs 16, no. 3 (2003): 415–
428; Hamid, Ahmad Fauzi Abdul, and Ahmad Fauzi. The New Challenges of Political Islam
in Malaysia. (Murdoch University. Asia Research Centre, 2009); Staunton, Dirk. “The clash
of identities: an analysis of the causes of Salafi Jihadi terrorism with reference to Jemaah
Islamiyah.” Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism 8, no. 1 (2008): pp. 142–164; Z. Abuza,
(2007). “The State of Jemaah Islamiyah: Terrorism and Insurgency in Southeast Asia Five
Years After Bali.” The Jebsen Center Research Briefing Series (2), 1, pp. 1–7; Zulkarnain Haron
& Nordin Hussin. “A Study of the Salafi Jihadist Doctrine and the Interpretation of Jihad
by Al Jama’ah Al Islamiyah.” KEMANUSIAAN: The Asian Journal of Humanities 20, no. 2
(2013); Magouirk, J., & Atran, S. (2008). Jemaah Islamiyah’s radical madrassah networks.
Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict, 1(1), pp. 25–41.
13 Mohd Rizal Yaakop & Asmady Idris, Wahabi Doctrine in Malaysia-Saudi Relations (2010).
Available at ssrn 1695742; Saadan Man & Abdul Karim Ali, “Ikhtilaf Fiqhi di Kalangan Ali-
ran Syafi’iyyah dan Salafiyyah di Malaysia: Analisis Retrospektif Terhadap Faktor Pencetus”,
Jurnal Fiqh, No. 2 (2005): p. 75; Nornajwa Ghazali & Mustafa Abdullah, Tafsiran fiqh Syeikh
Abu Bakar al-Ashaari: satu anjakan paradigma. International Journal of Mechanical and
Materials Engineering 16, No. 1 (1970): pp. 47–61.
14 See Zakaria @ Mahmod Daud. “Muhammad Ibn Abd. Al-Wahab dan Pengaruhnya
Terhadap Ajaran Ahli Sunnah wal- Jama‟ah di Perlis”, Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis. (Kuala
Lumpur: Universiti Malaya, 1997); Nor Hafizi Yusof, Salafi Wahabi (Doctoral dissertation,
Fakulti Pengurusan Ekonomi, Kuala Terenganu: Universiti Malaysia Terengganu, 2008);
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the Islamic revivalism spanning the 1970s and 1980s that contributed greatly to
the cultivation of a fertile soil for the Salafi trend to emerge later on.
According to Maszlee Malik, the emergence of Salafi theology in Malaysia
has gone through three major phases: the early 20th century reformist era; the
Islamic revivalism period; and the internet and globalization period.15 This
research will look into the co-relation between these three periods that may
have contributed towards the rise of the current Salafi trend in Malaysia as
part of the global Salafi trend of the 21st century. Furthermore, unlike many
who would assume that the major contributors to the emergence of Salafism
as a trend in Malaysia were graduates of Saudi Arabian universities, or gradu-
ates, from other Middle Eastern universities, this research will examine the
contribution made by the uk and other Western countries’ graduates to the
spread of Salafism in Malaysia.
This paper discusses the events that paved the way for the emergence of
Salafi thoughts as part of the current global Islamic trend in Malaysia. All
the landmarks that contributed towards the emergence of Salafism will be
explained descriptively with special emphasis placed on the co-relations be-
tween one event and another, and the factors leading towards the causes will
be critically explained. Qualitative evidence employed in this research is main-
ly derived from the primary sources through interviews and focus group dis-
cussions with actors who are related directly and indirectly to the Salafi trend
in Malaysia. In order to avoid any unnecessary generalization or non-accurate
labelling of certain groups as Salafis as some researchers have done, clarifica-
tions from the actors are often cited as disclaimers.
Salafism in Malaysia: A Brief Historical Account
The earliest arrival of the ‘Salafiyyah’ doctrine in its reform-oriented spirit
within Muslim communities can be traced back to the emergence of the Pan-
Islamism reformists who were mainly Egyptian al-Azhar University graduates
during the late 19th century and early 20th century, widely known as Kaum
Muhamad Faisal Ashaari, “Aliran Pemikiran Salafi Di Malaysia: Sorotan Terhadap Peranan
Internet Dalam Dunia Siber”. Al-Hikmah 2 (2010): pp. 35–49; Mohd Rizal Yaakop & Asmady
Idris, Wahabi Doctrine in Malaysia-Saudi Relations; Nor Sharifatul Jannah Haraman & Far-
ahwahida Mohd Yusof, Kedudukan Ajaran Wahabi Dalam Kalangan Umat Islam Di Malay-
sia, Bachelor dissertation, (Johor Baharu: Universiti Teknologi Malaysia, 2010).
15 Maszlee Malik, “Theology in Malaysia: Between Mainstream and the Periphery”, hikma:
Journal of Islamic Theology and Religious Education 6, April (2013): pp. 52–56.
