PEACEWORKS - PRECARITY AND POWER REFLECTIONS ON WOMEN AND YOUTH IN NONVIOLENT ACTION - UNITED STATES INSTITUTE OF PEACE
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PEACEWORKS
Precarity and Power
REFLECTIONS ON WOMEN AND
YOUTH IN NONVIOLENT ACTION
By Jonathan Pinckney and Miranda Rivers
NO. 178 | September 2021
Making Peace Possible
NO. 178 | September 2021
ABOUT THE REPORT
This report examines trends in the impact of women and youth on nonviolent action
campaigns, common barriers to their participation, and the long-term political outcomes of
MEDIATION,
NEGOTIATION that participation. Based on research by frontline activists in Armenia, Bangladesh, Ethiopia,
& DIALOGUE
Kenya, Myanmar, Nigeria, and Venezuela, it was funded through an interagency agreement
between the United States Institute of Peace (USIP) and the Center for Democracy, Human
Rights, and Governance at the United States Agency for International Development.
ABOUT THE AUTHORS
Jonathan Pinckney is a senior researcher at USIP and the author of From Dissent to
Democracy: The Promise and Peril of Civil Resistance Transitions. Miranda Rivers is a pro-
gram specialist at USIP, where she conducts applied research on and supports training and
education for social movements working to advance justice and build sustainable peace.
Cover photo: Students block a road in Dhaka, Bangladesh, on August 2, 2018, while protesting the death of two
college students in a bus accident. Bangladeshi students have been active in demonstrations ranging from road
safety to women’s rights. (Photo by A. M. Ahad/AP)
The views expressed in this report are those of the authors alone. They do not necessarily reflect the views of
the United States Institute of Peace. An online edition of this and related reports can be found on our website
(www.usip.org), together with additional information on the subject.
© 2021 by the United States Institute of Peace
United States Institute of Peace
2301 Constitution Avenue NW
Washington, DC 20037
(202) 457-1700
(202) 429-6063 (fax)
usip_requests@usip.org
www.USIP.org
Peaceworks No. 178. First published 2021.
ISBN: 978-1-60127-874-6
Contents
3 Introduction
8 Women and Youth: The Research
12 Barriers, Impacts, and Outcomes
19 Conclusions and Recommendations
Summary Women and youth have played crucial roles at the forefront of nonviolent action campaigns for peace, democracy, and social justice. The mobilization of both groups is frequently decisive in the success of a movement. Yet the common barri- ers to their participation, as well as the related impacts and long-term outcomes of their participation across contexts, remain poorly understood. How do women and youth activists themselves experience such barriers, impacts, and outcomes? A series of case studies commissioned from seven frontline female and youth activists in Armenia, Bangladesh, Ethiopia, Kenya, Myanmar, Nigeria, and Venezuela provides a diversity of contexts and perspectives on these questions. The activists’ reflections revealed several common patterns in the general expe- riences of women and youth across contexts. Major barriers included dispropor- tionate state violence (particularly toward women), cultural norms against active political participation by women and youth, and economic precarity. Women and youth were nonetheless typically at the forefront of movements even when their participation came at high personal and social cost. Women and youth participation had numerous positive impacts—in particular, in- creased tactical creativity and commitment to continuing activism even in the face of significant challenges, greater nonviolent discipline when threatened by violent provocation (especially for women), and a greater ability to mobilize across political or identity-based divides. This combination of factors made movements with sig- nificant female or youth participation particularly potent in mobilizing activists and achieving short-term goals. Yet long-term outcomes were mixed. In some cases, the participation led to greater social and political empowerment. In most, move- ments struggled to turn short-term mobilization into long-term change.
Demonstrators protesting the military coup present roses to police in Yangon, Myanmar, on February 6, 2021. Despite the danger, women have been at
the forefront of the protest movement, rebuking the military coup and generals who ousted a female civilian leader. (Photo by New York Times)
Introduction
In 2019, at the height of anti-government protests 2021 in Myanmar, as hundreds of thousands took to the
against Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir, audiences streets to condemn a military coup, young women were
around the world were captivated by footage of a young on the front lines, leading demonstrations, organizing
Sudanese woman, Alaa Salah, leading thousands of strikes, and demanding the end of the illegal seizure of
chanting demonstrators from the top of a car. The image
1
power.3 In Bangladesh, young women filled the streets to
was made all the more powerful by the knowledge of demand an end to a culture of impunity around rape and
the country’s repressive political environment and the sexual violence.4 In Nigeria, a group of young women
particularly poor political and material conditions for formed a “feminist coalition” that organized and collected
women and young people. Maternal mortality rates in money for protests against police brutality by the coun-
Sudan are more than twenty times higher than the aver- try’s Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS).5
age in the developed world and youth unemployment is
over 30 percent.2 That even in a society with such bar- These stories are evidence of a deeper global trend
riers to effective political and economic participation a with powerful implications. Women are often on the
young woman would risk standing up to a brutal dictator front lines of major nonviolent action campaigns.6
in such a public way was compelling. Students and youth are often the crucial backbone of
these movements.7 Yet across many contexts, significant
Nor is Alaa Salah, who became a symbol of the success- social, cultural, and economic barriers can prevent both
ful Sudanese revolution, an isolated case. In the spring of women and youth from participating in nonviolent action
USIP.ORG 3
effectively. These patterns prompt related questions: Popular discussions of activism by women and youth
What barriers tend to prevent women’s and youth’s par- often downplay the complexity of both groups, treating
ticipation in nonviolent action? What impacts does their
8
their experiences and impact as interchangeable. Yet
participation have on movement dynamics? What are women and youth contribute to nonviolent action in
the long-term outcomes of their participation? distinct ways. Neither are these groups homogeneous.
