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Draft ISA 2021
ANNUAL CONVENTION
NOTE: This paper is a draft submitted for ISA Annual Convention 2021. The paper cannot be
circulated, cited, or referenced without the permission of the author.
Nuclear Taboo and Gendered Politics: A Case of Pakistan in the Nuclear Decision-Making
Sannia Abdullah1
Pakistan represents a puzzling case of women’s empowerment in politics and national security.
On the one hand, women are the worst victims of humanity's horrors like acid attacks, gang
rapes, and the Taliban's shooting of a schoolgirl (Malala Yousafzai). On the other, Pakistan is the
first Muslim-majority country in modern history to elect a woman prime minister (Benazir
Bhutto elected on December 02, 1988). Pakistani women regularly make headlines in Forbes' 30
under 30 lists as activists, firefighters, entrepreneurs, and Oscar winner for film-making. Despite
such inspiring stories, Pakistan is ranked 151 out of 153 in the Global Gender Gap Index Report
(2020). The Human Rights Watch (HRW) reports that “almost 1,000 women are murdered in
Pakistan in the name of honor each year — killed on the grounds of 'unacceptable' amorous
relationships, defiance of physical or cyber-gendered spaces, brazenness in dressing and
language or perceived immorality.”2 This is not strange for any patriarchal and semi-tribal
society like Pakistan, where social injustice begins from childhood education, choice of
professions, and political appointments. Women have to make tough decisions between their
careers and raising families at various stages of their lives. At present, thirty-two percent (32%)
of primary-school-age girls in Pakistan are out of school compared to twenty-one percent (21%)
of boys. “By ninth grade, only thirteen (13%) percent of girls are still in school.”3
Advocates of gender equality argue that women are under-represented at all political leadership
levels that ultimately affect political discourses and foreign policy choices. Proponents of
Feminist Foreign Policy (FPP) are making in-roads in the U.S. after serious discussions,
research, and “consultations with more than 100 feminist activists in over 40 countries, which
began in August 2018.”4 Lyric Thompson, senior director of policy and advocacy, International
1 Sannia Abdullah is currently an affiliate at the Center for International Security and Cooperation, Stanford
University. She was a Stanton Postdoc fellow at CISAC, and visiting scholar at CMC, Sandia National Labs (NM).
She was a faculty member at the Department of Defense and Strategic Studies, Quaid-i-Azam University (Pakistan)
for six years teaching undergraduate and graduate students. She is currently writing her book manuscript and also
hosts her podcast show ‘Women with Ambition.’
2Sahar Bandial, “The ‘Honour’ in Murder,” Dawn, September 13, 2020 at https://www.dawn.com/news/1579389;
Also see “Pakistan: Events of 2019” Human Rights Watch, May 03, 2019 at https://www.hrw.org/world-report/2020/
country-chapters/pakistan#
3“Pakistan: Girls Deprived of Education,” Human Rights Watch, November 12, 2018, at https://www.hrw.org/news/
2018/11/12/pakistan-girls-deprived-education#
4 Adva
Saldinger, “Advocates Propose Blueprint for US Feminist Foreign Policy,” May 22, 2020 at https://
www.devex.com/news/advocates-propose-blueprint-for-us-feminist-foreign-policy-97308
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Center for Research on Women, said, “We need to make sure the foreign policy apparatus looks
more like us and represents the views of women in the global south.”5 Countries like Sweden,
Canada, Iceland, New Zealand, and the United Kingdom have made considerable developments
in adopting FFP approaches; however, some like France, Luxembourg, and Mexico have
announced adopting the feminist foreign policy. Scholars have used the FFP approach in various
academic disciplines; however, it would be novel to assess 'nuclear taboo' in patriarchal societies.
Pakistan's case is critical because nuclear policy and debates remain confined to male-
dominating/militaristic decision-making circles. The article analyzes the academic debate and
questions if women's empowerment and gender equality would strengthen the fragile nuclear
taboo’ in Pakistan? The study also challenges the commonly held perception that women are less
hawkish than men and answers two major questions: First, why is Pakistan a suitable case for the
debate of ‘nuclear taboo’? Second, if gender equality would alter Pakistan's strategic preferences
in national security affairs? Third, if the feminist foreign policy could strengthen the fragile
‘nuclear taboo’ in a patriarchal society like Pakistan?