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Muda (Young People) in Malaya, Indonesia, Singapore and Southern Thailand.16
The earlier version of Salafiyyah reformist ideology of Jamal al-Din al-Afghani
and his disciple, Muhammad Abduh, heavily influenced these al-Azhar grad-
uates.17 This earlier version of Salafiyah thoughts, propagated, among oth-
ers, the ideal of al-Afghani’s Pan-Islamism, as well as other Afghani-Abduh’s
reform doctrines that emphasized the importance of reviving the Muslim um-
mah globally through their progressive idea of re-opening the gate of ijtihad,
relinquishing innovation (bid’a) and reconciling some elements of modernity
with the Islamic culture of the people.18
In addition to their progressive ideas, the reformists, the Kaum Muda, were
also outspoken in voicing their resentment towards some of the cultural prac-
tices of the Malay community, which according to them, were shirk and bid’a.19
The large number of ideals propagated by Kaum Muda created an atmosphere
of hostility towards the establishment, and caused considerable backlash from
16 Maszlee Malik, “Theology in Malaysia: Between Mainstream and the Periphery”: pp. 55–56;
Ahmad Nabil Amir, Abdi Omar Shuriye, & Jamal Daoud, “Muhammad Abduh’s Influence
in Southeast Asia”, Middle East Journal of Scientific Research (mejsr), 13 (2013): pp. 124–138.
17 Afghani’s doctrine along with his disciple, Muhammad Abduh mainly emphasizes the pu-
rity of monism (Tawhid) as the creed of Muslims by returning to the creed of the Salafus-
soleh, apart from his call on the needs to revive the Muslim ummah globally through their
progressive idea of re-opening the gate of ijtihad, relinquishing the innovation (bid’a) and
reconciling some elements of modernity with the Islamic culture of the people, i.e. edu-
cation, learning modern positivistic sciences, learning modern language and the eman-
cipation of women, etc. (see Nikki Keddie, An Islamic response to imperialism (Califoria:
University of California Press, 1968)). Their method sought to reconcile the desire to fol-
low the example of Prophet Muhammad and his companions with the use of reason in
applying Islamic principles to modern life. In this sense it is rather difficult to associate
Jamaluddin Al-Afghani, Sheikh Muhammad Abduh and Rashid Rida, directly or practise
the teaching of Sheikh Muhammad Ibn Abdel Wahhab in their religious calls for all Mus-
lims throughout the world; although in Malaysia, the general tendency of the opponent
of Afghani-Abduh’s ideas favoured linking them with the Wahhabi Doctrine. The only
similarity between these two movements lies essentially in their calling for ‘Islamic refor-
mations’ through the practice of ‘ijtihad’ in fiqh, and to improve Muslim ‘creed’ by elimi-
nating any elements of shirk in their daily lives (see: Kedourie, Elie, Afghani and Abduh:
An Essay on Religious Unbelief and Political Activism in Modern Islam. (London: Frank Cass
& Co. Ltd., 1997): p. 12); Haddad, Yvonne (1994). “Muhammad Abduh: Pioneer of Islamic
Reform”, in Ali Rahnema (ed.), Pioneers of Islamic Revival (London: Zed Books Ltd., 1994)
pp. 43–46.
18 Hafiz Zakariya, “From Cairo to the Straits Settlements: Modern Salafiyyah Reformist Ideas
in Malay Peninsula”, Intellectual Discourse 15, No. 2 (2008): pp. 125–46.
19 Personal communication with Ustaz Abdul Razak Abdul Rahman, former official preach-
er (Mubaligh) of Majlis Agama Islam Perlis and Sunnah activist of Perlis, 17 August 2012.
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the country’s religious authorities. Many debates and clashes are recorded as
having occurred between the Kaum Muda and the establishment and most
resulted in endless polemics.20 Due to their controversial nature, the Kaum
Muda was also labelled ‘Wahabi’. The Kaum Muda propagated their reform
agenda to mainly straits states (negeri-negeri Selat) of Malaya such as Melaka,
Singapore and Penang, but failed to spread to those states under the rule of the
Sultans, apart from Perlis.21
Despite the continuous domination of the state-version of Islam in many
states in Malaysia, shaped by traditionalists, the reform effort in the northern
part of Malaya, found political patronage from the ruler of Perlis, which is now
located in the northern part of Malaysia. This state steadfastly declared its in-
clination towards the reform ideas, and proudly established its own approach
towards understanding Islam, known as the ‘Sunnah’ way of Islam or in some
cases ‘Islah’.22 They were known for their call for ijtihad by referring directly
to the Qur’an and Sunnah, i.e. without attachment to any specific madhhab
(legalistic school of thought). Consequently, the state’s religious enactments
and rulings are not bound to any madhhab, unlike other states in Malaysia.23
It was widely discussed that the dominating influence of ‘Sunnah’ in Perlis
was due to multiple factors, amongst them: the state authority’s patronage to
the reform agenda through Majlis Agama Perlis (religious authority) which is
directly under the ruler’s influence; state administration represented by the
ruling government which is pre-dominantly occupied by ‘Sunnah’ followers
and activists; and relentless efforts by ‘Sunnah’ preachers throughout mosques,
schools and publications.24 This legacy of the reform agenda of ‘Kaum Muda’s
version of Salafism’ is still known today as the ‘Sunnah Perlis’. They sometimes
refer to themselves as ‘golongan sunnah’ (Sunnah Group) standing as an anti-
thesis of the mainstream ‘golongan madhhabi’ (madhhabic group).25 Interest-
ingly, even the Sunnah Perlis scholars and activists vehemently rejected being
20 Gordan Means, Political Islam in Southeast Asia (Petaling Jaya: sird, 2009) p. 23.
21 Maszlee Malik, “Theology in Malaysia: Between Mainstream and the Periphery”:
pp. 52–56.