Women make up roughly half the world’s population.
This report attempts to answer these questions by draw- Youth, depending on a country’s demographic structure
ing on a growing literature and a series of reflective case and the contextual definition of youth, are often the larg-
studies of frontline activists across seven widely different est demographic category. Identifying meaningful trends
contexts. These activists are at the forefront of progressive across such diversity and complexity is a difficult task,
change in their countries, advocating for gender equal- and one constantly in danger of oversimplification.
ity, against political violence, or for education or other
reforms. They have led protests in the streets, arranged The diversity and heterogeneity of youth and women’s
legal advocacy campaigns, and run for political office. movements and their participation in nonviolent action
campaigns underscore the importance of analyzing
Among the most significant barriers activists face are them with a complex and intersectional lens. The youth
state violence, economic and social precarity, and and women who participate may have shared inter-
prejudice against women and youth. Despite these ests and draw on shared identities even as they face
barriers, however, across the case study contexts different forms of oppression and injustice based on
both women and youth have played a central role in the particular dimensions of their identities.9 This report
mobilizing almost all recent social movements and are acknowledges the varying experiences of youth and
frequently on the front lines of nonviolent action. women, even among those who may be participating in
the same movements. It recognizes that the youth cat-
As to impacts, activists in almost all the case studies egory often lacks detail on gender and that the women
reported that when women and youth did participate, category often lacks detail on age.
events tended to have less violence, to endure longer,
and to mobilize across ideological or partisan divides, When appropriate, this analysis highlights the differ-
overcoming political or identity-based polarization that ences and distinctions across contexts and between
stymied other movements. These factors helped move- the experiences of women and youth. Yet the activists
ments with a widespread participation of women and whose experiences and reflections underlie this report
youth achieve their goals more frequently. repeatedly emphasized several threads of commonality,
the roots of which were most frequent in the shared ex-
In regard to long-term outcomes, participation in nonvi- perience of exclusion from the main avenues of access
olent action on occasion proved an avenue for women to power and influence in society, despite their being a
and youth—who had been previously excluded from majority or near-majority of the population. Denied such
institutional power—to gain the respect and influence access, both women and youth have frequently turned
necessary for longer-term sustainable advocacy. These to nonviolent action to challenge existing power struc-
cases were an exception, however. In general, women tures and change the status quo. Although many other
and youth struggled to turn concessions gained on the identity groups are excluded from power and influence
streets into long-term meaningful political transforma- across the societies considered here and also engage
tion. The most common long-term attitudes were either in nonviolent struggle, they typically make up much
disillusionment or, at best, cautious optimism. smaller proportions of the population.
4 PEACEWORKS | NO. 178
Table 1. Case Study Countries
Women’s Youth Population GDP per Capitac
Empowermenta Percentageb
Armenia High 26.3% $4,622.70
Bangladesh Very low 36.7% $1,855.70
Ethiopia Low 42.0% $855.80
Kenya Low 41.5% $1,816.50
Myanmar Low 35.1% $1,407.80
Nigeria Low 39.2% $2,229.90
Venezuela Average 32.7% $16,054.50
a. Level of women’s empowerment is drawn from the Variety of Democracy project’s Women’s Empowerment Index, which is a continuous variable
from 0 to 1. Countries with a score of more than 1 standard deviation above average in the most recent year available (2019) coded as high, of less
than 1 coded as average, of less than 1 below average coded as low, and of more than 1 below average coded as very low.
b. Youth population is the percentage of residents between ten and twenty-nine years old, according to the 2019 UN World Population Prospects
report (https://population.un.org/wpp) and the 2012 USAID report “Youth in Development: Realizing the Demographic Opportunity” (www.usaid.gov
/sites/default/files/documents/1870/Youth_in_Development_Policy_0.pdf).
c. Numbers are drawn from 2019 World Bank data and expressed in current dollars.
Several important lessons are to be learned in looking few additional potential case study authors. The goal
at the shared experiences of women and youth as was to have a complex and diverse set of country con-
majority or near-majority social groups excluded from texts with significant participation of women and youth
power who have turned to nonviolent action to address in nonviolent action to identify trends that were greater
the imbalance and achieve their goals. than a specific country or region.10 (See table 1 for select
data on the seven countries.)
CASE STUDY COUNTRIES
The seven case study countries for this research were Each activist selected to write the case study was then
Armenia, Bangladesh, Ethiopia, Kenya, Myanmar, given three guiding questions to direct their writing:
Nigeria, and Venezuela. Countries were selected in a How much do women and youth participate in nonvio-
competitive application process in late 2020 and early lent action in your country? What are the main barriers
2021 in which activists completed a short questionnaire to their participation? What are the short-term impacts
describing their past and current activism, particularly as and long-term outcomes of their participation? The
participants or leaders of women or youth movements. activists were also given a wide degree of latitude to
The selection process was designed to identify activists interpret the questions as most appropriate to their
with significant frontline experience in nonviolent action, country context and personal history. All case studies
or with deep personal and professional networks among focused on the authors’ reflections based on their
activists in their countries. Selections were based on the experience and, in some cases, discussion with a few
quality of applications, supplemented by outreach to a additional activists in their networks.