Any democratic country cannot ignore women’s inclusion and influence at the decision-making
table for three major reasons: First, demographically, women make up nearly half of the
population. According to the 2017 census, women make up 48% of men, with 51%6 of the total
population. Any democratic society with such demographics cannot ignore or suppress the active
role of its women population. Second, Pakistan’s economic picture is very bleak with an
increasing trade deficit, blooming national debt, and high inflation rate (it is 10.74% for 2020
compared to 6.74% for the year 2019). It is an agrarian economy with low exports and low
urbanization rates. About 87 million people living below the poverty line,7 most Pakistani men
are the breadwinners, and women are homemakers. According to World Economic Forum, “It is
estimated that only 18 percent of Pakistan’s labor income goes to women (148th), one of the
lowest shares among countries studied.”8 Thus, nearly half of Pakistan’s human capital is not
contributing to national development due to gender inequality. Third, the intermittent takeovers
of government by the martial law regimes nurtured Pakistan's nuclear program under military
leaders’ wings, who are the de facto authority to manage, control, deploy, and employ nuclear
weapons. “Over the years, the military as an institution considered itself responsible and
trustworthy to develop and strategize nuclear policy.”9 The nuclear decision-making, policies,
narratives, and debates are directly or indirectly controlled by the army-dominated nuclear
secretariat - Strategic Plans Division (SPD). The nuclear discourse largely comes from a tightly
5 Ibid.
6“Population Census 2017: Men Outnumber Women in Pakistan,” Samaa TV, August 25, 2017, at https://
www.samaa.tv/news/2017/08/population-census-2017-men-outnumber-women-pakistan/
7 Shahbaz Rana, “In Pakistan, Millions More to Fall Below Poverty Line,” The Express Tribune, December 11, 2019
at https://tribune.com.pk/story/2115274/millions-fall-poverty-line
8“Pakistan ranks 151 on Global Gender Gap Index: WEF Report,” The Express Tribune, December 17, 2019 at
https://tribune.com.pk/story/2119793/1-pakistan-ranks-151-global-gender-gap-index-wef-report
9Sannia Abdullah, “Nuclear Ethics: Why Pakistan Has Not Used Nuclear Weapons…Yet,” The Washington
Quarterly vol. 41, no. 4 (Winter 2019), p. 163.
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knit strategic community of serving and former military officials and few senior bureaucrats
many of whom are leading think-tanks in Pakistan. Civil society and subject experts make up a
small community; the majority of them reverberate the official diktat of ‘befitting response,
denying Indian coercion, and reserving the nuclear First-Use option.’ The civilian representation
in the National Command Authority (NCA) of Pakistan includes the prime minister, foreign
minister, interior minister, finance minister, defense and defense production ministers. Since the
creation of NCA (February 2000), only two women represented in the NCA: 1) Hina Rabbani
Khar, as the minister of foreign affairs (February 11, 2011-March 16, 2013), 2) Zubaida Jalal
Khan, as the minister of defense production (August 20, 2018-present). In 23 years of nuclear
deterrence, nearly half of the population’s voice on nuclear decision-making is not present in
Pakistan’s policymaking rooms. It is, therefore, important to assess the women’s perspectives on
peace, anti-militarism, and evolutionary ‘nuclear taboo.’
Evolution of Anti-Nuclear Debate from Feminism
Since WWII, scholars, activists, and journalists have widely debated whether women's inclusion
in national security affairs would balance off the militaristic and warmongering state tendencies.
Most of the scholarship combined feminist international relations, sociology, and organization
theory to illustrate gender equality in the military. This debate started in response to the
feminists’ movement that criticized the organizational hierarchies and bureaucratic structures
designed as masculine, undemocratic, non-inclusive, and male-dominating. The women's
movement argued that men “monopolized the leading positions, even in radical organizations,
excluding women from positions of power and in uence.”10 In her famous book Men and Women
of the Corporation (1977), Prof. Rosabeth Moss Kanter shared an interesting account of women
in the 1970s when corporations hired women as managers, executives, and professionals
regarding power distribution. Her ndings challenged the conventional narratives as 'Nobody
wants a woman boss' or 'Women do not get along with other women' and found that key
variables existed in society's structure. According to Rosabeth Kanter, women's role in society
in uenced their appointment and work performance in corporations. For instance, the
designation of secretaries back then tied with women’s supportive role in society and a vast
majority of women employed to the lower organizational hierarchies. The organizations offered
no opportunities to women for managerial or executive positions. The absence of opportunities
deprived some women of their ambitions. In the 1980s and 90s, Cynthia Cockburn, a British
academic, feminist journalist, and peace activist, explored the themes of masculinity, war,
gender, and technology. Cynthia Cockburn's widely cited book In the Way of Women: Men's
Resistance to Sex Equality in Organizations (1991) explained interacting systems of race, class,
and sex and highlighted men's role in the equality process as many organizations in the 1980s
took actions to women's inclusion. Cynthia Cockburn writes, "We inherit from history complex
structures - the power of the state, the legal system, the pattern of ownership, the mode of
production, the operation of labor markets - all of which sustain class, sex and race
10Joan Acker, “Gender and Organizations,” in Handbooks of Sociology and Social Research (Boston, MA: Springer,
2006), p. 177.