22 See Shukor Mat, As-Sunnah Di Perlis (Kangar: Media One Publication, 2000).
23 Personal communication with Ustaz Abdul Razak Abdul Rahman, former official preach-
er (Mubaligh) of Majlis Agama Islam Perlis and Sunnah activist of Perlis, 17 August 2012.
24 Abdul Rahman Abdullah, Pemikiran Islam di Malaysia, Sejarah dan Aliran (Jakarta: Gema
Insani Press, 1997) pp. 217–18; Shukor Mat, As-Sunnah Di Perlis; Saadan Man, ‘Kedudu-
kan Mazhab Syafii Dalam Perkembangan Ahlussunah di Perlis’, Jurnal Fiqh, No. 4 (2007):
pp. 141–56.
25 Personal communication with Md Sadik Md Ismail, former Pengarah Majlis Agama Islam
Perlis (1992–94) and former Islah activist, 25 August 2014.
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labelled Wahabi, or any association with the Wahabi movement in Saudi
Arabia. They have always preferred to be known as ‘Ahli Sunnah wal jamaah’ or
‘Sunnah’ or ‘Islah’ rather than Wahabi.26
Nevertheless, in understanding the historical roots of the current Salafi
trend in Malaysia, Sunnah Perlis should not be ignored, since it has its own
significance in the spread of the Salafi doctrine in the 1990s, which will be dis-
cussed separately in this paper, showing Saudi Arabia as a major factor in the
spread of Salafism in Malaysia. Dr Juanda Jaya, former Mufti of Perlis asserted
that at the state level at least, Perlis should be recognized as a ‘Salafi’ state
due to its constitution, policies promulgated and implemented by the religious
authority and the predominant Salafism-inspired customs practised by the
people of Perlis.27 In spite of this, the Salafi version of the state of Perlis is not
necessarily the same as that adhered to by other current global Salafi groups,
due to its historical roots.
Another legacy of the Kaum Muda struggle is the Ittiba’ Sunnah group based
in Kuala Pilah, Negeri Sembilan. The reform movement in Kuala Pilah was
started by Maulana Muhammad Maadah bin Layang who was taught in In-
dia. Upon his return to Kuala Pilah, he establish Madrasah Aliyah Islamiyah
(the High Islamic School) in Kampung Pelangai, Kuala Pilah. It was from that
school that Maadah managed to recruit his followers who would later establish
a reform movement called ‘Ittiba’us Sunnah’.28 His struggle was to be resumed
by one of his disciples, Hashim Ghani, who was known as a controversial writ-
er representing Kaum Muda’s thoughts in the public media. It was Hashim who
led Ittiba’us Sunnah and the reform agenda in Negeri Sembilan amid rejection
and opposition from the state’s religious authority.29 Akin to Kaum Muda and
Perlis Sunnah, Ittiba’us Sunnah too was labelled Wahhabi due to its reformist
nature.
Hashim established a new madrasah called ‘Madrasah Ittiba’us Sunnah’
in 1956, which became a recruitment college to spread Kaum Muda’s reform
thoughts to the community in Negeri Sembilan. However, in the 1980s, due
26 Mohd Radzi Othman & Rahmat, O.K. Gerakan Pembaharuan Islam: Satu Kajian di Neg-
eri Perlis dan Hubung kaitnya dengan Malaysia (Pulau Pinang: Penerbit Universiti Sains
Malaysia, 1996) p. 101. However, Hafiz Zakariya insisted on using the term ‘Ahlus Sunnah
of Perlis’ for them (See Hafiz Zakariya, “From Cairo to the Straits Settlements: Modern
Salafiyyah Reformist Ideas in Malay Peninsula”, pp. 125–46).
27 Personal communication with the Mufti of Perlis, Dr Juanda Jaya, 29 July 2014.
28 Abdul Rahman Abdullah, Pemikiran Islam di Malaysia, Sejarah dan Aliran, pp. 217–18.
29 See Hashim A. Ghani, Gayung Bersambut Kedua: As-Sunnah Membela Diri (Kuala Pilah:
ktf Institut, 1985).
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to connections established between Hashim Ghani and early Salafi preachers
from the Saudi Embassy Islamic Council, he slowly began to embrace the
Saudi version of Salafism, turning the Madrasah Ittiba’us Sunnah into a re-
cruitment ground for adherents of Salafism from all over the country. Most of
those who subscribed to the Salafi doctrine would send their children to be
taught and educated under the supervision of Ghani in his school, and through
those graduates from his school Ghani’s dakwah effort managed to be spread
to other places. Consequently, some of his students started to establish their
own schools similar to the ‘Madrasah Ittiba’us Sunnah’, amongst them Ma-
drasah Lukmanul Hakim in Ulu Tiram, Johore and its branch in Tanah Merah,
Kelantan30 which was allegedly associated with terrorism activities that led to
its closure after the 9/11 tragedy.31
A similar legacy of Kaum Muda was also seen in Kelantan. Despite it be-
ing known as a staunch fortress for the anti-Wahabi traditionalists, Kelantan
had its own role in the emergence of the current Salafi trend in Malaysia. The
term Kaum Muda in Kelantan was used against a reformist scholar, Haji Nik
Abdullah Haji Wan Musa, who was a keen adherent of the prominent Indian
reformist, Shah Waliyullah. Unfortunately, Nik Abdullah’s influence did not
last long.32 The seeds of Salafism as a trend in fact started with the prolific
religious author and owner of the biggest personal library in Kota Bharu, Ustaz
Abdullah al-Qari.33 He was the first person known in Malaysia to translate
al-Albani’s famous book, Sifat Solat al-Nabi into Bahasa Melayu, published
by Pustaka Asa. His translated books were widely used by the earlier Salafi
adherents throughout Malaysia, along with his other writings during the 80s
30 There are another two schools associated with terrorism, mainly the Salafiyah Jihadiyah
that was closed in 2011, Sekolah al-Quran Waddin in Bandar Baru uda, Johore Baharu
and ‘Raudhatul Muwahidun’ in Kelantan. (See: “3 Sekolah Agama Sebar Salafiah Jihadiah
Ditutup”, Utusan Malaysia, 22 June 2011).