USIP.ORG 5
The one limitation in scope of this report is that devel- space and major recent campaigns against taxation
oped, liberal democracies such as Japan or Sweden of higher education demanding greater government
were deliberately excluded. The goal was to focus
11
accountability and calling for an end to sexual violence
on nonviolent action by women and youth in contexts against young women.
of greater political fragility and governance chal-
lenges. The report, rather than describing each case In Ethiopia, protests sparked by Oromo students
study in-depth, weaves lessons learned from all seven in 2015 against government land seizures led to a
together thematically. years-long movement demanding political reform,
the so-called Qeerroo movement. The movement
Yet to ensure that these lessons can be understood in the achieved a breakthrough in 2018 with the resigna-
appropriate context, brief descriptions of the recent major tion of Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn and
movements in each of the case study countries follow. the election of nominally reformist Prime Minister
Abiy Ahmed. However, the government’s delay of
In Armenia, a government crackdown on peaceful the 2020 parliamentary elections and the outbreak
pro-democracy protests in 2008 sparked a dec- of armed conflict between the government and the
ade-long, youth-led mobilization on a wide variety of Tigray People’s Liberation Front in early 2021 led to a
issues. Peaks came in 2012, with the movement to humanitarian crisis, raised questions about the depth
save Mashtots Park in downtown Yerevan, and 2015, of the reforms, and put the country in danger of a
with the Electric Yerevan protests against electrici- return to authoritarianism.
ty price hikes. In 2018, an attempt to seize greater
power by long-time authoritarian ruler Serzh Sargsyan Although Kenya has seen significant economic and po-
resulted in the mass protests of the so-called Velvet litical reform since the one-party rule that characterized
Revolution, which overthrew Sargsyan and brought the early decades after independence in 1963, major
activist opposition leader Nikol Pashinyan to power. 12
gaps in the rule of law continue, particularly for women.
In the years since, Pashinyan’s government has made Political corruption remains endemic.14 Recent years
democratic reforms and anti-corruption work a priority have seen a significant increase in grassroots activism,
and brought many of the youth activists who partici- inspired by long-time activists such as Nobel Laureate
pated in the revolution into government. Yet a 2020 Wangari Maathai, whose Green Belt Movement in the
armed conflict with Azerbaijan over the long-contest- 1980s advocated for greater environmental protec-
ed Nagorno Karabakh region and a peace settlement tions, sustainable development, and democratic rights
that many asserted was antithetical to Armenia’s in- and freedoms. Movements have focused on demand-
terests have threatened Pashinyan’s government and ing free and fair elections, ending sexual violence,
put many of the gains of the 2018 revolution at risk. improving governance, and a variety of other issues
related to social and economic justice.
In Bangladesh, the two major political parties that
led the way to the country’s initial democratic break- In Myanmar, the country’s military-led dictatorship
through in 1990—the Awami League and Bangladesh ceded power to the main opposition party, the National
Nationalist Party—dominate the highly polarized polit- League for Democracy (NLD), which came to power in
ical landscape and direct much of the mobilization on 2015 through landslide election wins. The years that
the streets through their partisan organizations. Yet, in
13
followed saw a back-and-forth struggle between the
recent years, new mobilization by leftist and nonparti- NLD and the military as well as attempts to resolve
san youth groups has led to a revitalized youth activism many of the country’s ethnic conflicts. An attempted
6 PEACEWORKS | NO. 178
genocide against the Rohingya minority group led the government do more to bring the girls back home.
to accusations that the government’s commitment to In 2020, new revelations of police brutality revitalized
democratic ideals was shallow. In February 2021, the a campaign to disband the Nigerian government’s
Myanmar military staged a coup d’état, arresting the Special Anti-Robbery Squad, notorious for extrajudi-
civilian leaders of the government over unsubstantiat- cial killings, torture, and arbitrary arrests, among other
ed accusations of fraud in 2020 elections that had led abuses.16 When the movement was met with brutal re-
to increased NLD majorities in parliament. The coup pression, demands expanded for greater government
sparked a massive, nationwide civil disobedience accountability across a wide range of issues.
movement demanding the end of the coup and return
to power of the civilian government. Youth, particu- In Venezuela, an opposition-led protest movement
larly young women, have been at the forefront of this began in 2014 soon after the rise to power of President
movement. Although the movement has been met
15
Nicolás Maduro. The movement peaked in 2019 with
with brutal repression by the Myanmar military, as of the proclamation by opposition leader and National
this writing it is ongoing. Assembly president Juan Guaidó that, in response to
accusations that Maduro had been reelected on the
In Nigeria, despite a transition to democracy in the late basis of fraud, he was assuming the presidency. The
1990s, political corruption and an Islamist insurgency move by Guaidó received the backing of dozens of
by the Boko Haram group remain major challenges. foreign governments, including the United States and
Building on a long tradition of women and youth activ- France. Opposition parties and a vast civil society alli-
ism, recent years have seen several major campaigns, ance joined forces in nonviolent action, primarily mass
including a few that received widespread international street protests, to attempt to push Maduro from power.
attention. In 2014, the abduction of 276 schoolgirls from These failed, however. In 2020, in contested elections
the town of Chibok by Boko Haram led to a mass cam- that the opposition condemned as unfair, the Maduro
paign using the slogan #BringBackOurGirls to demand regime reclaimed control of the National Assembly.
USIP.ORG 7Women and Youth: The Research
Research on both women and youth in nonviolent Many of the barriers to women’s participation in nonvio-
action is considerable. To date, however, much of that lent action have been identified in societies “where social
on women has focused on their mobilization and the or cultural codes of behavior limit or restrict mixed groups
gendered outcomes of their participation, while that on of men and women” and where restrictions are placed
youth has focused on their motivations and the impacts on women’s participation in protest activity.21 Often, more
they have had. Significant questions thus remain about restrictions are placed on young women than on young
the broader barriers, impacts, and long-term outcomes men. Gendered backlash to participation is also a com-
of their participation. monly cited barrier. This effect often comes in the form of
sexual violence against female movement participants.