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inequalities.”11 She concluded organizations were expressions of society. If the society de ned
women in domestication, then men represented women as a problem in the workplace12 and
“women's imputed temperament is sometimes hauled into question, particularly regarding their
handling of authority roles.”13 Cynthia Cockburn's argument well explains glass ceiling obstacles
of women's empowerment in countries like Pakistan where ambitious women are exploited for
because society conceives women's role as 'homemakers' and 'caregivers'. While the entire
debate is about recognizing being equal with men in society, women in Pakistan, even if they
share the nancial responsibility with their husbands, face unequal treatment. For instance, a
small percentage of working women in Pakistan who are married to rich families have the liberty
to control their earned income, but many work to 'serve' their families and in-laws. Nadia Rizwan
surveyed working women. She found that most women like “Rehana [working woman] pays for
entire household expenses because her husband believes that she earns a lot more than him.
Thus, she must spend all of her earnings on household expenditures.”14 Some women are like
Ayesha [working woman] “who believes it is her moral duty to take care of her two children. To
compensate for her absence…she takes care of all the housework. She makes sure that there is
not a spot on her 'ideal housewife' reputation,”15 and a small percentage of couples share equal
responsibility in managing rents, bills, and groceries
The waves of feminism echoed social justice and gender equality created ripple effects
worldwide with varying degrees. In some countries, women voiced the 'right to ght,'
emphasizing women's equality with men; others continued ghting for equal pay, reproductive
rights, and against sexual harassment and domestic violence. Then came the anti-militarist
feminism perspective from Micaela di Leonardo, Professor of Anthropology and Gender &
Sexuality Studies, in her intriguing article on “Morals, Mothers, and Militarism: Antimilitarism
and Feminist Theory” (1985), described women as social agents. The principles of paci sm and
feminism inspired her work that linked feminism with nonviolence. Micaela di Leonardo
questioned “what women have to do with war,”16 particularly when men decide wars. In a similar
vein, Sara Ruddick, another feminist philosopher and author of Maternal Thinking: Toward a
Politics of Peace, used the concept of 'preservative love' and created an alternative theory of
feminist paci sm.17 She writes, “we are committed to nding nonviolent ways to protect what we
love and to get what we need… Yet as feminists, we are committed to eliminating all restrictions
of power, pleasure, and mastery that arise from biological sex or social constructions of
Cynthia Cockburn, In the Way of Women: Men's Resistance to Sex Equality in Organizations (Ithaca, NY: Cornell
11
University Press, 1991), p. 220.
12 Ibid, pp. 76-104.
13 Ibid.
14 Nadia Rizwan, “Husband and Wife: Who Pays What?” The Express Tribune, June 28, 2012 at https://
tribune.com.pk/article/12004/husband-and-wife-who-pays-what
15 Ibid.
16Micaela di Leonardo, “Morals, Mothers, and Militarism: Antimilitarism and Feminist Theory” Feminist Studies
11, no. 3 (Fall 1985), p. 599.
See Sara Ruddick, “Pacifying the Forces: Drafting Women in the Interests of Peace,” Women and Violence Vol. 8,
17
No. 3 (Spring, 1983), pp. 471-489.