31 Muhammad Haniff Bin Hassan, “Key considerations in counter-ideological work against
terrorist ideology.” Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 29, no. 6 (2006): 531–558.; Rabasa,
Angel. “Islamic Education in Southeast Asia.” Current Trends in Islamist Ideology 2 (2005):
pp. 97–108.
32 Abdul Rahman Abdullah, Pemikiran Islam di Malaysia, Sejarah dan Aliran, p. 118.
33 Born as Abdullah al-Qari Haji Salleh and hailed from a religious and scholastic fam-
ily at Pondok (religious seminary) Kenali, Kelantan in 1937. Graduated from University
Malaya and continued his career as a religious teacher at his own school, and was
famously known for his books. He has written more than 300 books mainly in Islamic
studies (see Abdullah al-Qari, “Potret Pecinta Buku, Penulis, Penterjemah dan Pener-
bit”, Paperwork presented at ‘Seminar Pecinta Buku 2010’, 21 September 2010, (Kuala
Lumpur: Institut Terjemahan Negara Malaysia (itnm), 2010).
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and 90s.34 The scarcity of Salafi literature in the market at that period made
his writings a major reference for those who were inclined towards Salafism.
It is apparent after further scrutiny of the discourse of Kaum Muda that its
ideology differs from that of the current trend of global Salafism. They share
some similarities, including: the issue of the need for ijtihad; opposition to a
strict and fanatic adherence to any madhhab; a number of issues related to
the preservation and establishment of a true and pristine Tawhidic teaching;
and assertion of the need to preserve the authenticity of all matters relating
to worship. However, as we look closely, we see that Kaum Muda’s approach
to theology is much more inclusive since they also embrace the traditional-
ists’ methods in dealing with some theological issues.35 Apparently, it was its
reformist nature and its opposition to taqlid (blind following) along with its
method of returning to the premier sources (al-Quran and Sunnah) in dealing
with fiqhi (legalistic) issues that paved the way for the later adherents of Kaum
Muda movements in Perlis and Negeri Sembilan to be attracted to the current
global Salafi trend after it reached Malaysia through the return of graduates
from Saudi Arabian universities. Additionally, the relentless effort demonstrat-
ed by the Saudi Arabian government in the 1990s also played a pivotal role
in allowing the global Salafi trend across Malaysia to flourish. This particular
point will be explained further in the following paragraphs.
The Islamic Revivalism: The Ikhwani and the Saudi Factor
The second attempt to introduce Salafism (not Wahabism) into mainstream
religion successfully took place during the period of Islamic revivalism stretch-
ing from the 70s until the 90s.36 Revivalism thought did not contribute directly
to the spread of the Salafism-Wahabism doctrine as a whole, but it did indirect-
ly introduce the Salafi theology that was considered a pathway to the current
34 Personal communication with Wan Subki Wan Saleh, son in law of Abdullah al-Qari, 27
July 2015.
35 Maszlee Malik, “Theology in Malaysia: Between Mainstream and the Periphery”:
pp. 52–56.
36 ‘Islamic revival’ in Malaysia transpired in the 1970s and 1980s. The term appropriately
refers to the embryonic stages within movements whose ultimate aim almost always in-
volves establishing an Islamic state and calling for the implementation of Shari’ah rul-
ings (see: Ahmad Fauzi Abdul Hamid, “The formative years of the Dakwah movement:
origins, causes and manifestations of Islamic resurgence in Malaysia.” ikim Journal 10, no.
2 (2002): pp. 87–124).
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Salafi trend.37 The Salafi theology brought by the actors of the 70s-90s Islamic
Revivalism introduced at this time, in reality cultivated a fertile soil for the
current Salafi-Wahabism to sprout. The emergence of da’wah groups, mainly
the Muslim Youth Movement or Angkatan Belia Islam Malaysia (abim)38 and
others such as the Islamic Representative Group (irc)39 in the uk was heavily
influenced by al-Ikhwan al-Muslimun of Egypt who brought the doctrine of
Salafi theology into the Malaysian society.40 In the same manner, within the
context of the Middle Eastern oil boom of the 1970s and the ensuing rise of the
political clout of the Organisation of Petroleum Exporting Countries (opec),
Saudi petrodollars started pouring into many Muslim countries worldwide,
through Saudi embassies, for the propagation of Islam and the spreading of
the Saudi-Salafi indoctrination process.
It should be noted too that, certain federal governments’ Islamic institu-
tions also gave a warm diplomatic reception to Saudi-Salafi influence as the
Saudi Arabian petrodollar trickled in.41 It is a historically undeniable fact that
37 Maszlee Malik, “Theology in Malaysia: Between Mainstream and the Periphery”:
pp. 52–56.