WOMEN
Scholars have sought to better understand women’s In Egypt, where women’s presence during the 2011
movements, the mobilization of women in different revolution was significant, women faced sexual assaults
political, social, and economic settings, and the gen- and harassment, by state security forces, among others,
dered outcomes resulting from women’s participation when participating in public demonstrations.22 This
in nonviolent action. As women engage in nonvio- violence inspired independent mobilizations by women
lent action, they draw on their identities not only as across social backgrounds. In Iran, women were often
women but also as workers, mothers, wives, citizens, at the forefront of protests during the Green Movement
or members of racial and ethnic groups. Women have following the fraudulent 2009 presidential elections.
participated in movements around the world to end They faced various forms of violence, including targeted
wars, oust dictators, challenge colonial rule, and ex- killings meant to heighten fear among families that may
pand women’s rights. 17
have been hesitant about their presence as women in
public at the time.23 These examples underscore the
Women frequently participate in movements against grave risks women face when they struggle against
authoritarianism while making space to express their oppression and injustice and how they can function as
desires for equality and respect as women. Women ac- significant barriers to participation.
tivists during the 2010–11 Tunisian revolution, protesting
under the slogan No Democracy Without Equality, mo- The most commonly identified impact of women’s par-
bilized to end the dictatorship of Zine El Abidine Ben ticipation is what is called a moral shield effect, in which
Ali and make demands related to their rights and social women’s frontline participation helps prevent violent
status. In Egypt’s 2011 revolution, female protester
18
repression.24 A strong women’s presence during public
demands aimed to bring about “justice and freedom for demonstrations may pose a moral dilemma for securi-
all Egyptians” rather than focusing solely on women’s ty forces, which could well think twice about cracking
liberation. In the Philippines, feminist groups brought
19
down violently on such protests.25 This was the case in
their existing organizing skills and networks to sup- Argentina, where women drawing on their identities as
port the broad-based democracy movement against mothers formed Las Madres de Plaza de Mayo (Mothers
President Ferdinand Marcos. 20
of the Plaza de Mayo) to protest the disappearances of
8 PEACEWORKS | NO. 178Students protest the São Paulo Forum, a gathering of leftist politicians and activists from across Latin America and the Caribbean, in Caracas, Venezuela,
on July 26, 2019. Critics said that Venezuela, whose economy was collapsing, could not afford to host the event. (Photo by Leonardo Fernandez/AP)
their children during what became known as the coun- civil war. Using a combination of nonviolent action and
try’s Dirty War. The women carried pictures of their miss- peacebuilding tactics, including a sex strike, the wom-
ing children and demanded their return during regular en pressured the warring parties to enter into negoti-
public marches. Transforming “motherhood into a source ations, which ultimately resulted in a ceasefire agree-
of power,” this action made it harder for the women to ment and an end to the war.29 Women’s contributions
be persecuted by a government that claimed to respect during times of political transition have been given
maternal roles. Motherhood has often been used as
26
significant attention as many scholars have examined
a political tool across a variety of movements, allowing the nexus between women’s mobilization, processes
women to garner broad-based support as they engage of democratization, and gendered outcomes.30 These
in political action on the basis of an injustice committed periods often act as moments of realignment that
against their children. 27
may offer women “uniquely gendered opportunities.”
Women mobilizing based on their identities to increase
In regard to long-term outcomes, recent cross-na- women’s rights and greater women’s political inclusion
tional data indicate that nonviolent movements with may bring new opportunities during a political transition
the frontline participation of women are more likely to to get their issues onto the political agenda.
achieve their goals and less likely to turn to violence. 28
A prominent example is the Liberian women’s move- However, many scholars find that democratization
ment that formed in 2003 to end the country’s second does not often bring about significant political gains
USIP.ORG 9for women despite their important contributions impacts they have had. Less attention has been paid
to pro-democracy movements. These efforts do to the specific barriers to their participation and the
not tend to translate into equal roles in transitional longer-term outcomes of the campaigns.
governments or new, democratically elected ones.
Women’s participation, in sum, does not always lead A key focus on youth protest in particular has been
to women’s “subsequent emancipation or prevent its economic drivers: studies show that frustration at
their exclusion in post-revolution societies.” After
31
a lack of opportunities for upward mobility can in-
helping “change the repressive terrain by claiming crease the likelihood of young people’s taking to the
important political space,” women’s groups may then streets.36 Youth have increasingly engaged in political
be “eclipsed by the dominant political forces,” defined and social mobilization, especially in countries hard hit
by deeply entrenched patriarchal structures and prac- by the 2008 global financial crisis.37 Since the influx
tices.32 Such conventions may be suspended during of neoliberal and free trade policies beginning in the
phases of peak mobilization, when women’s contribu- 1970s, many of today’s youth are seeing high levels of
tions are needed or sheer numbers matter, but then both unemployment and underemployment.38 Clear
resurface in the aftermath of a political transition after evidence of the link between growing youth unemploy-
crucial goals have been achieved. 33
ment and the rise in social unrest is the protests across
Europe in response to the sovereign debt crises, the
Women’s movements may be able to secure more mass demonstrations over economic inequality in
women-friendly outcomes from democratizing states Chile, and the global wave of Occupy movements. As
after transitions are complete, however, when women a result of unmet expectations, youth have made the
develop cohesive coalitions and when transitional streets new spaces of struggle against dominant and
ideologies align with women’s legitimate goals, among oppressive political and economic forces.39
other factors.34 A successful case is South Africa’s
democratic transition, during which a Women’s National Youth have also had a significant impact in using nonvi-
Coalition formed and framed the struggle for women’s olent action to protect the integrity of existing political
equality within the broader frame of liberation and institutions and encourage the authorities to adhere to
equality for all. Their efforts helped increase women’s constitutional law. Such activities counter characteri-
political representation and lay the foundation for leg- zations of youth as politically disengaged or apathetic.