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gender.”18 Parallel to these arguments, Jean Elshtain writes women reserve the right to be both
homemakers and ght in the military. However, a large majority of feminists supported the anti-
militarist argument calling for the eradication of militaries and violence from societies “rather
than the legitimization of military institutions through power and female participation.”19 The
gender equality argument supports women's participation in combat roles and regards exclusion
as congruent to inferiority in social status. Helen Caldicott, the author of Nuclear Madness, was a
physician by profession moved by the Three Mile Island accident in Pennsylvania that changed
her life. Helen Caldicott later joined anti-nuclear movements. She also believed that women are
nurturers responsible for human production and are a natural antidote to warring males. In her
work, she combined feminism and maternal sentiments with anti-nuclear movements. These
initiatives eventually paved the way for the UN Security Council Resolution 1325 on ‘women
and peace and security adopted on 31 October 2000 that reaf rms “the important role of women
in the prevention and resolution of con icts, peace negotiations, peace-building, peacekeeping,
humanitarian response and in post-con ict reconstruction and stresses the importance of their
equal participation and full involvement in all efforts for the maintenance and promotion of
peace and security.”20 The UNSC Resolution 1325 urges the Member States to “ensure increased
representation of women at all decision-making levels in national, regional and international
institutions” and “incorporate gender perspectives” in peace and security efforts.
Feminist Foreign Policy (FFP)
The UNSC resolution resonated with several western democracies who envisioned to liberalizing
economies and democratized national security. Decades of women’s activism gave rise to the
notion of Feminist Foreign Policy (FPP), defined as: “a multidimensional policy framework that
aims to elevate women's and marginalized groups' experiences and agency to scrutinize the
destructive forces of patriarchy, colonization, heteronormativity, capitalism, racism, imperialism,
and militarism.”21 FPP gives an alternate perspective of national security to interrogate the norms
of violence in the hierarchical structure of decision-making dominated by militaristic and
patriarchal thoughts. The key pillars of this approach include actionable policies to make foreign
policy more democratic, challenge dominant neoliberal political discourse, restructuring the
hierarchical patterns of suppression and discrimination, empower the voices that suffered from
militarized oppression, and updating while eliminating the domestic and foreign policy decisions
for a more just global order.' The vision gained more power when New Zealand’s incumbent
prime minister Jacinda Ardern made a proud history by taking on challenging issues of domestic
terrorism, a deadly volcano eruption, and a global pandemic. On all three accounts, “she has won
18 See Jean Elshtain, Women and War (New York, 1987).
19Claire Duncanson and Rachel Woodward, “Regendering the Military: Theorizing Women’s Military
Participation,” Security Dialogue Vol. 47, No. 1 (February 2016), p. 6.
20S/RES/1325 (2000), United Nations Security Council 4213th Meeting, October 31, 2000, at https://documents-
dds-ny.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/N00/720/18/PDF/N0072018.pdf?OpenElement
21“The Buzz Around Feminist Foreign Policy is Growing, But What Does It Mean, Really?,” Center for Feminist
Foreign Policy, at https://centreforfeministforeignpolicy.org/feminist-foreign-policy
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plaudits on the international stage, and admiration from many at home.”22 New Zealand is a
remarkable case of FPP where Jacinda’s parliament includes 46 women out of 120 members
living by the slogan of ‘be strong, be kind’ to promote women’s education and gender equality.
Scholars and critics questioned feminists' arguments that linked women with peace or moral
superiority. Adam Jones, in his famous article “Does 'Gender' Make the World Go Around” that
“if woman's equal peace and men war, then we are again looking at a project to feminize politics.
But if these associations are more construed than innate, then the dichotomy (men-as-militarist,
women-as-care-giver) reflects stereotypical patterning of the kind that has always inhibited the
expression of women's full potential and personality.”23 Adam Jones' description offers a realistic
perspective on democratizing politics that should not be linked with hopes of anti-militarist
policies. Recent research conducted by William Bendix and Gyung-Ho Jeong analyzing several
decades of US House and Senate votes reached some interesting findings. According to Bendix
and Jeong, “Whether male or female, those who represent liberal voters tend to be doves, and
those who represent conservative voters tend to be hawks.”24 The study is skeptical of the link
between increasing female representation and decreasing militarism, and affecting legislative
behavior. The study questions the existing literature for not showing any correlation between
female lawmakers pushing for cuts in defense budgets. Therefore, the argument of women as
doves and men as hawks “offers suggestive correlations, but no direct evidence.”25 However, the
key takeaway of Bendix and Jeong’s research remains that “gender plays, a small role in shaping
the [U.S.] foreign policy preferences of legislators. Members appear to take on national security
positions that are largely in line with what their voters want.”26 As per the above poll, it is
therefore, important to question if U.S. politics qualifies women’s inclusion/democratization and/
or gender equality?