38 abim or Muslim Youth Movement of Malaysia is an offshoot of the National Muslim
Students Association (pkpim) of the late 1960s. It was founded in 1971, and is strongly
associated with its second and most prominent president, Anwar Ibrahim (Muzaffar,
Chandra. “Islamic resurgence in Malaysia.” (2014). pp. 42–54); Saliha Hassan, “Islamic
Non-governmental Organisations.” 105–107; Abdul Malek, “From Cairo to Kuala Lumpur:
the influence of the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood on the Muslim Youth Movement of
Malaysia (abim).” (2011).
39 Islamic Representative Council Society (irc) was a Malaysian Muslim Students society
founded in the uk in 1975. The founding members were inspired by the doctrines of the
Muslim Brotherhood (al-Ikhwan al-Muslimun). Upon their return to Malaysia, irc mem-
bers were known for their exclusive nature of propagating Islam. However, in 1990, mem-
bers of the society decided to establish Pertubuhan Jamaah Islah Malaysia (jim) as their
legal entity to work as an ngo to spread their Islamic ideology based on the approach of
the Muslim Brotherhood. (See Sophie Lemiere, “Genesis and Development of A ‘Nonpar-
tisan’ Political Actor: The Formation of the Jama’ah Islah Malaysia (jim) and its Roots in
Western Europe.” Al-Jami’ah: Journal of Islamic Studies 47, no. 1 (2009): pp. 49–90; Maszlee
Malik, “Religion, Civil Society and Good Governance: Pertubuhan Jamaah Islah Malaysia
(jim)’s experience.” International Journal of Islamic Thought 8 (2012): pp. 5–19; Maszlee
Malik and Hamidah Mat. “Pious Approach to Development: Social Capital and Pertubu-
han Jamaah Islah Malaysia (jim).” World 4, no. 3 (2014): pp. 107–118).
40 Personal communication with Zaid Kamarudin, jim President (2004–12), on the 26th
December 2012.
41 Barry Desker, “Islam in Southeast Asia: the challenge of radical interpretations.”
Cambridge Review of International Affairs 16, no. 3 (2003): p. 420.
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Malaysia became a major recipient of oil-related aid distributed under the
aegis of the Jeddah-based Islamic Development Bank (idb).42 Among the
primary financial beneficiaries have been government-sanctioned bodies re-
sponsible for the process of propagating Islam such as the Islamic Welfare
Association of Malaysia (perkim: Pertubuhan Kebajikan Islam SeMalaysia)43
and the Malaysian-initiated Regional Islamic Dakwah Council for Southeast
Asia and Pacific (riseap).44 Likewise, in many countries where Saudi embas-
sies were established, an Islamic Cultural Council (al-Mustashar al-thaqafi)
was also established, designed specifically for the purpose of Islamic propaga-
tion. In addition, they also employed local graduates from Saudi universities to
become their official preachers in spreading the teaching of Islam. Amongst
the well-known preachers attached or employed by the Saudi Arabia Embassy
Cultural Council in Malaysia at that time were, Abdullah Yassin, Zainal Abi-
din, Hussin Yee and Sulaiman Nordin. Apart from preaching, through these
preachers the Cultural Council subsequently acquired recommendations for
new recruits amongst local students to be sent to Saudi Arabian universities
for their higher education.45
Accordingly, a few Saudi-based and Saudi government-supported da’wah
(propagation) organizations also actively engaged with the Islamic orga-
nizations in Malaysia.46 The World Association of Muslim Youths (wamy),
Rabitah al-‘Alam al-Islami (also known as Rabitah) and others were amongst
active bodies running Islamic propagation according to Saudi-Salafism doc-
trine either through the Islamic Council or by direct communication with
Islamic organizations, especially abim in the late 1970s and early 1980s. The
Islamic Council, wamy and Rabitah were also actively involved in distribut-
ing free translated and non-translated copies of al-Quran to mosques, organiz-
ing free Hajj and Umrah trips for selected Islamic organizations’ and students’
42 See Mohd Rizal Yaakop & Asmady Idris, Wahabi Doctrine in Malaysia-Saudi Relations.
43 The Muslim Welfare Organisation Malaysia (perkim) is an ngo, which specifically fo-
cuses on spreading Islamic da’wah among Muslim as well as non-Muslim communities
in Malaysia and other countries. The former first Prime Minister of Malaysia, ytm Tunku
Abdul Rahman Putra al-Hajj, founded it in 1960 in Kuala Lumpur with his close friends.
perkim activities focus on three main areas; welfare, missionary and education particu-
larly to new Muslim converts (See perkim Leaflet, 1: The Brochure of Muslim Welfare Or-
ganisation Malaysia (perkim) (Kuala Lumpur: Affluent Master Sdn. Bhd. 2003) p. 3).
44 Nair, Shanti. Islam in Malaysian Foreign Policy. Vol. 10. (Routledge, 2013) p. 105.
45 Personal communication with Abdullah Yasin, 17 March 2014.
46 Asmady Idris, “Key Determining Factors Influencing Small States’ Relationships: a Case
Study of Malaysia’s Relations with Saudi Arabia.” (2006): pp. 236–258.