islation in the aftermath of the transition that promoted Senegal’s Y’en a Marre (We’re Fed Up) movement, led
reforms like affirmative action for women in hiring, crim- by young rappers and other artists, was consequential
inalized domestic violence, and improved health-care in ensuring the country’s democratic transition. Sending
access and services for women. 35
a clear message with the protest chant “Touche pas
à ma constitution!” (Don’t Touch My Constitution), the
YOUTH movement was successful in mobilizing the populace
Youth have long played prominent roles in social to protest and demand improved governance, quelling
movements for major political, social, and economic President Abdoulaye Wade’s attempts to change the
change, from the global student and anti-war move- constitution in his favor. In 2004, Ukraine’s Orange
ments of the 1960s and 1970s to the Arab Spring Revolution succeeded in bringing opposition leader
uprisings starting in 2011 to recent pro-democracy Viktor Yushchenko to power after Ukrainian youth
movements in Hong Kong and Myanmar. Research took to the streets in mass numbers to protest claims
on youth participation, as noted, has focused on their of corruption and fraud in the country’s presidential
motivations for joining social movements and the elections. Teenage girls in Kyiv handed out flowers to
10 PEACEWORKS | NO. 178Young people . . . tend to be more technologically savvy than older generations and more likely to take
to new media to express their political demands. . . . Youth assert that social media gives them agency,
allowing them “to write history as they see it” and influence national and international audiences.
policemen stationed outside the presidential adminis- remain about the enduring impacts that the use of ICTs
tration building, helping build trust between protesters has on youth political participation and the extent to
and security forces; other young people launched civic which they yield genuine political change.43 However,
initiatives such as get out the vote campaigns and elec- the prevalence of social media and the internet in many
tion monitoring, and engaged in a variety of nonviolent youth-led movements and the prominent role they have
action tactics to promote electoral integrity and mobi- played in helping these movements recruit, mobilize,
lize citizens against election fraud.40 and organize in pursuit of their goals are not in doubt.
Another key focus in the literature on the impacts of Although much research has focused on the impacts
youth participation has been on their adept use of of youth participation in nonviolent action and wheth-
information and communication technologies (ICTs) to er campaign goals were achieved, less attention has
achieve their goals. Young people, having grown up with been paid to what happens to young people at the
the internet, tend to be more technologically savvy than end of a protest campaign and how they are affected
older generations and more likely to take to new media over the long term by campaign outcomes. A few case
to express their political demands. Scholars analyzing studies shed light on these dynamics. For example, in
the role of ICTs in protests and social movements more the aftermath of Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak’s
generally have found them to help amplify messaging, resignation in February 2011, youth there were able to
facilitate participation, increase interaction and collabo- get some decisions and rules they opposed reversed
ration across groups, and foster new forms of activism. during the transition period but were unable to “morph
Youth assert that social media gives them agency, allow- into political actors in their own right.”44 In Afghanistan,
ing them “to write history as they see it” and influence some of the movements in which large numbers of
national and international audiences. Despite consider-
41 youth participated were eventually used by established
able agreement as to the positive impact that the availa- political elites to advance their own political interests
bility and use of ICTs can have on movements, scholars and agenda.45 More research is needed to better un-
and others interested in movements acknowledge that derstand how youth have pushed back against co-op-
these technologies by themselves do not inevitably lead tation and transformed street action into political power
to political mobilization and collective action. Questions
42 that lasts over the long term.
USIP.ORG 11Barriers, Impacts, and Outcomes
Women and youth, who have been excluded from issues. Bangladesh has seen a massive anti-rape
mainstream channels of political power and influence movement in recent years. Activists there have
throughout history and today, have played crucial raised their voices on several issues, including
roles in working to bring about social, economic, and domestic violence and sexual health—topics “con-
political change to make societies everywhere more sidered to be highly risky or taboo” in many parts of
just and peaceful. Additional insights into the various the country. When working with alleged rape victims,
barriers they face to be able to do so, the different im- women are often threatened by the victim’s fami-
pacts they have, and the long-term outcomes of their ly and local politicians and even branded by local
participation in nonviolent action to support these citizens as being a “culprit” or “bad girl” themselves.
causes are essential. Women in Nigeria faced similar disparagement
in 2018 when a group staged a march at a Lagos
BARRIERS TO PARTICIPATION market, chanting “Stop Touching Us” in response to
The first question in the case studies was what the ma- harassment and sexual assault by male traders they
jor barriers to women’s and youth participation in nonvi- faced there. Some of the traders blamed the women
olent action were. In nearly all cases, violent repression for dressing “inappropriately” and told them to stay
and discouragement from family members were seen home if they wanted to avoid being harassed.
as the primary obstacles. Youth and women described
how carrying the identity of an activist seemed to put Much of the discrimination women face for participat-
them in a precarious situation, both within their house- ing in nonviolent action relates to social and cultural
holds and in society more broadly. expectations of what is deemed appropriate behav-
ior for women. This appeared to be especially true
Women activists in several cases, as noted earlier, in Armenia, where young and married women living
were reported to have faced violence at the hands of in the country’s more conservative areas were said
state security forces, including threats, intimidation, and to be restricted by male relatives from engaging in
bullying as they spoke out and participated in demon- activities outside the home. Women activists report-
strations against a variety of injustices. In Ethiopia, an ed having to “go against the family” to participate
activist reported that the military sexually harassed fe- in protests. At the same time, they also described
male protesters to discourage them from participating. experiences when participating openly in the capital
In Venezuela, an activist noted how feminist groups city during the country’s 2018 nonviolent revolution
operating in a “machista context”—a culture in which led to an increase in activism and civic engagement
men dominate women—often face state repression, among women after they returned to their home-
including arbitrary detention. towns, showing how families eventually became
more accepting of such activities.