To contradict women’s anti-militaristic role in national security comes from another article by
Prof. Scott D. Sagan and Benjamin Valentino on "Revisiting Hiroshima in Iran." The authors
surveyed a hypothetical scenario replicating the 1945 decision by the U.S. administration to use
nuclear weapons against Iran to end the war in response to imposing U.S. economic sanctions.
The sample is the American public that approved U.S. atomic bombings “killing 2 million
“Jacinda Ardern: New Zealand's Prime Minister,” BBC News, October 17, 2020 at https://www.bbc.com/news/
22
world-asia-54565381
23 Adam Jones, “Does ‘Gender’ Make the World Go Around,” International Studies, Vol. 22, No. 4 (October, 1996),
p. 418.
24William Bendix and Gyung-Ho Jeong, “Gender and Foreign Policy: Are Female Members of Congress More
Dovish than Their Male Colleagues?” Political Research Quarterly Vol. 73(1) (2020), pp. 126–140; Also see “New
Evidence Suggests that for Legislators, Dovishness or Hawkishness Has Little To Do with Gender,” LSE-US Center
(December 2019) at https://blogs.lse.ac.uk/usappblog/2019/12/10/new-evidence-suggests-that-for-legislators-
dovishness-or-hawkishness-has-little-to-do-with-gender/
25 Ibid.
26 Ibid.
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Iranian civilians if they believed that such use would save the lives of 20,000 U.S. soldiers.”27
Another important finding from this research is that American women supported “nuclear
weapons use and violations of noncombatant immunity no less (and sometimes more) than male
respondents.”28 While Scott Sagan and Benjamin Valentino recorded public opinion and found
that American women are equally hawkish as American men when it comes to self-defense or
patriotism, I try to push the debate further and analyze how women in power have responded to
nationalist and pro-war policies.
Skimming through history reveals that although men have ruled the world for more years than
women yet, the trends of hegemony, nationalism, and passion for victory are more innate than
gender-biased. Within the limited dataset of women in power who also led wars, the results
reveal that queens were as aggressive and warmongers as kings in the past. For instance, in the
9th century BC, Queen Gwendolen of Britain gathered an army and fought her ex-husband, King
Locrinus, at River Stour. She led the war, killed Locrinus, assumed the throne, and ruled
independently as Queen.29 Likewise, Cleopatra II was a queen of Ptolemaic Egypt who rules
from 175 to 116 BC who also led a rebellion against her husband Ptolemy VIII in 131 BC and
drove him Cleopatra III out of Egypt. Zenobia was the Palmyrene Empire’s queen, known for her
warrior and wisest skills who challenged Rome's authority during the Imperial Crisis marked by
constant civil war when different Roman generals fought to take control of power. In economic
depression and social unrest, unlike her fellow rebellions who engaged in military conflict,
Zenobia's rebellion differed from others. “She conducted trade agreements and added territories
to her Empire without consulting Rome or even considering Rome's interest.”30 In 267 CE, after
the assassination of Odaenathus (husband), Zenobia stepped into a regent and executed
Maeonius and became effective ruler of Palmyra. Queen Mavia defeated the Roman army in
several battles and finally ended with a truce on her conditions. Queen Isabella I, was a warrior
princess adept in military campaigns and tactics of the battlefield. In fifteenth-century Europe,
princesses were 'assets' of fathers and brothers interested in political and economic affairs;
Isabella was Castile's command-in-general, who brilliantly combined political savvy and military
aggression. Queen Isabella I, married monarch Ferdinand II of Aragon and shared two kingdoms
with her husband. She strategized the war that drove Muslim rulers, the "Moors' out of Spain and
finally conquered Granada.31 Tang Sai'er led an army against the Ming Dynasty in China (1420);
Nzinga of Ndongo and Matamba from the Kingdom of Matamba led a series of revolts against
27Scott. D. Sagan and Benjamin A. Valentino, “Revisiting Hiroshima in Iran,” International Security, Vol. 42, No. 1
(Summer 2017), p. 45.