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leaders, disseminating literature related to the teaching of Saudi-Salafism as
well as sponsoring Islamic and da’wah events across the country.47
The Islamic Council also acted as a reference point for any local students
to pursue their studies in higher learning institutions in Saudi Arabia such as
the Medina Islamic University, Ummul Qura University in Mecca and others.48
Due to this active role played by the Islamic Council, wamy and Rabitah, Ma-
laysian revivalists who were open to the Salafi theology as mentioned earlier,
especially, abim and other Islamic organizations, established a strong relation
with them that led to the creation of many jointly organized events, publi-
cations and da’wah efforts between them.49 It should be noted too that the
Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, still today continues to disburse enormous financial
donations to a number of religious institutions, recruiting preachers as well
as teachers and offering scholarships and places in Saudi Arabian universities
to Malaysian students which has indirectly contributed towards the spread of
Salafism da’wah in Malaysia.50
Similarly, the state of Perlis’ religious authority started to initiate its offi-
cial relations with the Saudi Arabian embassy and its cultural office in Kuala
Lumpur between 1992 and 1994 through its Pengarah (ceo) Majlis Agama
Islam Perlis, Md Sadik Md Ismail. Accordingly, official communication was es-
tablished between the state and the embassy, which enabled the state to secure
scholarships for its students to study in Saudi Arabian universities, mainly in
the Islamic University of Medina. In tandem, many Saudi preachers were given
the opportunity to deliver lessons and talks in Perlis through this official con-
nection.51 Other local preachers, such as Dr Abdullah Yassin and Ustaz Sofwan
Badri, who work with the Islamic Council of Saudi Arabia in Kuala Lumpur
also frequently give lessons and talks in Perlis.52 Consequently, this relation
has led to the assimilation of Salafi da’wah into the Sunnah Perlis practice to
47 Personal communication with Muhammad Nur Manuty (Former president of abim), 1
June 2013.
48 Personal communication with Dr Abdul Basit Abdul Rahman, former president of Malay-
sian Students in the Islamic University of Madina, 17 March 2014.
49 Personal communication with Abdullah Yasin, 17 March 2014.
50 See Mohd Rizal Yaakop & Asmady Idris, Wahabi Doctrine in Malaysia-Saudi Relations.
51 However, according to Md Sadik, his personal relation with the embassy started in 1986–7
through the Islamic Councilor of the Saudi Arabia Cultural Office in Jalan U-Thant, Dr
Abdul Rahman Ghannam, who was invited on a monthly basis to Perlis to deliver talks
organized by al-Islah (personal communication with Md Sadik Md Ismail, 25 August
2014).
52 Personal communication with Abdullah Yasin and Safwan Badri, 17 March 2014.
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some extent. However, despite this assimilation, the conversion of the whole
Sunnah Perlis trend to Salafism has not yet been successful.53
The Salafiyah discourse emerged intensely amongst the Ikhwani-influenced
activists especially in abim through the reading of Syed Qutb’s famous exege-
sis, Fi Dhilal al-Quran (Under the Shade of al-Quran) and Fathi Yakan’s most
popular book ‘Madha Ya’ni Intimai lil Islam’ (What’s the Meaning of my Af-
filiation to Islam).54 Both books have been used widely in the organization’s
internal discussions or study circles known as usrah (family). The Salafiyah of
abim, however, refers to the purified version of Tawhid in their worldview, and
is akin to the Salafiyah version of Afghani-Abduh, or the Ikhwani-Jamaati’s.55
In abim circles, Salafiyah theological approach towards the understand-
ing of unification of Allah and His attributes through the three dimensional
spectrum of Tawhid (Uluhiyyah, Rububiyyah and Asma wa Sifat) was widely
taught.56
In addition, the close relation between abim and the Saudi’s World Assem-
bly of Muslim Youths (wamy) in the 70’s has had its own significant impact on
the influx of Salafiyyah-oriented literatures to Malaysia. Furthermore, through
Anwar Ibrahim, the Indonesian wamy student activist in Saudi Arabia from
Indonesia, Abdullah Yassin was employed by Yayasan Anda to help abim in
educating its cadres and activists.57 He was later appointed by the Saudi Em-
bassy in Kuala Lumpur as its preacher and was recognized by many as a per-
son responsible for spreading the Salafiyah method to a mainly Kuala Lumpur
middle class audience who attended his lectures and classes. Anwar Ibrahim,
abim’s then president, was known as Abdullah’s acquaintance, and contrib-
uted to some extent to the spread of Salafiyah discourse during this period.58
However, Salafism was not abim’s only major discourse. abim managed to
introduce other Islamic thoughts from various sources such as al-Ikhwan
al-Muslimun, Naquib al-Attas, Ismail al-Faruqi, Ali Shariati, Malik Bennabi,
Muhammad al-Ghazali, Yusuf al-Qaradawi and others, while continuing to
53 Personal communication with the Mufti of Perlis, Mohd Asri Zainul Abidin, 29 July 2014.
54 Personal communication with Anwar Ibrahim, the second president of abim, 13 June
2014.
55 Personal communication with Muhammad Nur Manuty (Former president of abim), 1
June 2013.
56 Personal communication with Abdullah Yasin, 17 March 2014.
57 Personal communication with Abdullah Yasin, 17 March 2014.
58 According to Anwar, during his meeting with the Mufti of Saudi Arabia in his visit to the
Kingdom as the president of abim in mid-70s, the mufti recommended Abdullah should
be taken back with him to Malaysia to be abim’s full-time preacher (personal communi-
cation with Anwar Ibrahim, the second president of abim, 13 June 2014).