Activists, especially women, are also often derided
and stigmatized for engaging in protests against Among youth activists, some reported that fear of
gender-based violence and other gender-related government repression was often what motivated their
12 PEACEWORKS | NO. 178Protesters demonstrate at the gates of Parliament, one holding a placard referring to President Uhuru Kenyatta and his family, during an anti-corrup-
tion demonstration in downtown Nairobi, Kenya, on May 31, 2018. (Photo by Ben Curtis/AP)
relatives to dissuade them from participating. This dis- Many of today’s youth are pushed into precarity by the
couragement ranged from being pressured to “delete high levels of unemployment and underemployment
Facebook posts relating to government corruption” that result from ineffective state policy and inequality.
to being asked to avoid protests altogether to align When youth challenge such injustices, government of-
with cultural norms that require young people to show ficials often feel threatened and try to undermine their
respect to people in authority. activities. This has been the case in Ethiopia, where
several youth movements have emerged in recent
State repression aimed at silencing, intimidating, and years calling for greater access to economic resources.
suppressing various forms of dissent was also iden- The government has taken to labeling the protesters as
tified as a major barrier in nearly all cases. In Nigeria, jobless and unruly and dismissing them as simply “kids
dozens of youth were killed by state security forces on the streets” who do not even know why they are
during recent #EndSARS protests, for example. In protesting, further marginalizing young people.
Kenya, young people were especially at risk because
of their lower economic and social status. “As grassroot In all these cases, women and youth have turned per-
youth activists, we are vulnerable to police brutality ceived barriers into mobilizing opportunities, enabling
and have no source of support if we are arrested,” one them to mobilize for and demand justice, human rights,
young person from Kisumu said. and equality.
USIP.ORG 13IMPACT OF WOMEN AND YOUTH Youth-led movements were typically more likely both to
The second question case study authors reflected on start in response to a short-term shock rather than devel-
was the unique impacts of women and youth on nonvio- op from existing organizational infrastructures and to turn
lent action in their countries—particularly the differences that short-term response into a long-term mobilization.
between what nonviolent action campaigns looked and In Venezuela, despite the opposition’s failure to unseat
felt like when large numbers of women and youth par- Maduro, the case study author reported that both women
ticipated in or led campaigns versus when they did not and youth “achieve[d] a huge impact due to their creativ-
or did so only minimally. Activists emphasized the critical ity and ability to direct, organize, and execute plans.” In
roles of members of both groups as leaders, organizers, Bangladesh, youth activists, particularly the young wom-
and participants. Many argued that without the participa- en leading the Stop Rape protests, stayed on the streets
tion of women and youth, major nonviolent movements until their demands were met, as opposed to more
of recent years would not have taken place at all or, had organized groups, who tended to opt for more symbol-
they occurred, would have failed to achieve their goals. ic hour or day-long protests before going home. The
Reasons for these advantages were numerous, from a Occupy Nigeria protests of 2012 had an identical pattern
greater willingness to take risks or initiate movements of youth trekking far from home to join the demonstra-
even when the potential for success was limited, to tions and remaining at the protests long after others had
more creative and strategic tactical choices. gone home. In Ethiopia, the Qeerroo sustained them-
selves for more than three years despite severe govern-
Three major themes emerged consistently: both wom- ment repression that led to hundreds of casualties.
en and youth typically showed greater commitment
to their causes; women were better at maintaining Where does this greater commitment come from? The
nonviolent discipline, youth having a mixed record; and tireless activity of women working, often behind the
youth were better able to overcome existing patterns scenes, to sustain movements in difficult circumstances
of political polarization. was a key factor. In Ethiopia, women historically played
a crucial supportive role in shuttling information and
Demonstrating Greater Commitment maintaining movement networks.46 In several cases, it
Despite the vulnerability that women and youth face in seemed to be directly linked to the very precarity that
regard to violence and social pressure, they were typi- also made participation in activism challenging. In the
cally the first to join movements and more likely to stick Stop Rape protests in Bangladesh, for example, young
with the movement the longest, “relentlessly” main- women’s lived experience with sexual violence and
taining their commitment even in the face of significant the challenges of living in a patriarchal society played
barriers, as the Venezuelan activist reported. For youth, a key role in pushing the protests forward. As the
having no previous negative experience influenced Bangladesh case study author explained,
their greater willingness to start action. An Armenian
activist reported that youth were typically the first The struggle of growing up as a woman in a socially
movers in nonviolent action because older adults who conservative society, and their consistent fight in the social
media contributed largely to the level of critical under-
shared their desire for change had traumatic memories
standing and boldness of this particular movement. These
of Armenia’s protest movement in 2008, when non-
women were dedicated to their feminist cause and con-
violent action after a fraudulent election ended with sistently chose to discuss “controversial” issues. Also, see-
a massive government crackdown. The failure of that ing these women in the leadership role gave courage and
movement made many older Armenians cynical about confidence to a large number of young women (otherwise
the possibility of change. unvocal) to come to the front, participate, or even lead.
14 PEACEWORKS | NO. 178In Bangladesh, the assumption of women’s “peacefulness” is so deeply baked into how protest
is organized that putting women in the front lines has become standard operating procedure for
political parties, civil society groups, and grassroots movements alike.