28 Ibid.
29See Katherine Olson, “Gwendolyn and Estrildis: Invading Queens in British Historiography,” Medieval Feminist
Forum: A Journal of Gender and Sexuality 44.1 (2008), pp. 36-52, at https://ir.uiowa.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?
referer=https://en.wikipedia.org/&httpsredir=1&article=1708&context=mff
30 Joshua J. Mark, “Zenobia” World History Encyclopedia, September 14, 2014 at https://www.ancient.eu/zenobia/
31 Joan-Lluis Palos, “To seize power in Spain, Queen Isabella Had to Play it Smart,” History Magazine - National
Geographic, March 28, 2019 at https://www.nationalgeographic.com/history/world-history-magazine/article/queen-
isabellas-rise-to-spanish-throne
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the Portuguese (1630); Rani Velu Nachiyar, the Indian queen from Tamil Nadu was the first
queen to fight against the East India Company in India from 1760 to 1790. Some historians also
argue that women were adept at organizing financial resources and alliance building that
positively contributed to territorial gains and winning more wars. This additional skill set
contributed to queens’ victories.
In modern history (1982), Margaret Thatcher, Britain's first female prime minister, is a good
example. Margaret Thatcher was facing severe criticism from her cabinet and the public on
domestic policies, including government spending cuts, declining manufacturing, and high
unemployment. When Argentina invaded the Falkland Islands - one of the British territories in
the Atlantic Ocean, Thatcher's members of the Parliament, close friends, and allies, including
U.S. President Ronald Reagan, advised her for peace talks instead of war. However, Margaret
Thatcher chose war and, on April 05, 1982, sent British naval task force 8,000 miles in South
Atlantic to fight Argentina. After 74 days of the war, the conflict ended with the Argentine
surrender on June 14, 1982. History magazine writes that Margaret Thatcher's “quick response to
the South Atlantic conflict and swift victory led to a surge in her popularity and subsequent
reelection in 1983.”32 Undeterred from domestic criticism from her cabinet and media and strong
will personality earned Margaret Thatcher the title of ‘Iron Lady.’ She was the first woman to
lead the country to war since queen Elizabeth I. Historian Chris Collins of Margaret Thatcher
Foundation writes, “She was decisive, effective…I don't think any other British leader would
have handled things quite as clearly.”33 Thus, the argument of military judiciousness, political
and strategic preferences of war/armament, and probably nuclear-use had less to do with gender
and more so with rational judgment. Apart from historical analysis of the western democracies,
let’s see if gender role affects militarism in a patriarchal society like Pakistan.
Can Women in Power Enforce ‘Nuclear Taboo’?
In Pakistan's seventy-four years' history, a few women have held political positions, yet their role
in politics and diplomacy has always been prominent. In 1988, the daughter of former prime
minister Z.A. Bhutto, Ms. Benazir Bhutto, won the elections and became the first female leader
of Pakistan. Ms. Bhutto, soon after taking the Office of the Prime Minister, realized that she was
‘not involved’ in the nuclear policy issues of the country even though her late father formally
started the country's nuclear program. After Z.A. Bhutto, General Zia-ul-Haq handled nuclear
management under his direct control to keep the program secret. President Ishaq Khan, who
deprived the newly elected prime minister of the necessary information, controlled the
management matters. By 1986, Pakistan had enough fissile material for nuclear weapons.
According to Benazir Bhutto, “she had been kept in the dark about these issues,” and when “she
32Lesley Kennedy, “How the Falklands War Cemented Margaret Thatcher's Reputation as the ‘Iron Lady’,” History
Stories, Nov 13, 2020, at https://www.history.com/news/margaret-thatcher-falklands-war
33Milan Molli, “A Brief History of the Falklands War,” Smithsonian Magazine, November 23, 2020 at
https://www.smithsonianmag.com/history/brief-history-falklands-war-180976349/
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asked for briefings and was told they would be given but never were.”34 After seeing reluctance,
Ms. Bhutto “called a meeting with Munir Ahmad Khan (the chairperson of the PAEC) and A.Q.