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maintain good relation with al-Mustashar al-thaqafi, wamy and Rabitah de-
spite their non-Salafi approach.59
On the other hand, the uk graduates who were then known as the com-
munity of irc made their own significant contribution towards the spread of
early Salafiyah thoughts, especially in theological issues. After been exposed to
the doctrinal ideology of Arab al-Ikhwan al-Muslimun (Muslim Brotherhood)
leaders and activists in exile, and the South Asian Jamaat Islami activists in
the uk, irc community activists were trained with the Salafiyah doctrine of
Tawhid was propagated by the two movements.60 This is due to the Salafiyah
method of the al-Ikhwan al-Muslimun approach to theology, and the adoption
of the Afghani-Abduh-Redha reform method in da’wah approach, which was
clearly propagated by the founder of the movement itself, Hassan al-Banna
(died 1948). As a student of Rashid Redha himself, Hasan al-Banna was strong-
ly influenced by the Abduh-Redha Salafiyyah reform method in the movement
he established.61
Upon the return of the irc activists to Malaysia, they contributed indirectly
towards the enhancement of Salafiyah theological discourse through the pub-
lication of the series ‘Risalah Usrah’ (Usrah Manual), authored by Saari Sungib,
also known then, by the pseudonym, Abu Urwah.62 In the first series titled
Konsep-Konsep Umum Dalam Islam (General Principles of Islam), the author
began with a discussion on ‘Aqidah Tauhid’ (Tawhid Belief) in which he as-
serted the importance of Tawhid in the Muslim’s life through the Salafiyyah
method involving the three tenets of Tawhid. The series was widely used by irc
activists and other Islamic groups in the local campuses and schools during
the 1980’s and 1990’s, thus, indirectly contributed towards creating openness in
its readers to accept a more serious Salafi doctrine from other sources.63 Akin
59 Personal communication with Siddiq Fadhil (Former president of abim), 1 June 2013.
60 Personal communication with Mustafa Kadir, former spokesperson of irc, 12 February
2013.
61 Mandaville, Peter. Islam and Politics (Routledge, 2014) p. 76.
62 Abu Urwah or Saari Sungib, currently a state assemblyman for the Parti Islam se-Malaysia
(Malaysian Islamic Party). He penned the book while belonging to and leading a sec-
tion of the Islamic student movement, ‘Islamic Representative Council’ (irc), which was
established in the uk by Malaysian Muslim students during the 1970s. He wrote several
books as manuals for the group’s inner circles (usrah) and named them Risalah Usrah
(Usrah Manuals). The books were then printed by Pustaka Salam in Kuala Lumpur and
were used by many revivalists as discussion material (Personal Communication with
Saari Sungip, 3 July 2015).
63 Personal communication with Rashid Idris, former president of Pertubuhan al-Qayim
Malaysia, 17 March 2014.
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to their abim brothers, the Salafiyah discourse emerged strongly amongst irc
activists as their theological conviction and the way to understand Islamic text
especially through Fathi Yakan’s popular book ‘Madha Ya’ni Intimai lil Islam’64
that was translated into Bahasa Melayu in their circles and discussions as part
of the indoctrination and regimentation.65
Similarly, there were few Salafi-inclined groups or individuals who joined
pas then at both national and grassroot level. The example of those who made
their name Abdul Hadi Awang (the current president),66 Haron Taib (former
chief of Dewan Ulama) and Nik Abdul Aziz Nik Mat, the former Menteri Besar
(Chief Minister) of pas-ruled state, Kelantan. A Salafi preacher called Ustaz
Latif in jb who was once heading the pas headquarter in jb,67 and other Saudi
graduates who chosen to be supporters of pas in its political struggle. However,
these groups and individuals however did not come with Salafism theological
argument in supporting the legitimacy of their involvement with pas, and did
not turn pas into a Salafi party. However, pas’ Haji Abdul Hadi Awang’s ‘Aqidah
Muslim (Muslim’s Creed) also contributed to the spread of the theological argu-
ment of Salafism, especially due to its emphasis on the central idea of Tawhid
within the framework of the ‘Salafiyah’.68
64 The translated version of this book by Alias Othman (see Fathi Yakan, Madha Ya’ni Intimai
lil Islam (Apa Erti Saya Menganut Islam), trans. Alias Othman (Kuala Lumpur: Pustaka
Salam, 1989) was widely used by the revivalists in their usrah (circle) as an introductory
material for regimentation (personal communication with Ariffin Hasan, former irc So-
ciety leadership during the 80s, 27th December 2012).
65 The understanding of Tawhid according to the most prevailing discourse in Ikhwan makes
reference to Ibn Taimiyyah’s classification of Tawhid into three categories (Tawhid Rubu-
biyyah, Tawhid Uluhiyyah and Tawhid al-Asma wa al-Sifat) (personal communication with
Alias Othman, translator of Fathi Yakan’s book, 25 December 2012).
66 Abdul Hadi Awang is currently the president of pas (Parti Islam se-Malaysia (Malaysian
Islamic Party)). He authored the book Aqidah Muslim, which is a compilation of a series
of kuliah (lectures) which he had previously held on Aqidah. In the book, Abdul Hadi
emphasizes the central idea of Tawhid within the framework of Salafiyyah three branches
of Tawhid. (Abdul Hadi Awang. 1990. Mukadimah Aqidah Muslim. Kuala Lumpur: Pener-
bitan GG Edar, 78–81).
67 Personal Communication with Hatta Selamat, former follower of Ustaz Latif in pas Johor
Baharu, 16 September 2015 & Personal Communication with Rahmat Dasuki, former fol-
lower of Ustaz Latif in the 70s and early 80s, 16 September 2015.