In other words, because both women and youth had more The picture is somewhat more complicated when it
to lose from the potential failure of their activism, they were comes to the impacts youth have. Many youth-led
more willing to suffer significant costs and harms to keep movements placed a similar value on nonviolent disci-
the movement going. Activists described both youth and pline and were careful to express their peaceful pos-
women as taking their activism more seriously, as a matter ture in their public communications. For instance, the
of life and death that demanded their full commitment, Qeerroo movement in Ethiopia was, according to one
rather than as a matter of political or social positioning. activist, “organized with the highest possible discipline
and respect for human rights, focusing on principles of
Maintaining Nonviolent Discipline nonviolence . . . no damage to property and human life,
and Managing Repression not being armed, no usage of alcohol and drugs, and
Activists consistently reported that women were better remain[ing] polite and submissive to law enforcement
able to remain nonviolent, even in the face of violent officials.” However, protests and other public nonvi-
government repression. Indeed, in Bangladesh, the as- olent action tactics often provided an opportunity for
sumption of women’s “peacefulness” is so deeply baked other youth, whom activists claimed were not directly
into how protest is organized that putting women in the associated with their movements, to engage in vio-
front lines has become standard operating procedure lence toward the state. In Nigeria, several movements,
for political parties, civil society groups, and grassroots including Occupy Nigeria and #EndSARS, have strug-
movements alike because “police forces become extra gled with this dynamic. The case study author there
cautious if participation of women is significantly larger,” reported several instances in which the heightened
a powerful example of the moral shield effect of wom- tension of public protests led to attacks on government
en’s participation identified in the literature.47
buildings, infrastructure, and security forces.
The mechanisms of this greater commitment were unclear, At the same time, governments or other opponents
however. Some suggested mechanisms rely on problem- of nonviolent action movements have used particular
atically essentialist views of gender, reflecting how gender youth groups to act as agents provocateurs, or even
is performed in their context. Others relate to differences a more directly repressive arm of the state, sowing
in how women behave in the heat of a given moment, and chaos and violently attacking nonviolent activists.
still others to the symbolic nature of the effect of women’s This was especially true in Nigeria, where groups
participation on men’s behavior. Some are more indirect of young men were paid to attack protesters, and
processes, through which women’s leadership leads to in Bangladesh, where the youth wings of the major
different kinds of tactics or tends to reduce levels of re- political parties often served as violent enforcers to
pression, which in turn reduces provocation for violence. crack down on nonpartisan nonviolent action. The
In Ethiopia, a young woman activist reported that “women core takeaway from these reflections on youth and
are . . . not easily tempted to use violence. Men are some- nonviolent discipline is thus one of complexity and
times emotionally driven and cross the boundary of nonvi- contingency. The same willingness to take on signif-
olent movements into violence.” Women’s presence may icant risk that may lead some youth to participation
also be, as reported from Armenia, “a restraining factor for in nonviolent action may lead others to violence that
men, who would otherwise engage in violent actions.” undermines the goals of a movement.
USIP.ORG 15Protesters demonstrate against police brutality by Nigeria’s Special Anti-Robbery Squad, or SARS, in Lagos on October 19, 2020. Nationwide protests
began more than two weeks earlier after a young man was allegedly killed by SARS members. (AP Photo/Sunday Alamba)
Overcoming Polarization manifested itself in participation across several move-
Youth-led movements across many contexts appear better ments of people from the LGBTQ community as well as
able than movements led by older people to overcome from conservative religious communities.
existing political, religious, and ethnic divides. This is a cru-
cial potential value-add for nonviolent action movements. In Bangladesh, decades of intense political polarization
Identity-based divides are one of the most potent barriers have had a devastating effect. The two main political
to the success of nonviolent action. Coalitions that cross parties fight for control of the state and marginalize
those divides are much more likely to achieve the broad all other potential political actors.49 Youth who are not
participation necessary for success.48 embedded in the party structure tended to describe
themselves as part of an “I hate politics” generation, es-
In Ethiopia, youth-led movements were characterized chewing any focus on traditional avenues for achieving
by “connectedness, a sense of common identity, and political power and focusing on joining forces to advo-
common goal.” In Nigeria, “youths usually tolerate cate for change. This depoliticized attitude in turn not
one another irrespective of the difference in their only enabled them to mobilize across a wide swathe
background, religion, ethnic group, status, and so on. of Bangladeshi society but also improved the public
Therefore, whenever a movement is led by Nigerian perception of movements for greater road safety, ed-
youths, it is easy for a diverse group of people with ucation reform, and the elimination of sexual violence.
a common goal to participate in the movement.” This When students blocked the streets to demand greater
16 PEACEWORKS | NO. 178road safety, a case study writer reported, “People were for women and youth previously excluded from pow-
enormously welcoming and supportive . . . the gen- er to have better access to it, or restructure power
eral perception was that [people] were ‘proud of our relations to be more women or youth centered, similar
children’ . . . the movement instilled much hope in the to how the disruptions of war can sometimes promote
minds of the general people in Bangladesh.” This in women’s mobilization and long-term political empower-
turn reduced violent confrontations between the move- ment.53 In Kenya, a young female activist reported that
ment and members of the public at sit-ins and other her participation had led to her becoming a powerful
potential flash-point events. member of her local community, able to speak out
on important issues from a position of influence. In
This ability to overcome traditional political and iden- Ethiopia, the participation of women from the onset in
tity-based divides is perhaps most powerfully shown many recent movements has had an agenda-setting
in Myanmar, where the so-called Spring Revolution effect, leading public discourse to have a greater focus
against the February 1, 2021, military coup, spearheaded on gender equity.
by young women, has not only transcended political
partisan divisions but also brought together members Perhaps the most significant long-term gains for wom-
of the majority Bamar ethnic group with the country’s en and youth after a mass nonviolent action campaign
many minority groups. Older traditional leaders of the
50
were in Armenia. A decade of activism leading up to
opposition initially limited their stated goals to restoring the country’s 2018 Velvet Revolution, in many cases led
the ousted National League of Democracy government. by youth and women, and their key role in the revolu-
Younger activists quickly moved to demanding the more tion itself has resulted both in their symbolic recogni-
comprehensive goal of a federal democracy. As one
51
tion by Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan and in the prac-
activist said, “It doesn’t matter if we are Burmese, Kachin, tical restructuring of political power.54 Armenia now has
Chin, or any ethnic group. As long as we are living in the third-highest percentage of parliamentarians under
Myanmar, we have the same rights and we need the thirty of any country in the world.55 Record numbers of
same freedom.”52 women and youth were also appointed to the postrev-
olutionary government, including in key decision-mak-
LONG-TERM OUTCOMES ing positions such as deputy prime minister.56
Finally, activists reflected on the impacts of women and
youth on the dynamics of nonviolent action not only dur- However, although these changes were real and mean-
ing a campaign but also over the long term after a cam- ingful, more commonly women and youth in nonviolent
paign had ended. How long do the impacts of women’s action struggled to turn their crucial roles into long-term
and youth’s participation endure after mobilization ends? change. Activists reported that concessions in response
to mobilization were short term. Women and youth rarely
Many activists offered optimistic reflections on the turned positions of frontline activism into stable institu-
potential for participation by women and youth dur- tional influence. In some cases, such as Venezuela, the
ing nonviolent action campaigns to result in positive contributions of women and youth were reported to be
long-term change. Nonviolent action may be a potent simply downplayed or not recognized. When they were
avenue for women and youth to overcome well-es- unavoidable, the traditional power structures tried to co-
tablished inequities in representation and government opt the momentum and energy of such campaigns for
policy, particularly when it rises to a societally trans- their own ends without changing any underlying struc-
formative level. The social and economic changes tures of power and influence.57 For instance, in Ethiopia
associated with major political shifts can open space after the 2018 political opening, activists described a
USIP.ORG 17Supporters of opposition lawmaker Nikol Pashinyan carry a large Armenian flag as they protest in Republic Square in the capital city of Yerevan on
May 2, 2018. (Photo by Sergei Grits/AP)
divide and conquer strategy by the government to de- women’s leadership, despite Bangladesh’s having had
mobilize youth opposition that leveraged youth econom- a female prime minister since 2009, appeared to be the
ic precarity. Youth who were willing to compromise with primary culprits: even ostensibly progressive male activ-
government concessions were given preferential access ists resisted women’s leadership of their movements.
to government resources, particularly for employment.
Those who refused to compromise and continued to In Armenia, despite the increased participation of wom-
attempt to hold the government accountable faced sig- en and youth in government, the postrevolutionary era
nificant government repression. has seen a significant decline in civic activism among
both women and youth. Even before violence esca-
In Bangladesh, despite their outsize presence on the lated with Azerbaijan in 2020, activists reported that
front lines of many major uprisings in recent years and “the government did not use the momentum to build
the Stop Rape campaign, women often struggled to on existing energy and potential and direct it towards
make themselves heard as leaders and tended to not national goals and aspirations.” Given that the conflict
have a strong voice in nonviolent action movements. ended with a peace settlement that is deeply unpopu-
The barriers of strong social expectations against lar in Armenia, youth are particularly disillusioned.
18 PEACEWORKS | NO. 178Conclusions and
Recommendations
Despite the great diversity of experience among women The final picture is thus cautious optimism. Significant
and youth in these case studies, a few key trends stand benefits are to be gained from encouraging women and
out. Barriers of state violence, patriarchy, prejudice, youth to participate in nonviolent action. Yet the barriers to
and social and economic precarity make participation participation are significant as well, and if this participation
challenging. Yet even with these barriers, women and is not transformed into long-term, sustainable institutional
youth are frequently at the forefront of nonviolent action. avenues of change, then its impact is likely to not endure.
Movements where they participate or lead tend to last
longer, show greater creativity and diversity in their RECOMMENDATIONS FOR
tactics, better maintain nonviolent discipline, and better ACTIVISTS AND PRACTITIONERS
overcome political or identity-based polarization. Several recommendations emerge from the common
patterns across these cases: to highlight the cross-cut-
These characteristics go to the core of what makes ting appeal of youth and women, to build movements
nonviolent action work. Sociologists argue that “worthi- with women and youth leadership, to plan for what can
ness, unity, numbers, and commitment” are key fac- be called a streets-to-rooms transition, and to continue
tors in leading to movement success, and scholars of to promote education and training in nonviolent action
nonviolent action similarly point to “unity, strategy, and for youth and women.
nonviolent discipline” as the “three engines” that drive
nonviolent action to victory.58 The participation and Activists in many countries pointed to the greater ability
leadership of women and youth in nonviolent action of women and youth to transcend identity or political
movements appear to fuel all three of these engines, divides. Yet this ability was not inherent. It came through
giving movements a major advantage. intentional framing processes, as in Bangladesh, where
nonpartisan youth took great care in ensuring that their
Yet, though in some cases this participation did lead movements were not co-opted by the country’s major
to long-term change, the case studies also point to political parties. Recognizing that movements of youth or
some caution. Over the long term, despite the power of women may have this capacity, activists can emphasize
women’s and youth participation in nonviolent action, the characteristics of youth or women that cut across
institutional avenues of power tended to reassert major social divides and use their common identity for
themselves, co-opting movements and undermining greater mobilization to achieve their goals.
long-term change. Even when former youth or women
activists entered positions of power it was no guar- The commitment, passion, and creativity that both
antee of significant long-term transformation for the women and youth bring to nonviolent action campaigns
benefit of women and youth in the population. were common threads across cases. At the same time,
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