68 Abdul Hadi Awang is currently the president of pas (Parti Islam se-Malaysia [Malaysian
Islamic Party]). He authored the book Aqidah Muslim, which is a compilation of a series
of kuliah (lectures) which he had previously held on Aqidah (Abdul Hadi Awang, Aqidah
Mukmin (Kuala Lumpur: Penerbitan GG Edar, 1990) pp. 78–81).
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Accordingly Anwar Ibrahim’s involvement in the ruling party umno in the
1980s and 1990s pushed many of his abim comrades to become involved in the
government sectors too, especially in the field of education. During his reign as
Minister of Education from 1986 to 1991 until becoming Deputy Prime Minister
of Malaysia, many ex-abim cadres and other Islamists flooded the educational
sector. Under the pretext of the Islamization project initiated by the govern-
ment, led by Mahathir Mohammad, Islamists within the Ministry of Educa-
tion managed to implement their Islamization of the educational system to
some extent.69 Notably, they changed the way Islam was taught in schools, in-
troducing it as a way of life, a source of knowledge and a civilization, instead
of the traditionalistic approach that only views it from its theological, ritual
and legalistic points of view.70 The redefinition of Islamic creed according to
the Salafiyah approach that emphasizes more on the issue of Tawhid and a
broader way of viewing ‘Ibadat (submission to Allah) beyond the parameter
of rituals were major themes in the textbooks of Islamic subject then.71 This
paradigm-shift prepared the younger generation of Malaysian Muslims to be
more acceptable and open to some theological issues from the Salafiyah point
of view.72
Notably the International Islamic University of Malaysia (iium), which was
established on 23 May 1983 has an indirect mild impact to the discourse of
Salafism in Malaysia, especially in the theological issues. Since the early years
of the establishment of the university, numerous numbers of major leaders
and activists of wamy and abim became its professors, lecturers and students
in the 1980s. The close relation between wamy and iium has resulted to make
iium a major Muslim intellectual institution that is relatively tied to signifi-
cant elements of Salafism discourse, especially in its theological realm. This
has also contributed towards shaping the Islamization project during Anwar
Ibrahim’s period as Minister of Education within which the developments
described earlier. The cosmopolitan nature of the faculty and student body
was (and is) important in shaping Islamic Studies and Muslim activism, which
amongst others including Salafism discourse in the country.73
69 Personal communication with Siddiq Fadhil (Former president of abim), 1 June 2013.
70 Personal communication with Muhammad Nur Manuty, former President of abim, 1 June
2013.
71 Personal communication with Muhammad Nur Manuty, former President of abim, 1 June
2013.
72 Personal communication with Rashid Idris, former president of Pertubuhan al-Qayim
Malaysia, 17 March 2014.
73 Personal communication with Muhammad Nur Manuty, former President of abim, 1 June
2013.
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Global Salafism: The Middle Eastern and Western Countries
Graduates Factor
Despite the emergence of the early Salafiyah doctrine incepted by various par-
ties in early 20th century Malaya, they do not, however, represent the actual
impact of the current global Salafiyah phenomenon.74 The emergence of Salaf-
ism as a trend in Malaysia was the result of ‘post-revivalism Salafism’. In gen-
eral, it was graduates returning from overseas who brought back with them the
Salafi ideology they had adopted during their time abroad. In this sense, those
who returned from Saudi Arabian universities75 played an important role in
reinstating the Salafist discourse in the community, especially in the ’80s and
’90s. Amongst the famous Salafi-inclined preachers from this cohort are Ra-
sul Dahri, Ismail Omar, Sulaiman Nordin, Johari Mat, Hussein Yee, and many
more. Likewise, the Salafi doctrine was brought back to Malaysia through grad-
uates from other Middle Eastern countries including Jordan,76 Morrocco,77
and Egypt,78 as well as from Pakistan. From the latter they were mostly gradu-
ates from the famous Salafi university, Jamiyah Abu Bakar, in Karachi.79
According to Mohd Asri Zainul Abidin, current Mufti of Perlis, and himself
a Jordanian graduate, the influence of Salafism towards some, although not
all, Jordanian graduates was due to various factors. Amongst them is the very
dynamic and open syllabus taught in Jordanian universities catering for all Is-
lamic schools of thought. Similarly, the existence of many Salafi adherents in
Jordan who propagate their doctrine through bookshops, classes in mosques,
sermons, cassettes and leaflets helped to nurture Salafism among the students.
However, perhaps most importantly, the presence of Nasiruddin al-Albani,
in Jordan had its own significant impact, specifically through his students
who were responsible for spreading Salafism through their hadith classes and
74 Personal communication with Rashid Idris, former president of Pertubuhan al-Qayim
Malaysia, 17 March 2014.
75 For example: Madinah Islamic University, Umm al-Qura University in Makkah, King
Abdul Aziz University, Jeddah and al-Imam University, Riyadh.
76 Personal communication with Mohd Asri Zainul Abidin, the Mufti of Perlis, 2 August
2013.
77 Personal communication with Muhammad Faisal Khamis, a Morrocan Graduate. 4 Sep-
tember 2013.
78 Juanda Jaya, Former Mufti of Perlis and Egyptian al-Azhar University Graduate, personal
communication, 28 July 2014.
79 Personal communication with Ustaz Razali Tahir, both a Meccan and a Pakistani Jami-
yyah Abu Bakar graduate. Currently the principal of Institut Tahfiz al-Quran al-Mizan,
Bukit Besi, Terengganu on the 3 August 2013.
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