Khan (head of the Kahuta enrichment project), the latter of whom was supposed to report to her,
anyway. Then army chief General Aslam Beg found out after the meeting was called and
telephoned her in panic.”35 According to skeptics, “it seemed that civilian involvement was not
welcome in the secretive programme by the military.”36 She also made funds available for
several national security and defense projects”37 Benazir Bhutto's views did not differ from the
military on national security. In 1993, she clearly mentioned that “Rolling back the nuclear
program is not feasible. It will not serve the purpose of nuclear nonproliferation in the region…
The nuclear program is linked with the Jammu and Kashmir issue.”38
Douglas Frantz and Catherine Collins in Foreign Policy write that Benazir Bhutto did not like
when Iranian president Hashemi Rafsanjani asked her about the military-to-military deal about
sharing the equipment and knowledge to enrich the uranium. According to Bhutto, “she was
furious to find out from Rafsanjani that Pakistan provided its nuclear technology to Iran. She said
she responded by ordering that no nuclear scientist be permitted to travel outside Pakistan
without her approval.”39 However, when A.Q. Khan shared with prime minister Benazir Bhutto
to ask Kim Il Sung about No Dong missiles' designs. Interestingly, this time when Bhutto
returned from her trip, she was not furious but “handed over the designs for the missile to
Khan.”40 Shyam Bhatia, an Indian-born British investigative journalist, cites his controversial
interview with Benazir Bhutto (2004), in his book Goodbye Shahzadi: A Political Biography of
Benazir Bhutto claims Benazir’s involvement in nuclear smuggling. According to Bhatia,
Benazir Bhutto confided in him with the secret that in 1993, “Before leaving Islamabad she
shopped for an overcoat with the 'deepest possible pockets' into which she transferred CDs
containing the scientific data about uranium enrichment that the North Korean wanted.”41 Even
though Bhatia has no proof of his off-the-record conversation;42 however, some experts like
34 Shuja Nawaz, Crossed Swords: Pakistan, Its Army, and the Wars Within, p. 422.
35 Ibid.
36Shaikh Aziz, “A Leaf From History: Pakistan’s Nuclear Cat On a Hot Tin Roof,” Dawn, September 04, 2016 at
https://www.dawn.com/news/1281386
37 Ibid.
Zahid Hussain, “Benazir Bhutto Says Pakistan Unwilling to Give Up Nuclear Program,” Associated Press,
38
November 20, 1993 at https://apnews.com/article/8e08a6a37bf38bb83dceafea2f3f5c7c
39Douglas Frantz and Catherine Collins, “A Tale of Two Bhuttos,” Foreign Policy November 19, 2007 at https://
foreignpolicy.com/2007/11/19/a-tale-of-two-bhuttos/
40 Ibid.
Shyam Bhatia, Goodbye Shahzadi: A Political Biography of Benazir Bhutto (New Delhi: Lustre Press & Roli
41
Books, 2010), p.
42Karan Thapar, “Wish I had Said No,” Hindustan Times, June 14, 2008 at https://www.hindustantimes.com/india/
wish-i-had-said-no/story-me3gaTWQ4aIjuPORh2an7O.html
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David Albright believes that the story ‘makes sense’ because of “the timing of the data transfer
would correspond to other information suggesting North Korean interest in acquiring uranium
enrichment technology.”43
In her early years of the premiership, Benazir Bhutto rationalized her power tussle with the
military and sailed in the same boat of nuclear nationalism. In her of cial trip to Washington,
Benazir Bhutto’s tried to convince American leadership that Pakistan’s was not pursuing the
nuclear weapons path, so the U.S. released Pakistan’s paid-for but con scated weapons,
including F-16 aircraft. Although she was not successful in her diplomatic stunt, “But she had
shown her generals that she still carried clout enough in Washington to resist nuclear concessions
and yet bring some military hardware home.”44 Mona Eltahawy, in her book The Seven
Necessary Sins for Women and Girls, shares interesting research by Friedrich Ebert Foundation
(FES) conducted in 2017. The study explores voters’ trends in Germany, France, Greece, Poland,
Sweden, and Hungary and found that “women are increasingly drawn to right-wing populist
parties.”45 According to Elisa Gutsche, the FES study editor, “These women are there to give
these parties a more open, modern guise and to appeal to female voters… These are not
progressive parties; there is no real gender equality.”46 Pakistan’s case of gender equality in
national security is not less different from Europe’s.
Thus, the commonly held perception of Benazir Bhutto as a peacenik is perhaps exaggerated.
She was an ambitious and eloquent politician born with a silver spoon in a Pakistani feudal
family. Emily MacFarquha describes Benazir Bhutto as “a product of the anti-war years at
Harvard, was seen to be the real anti-nuclear thing. She was everyone's best hope for a
democratic, bomb-free Pakistan”47; however, she was as hawkish as any of her counterparts. She
believed that Pakistan’s nuclear program was her father’s legacy and supported nuclear
armament. After India’s nuclear tests in May 1998, Benazir Bhutto writes in Los Angeles Times,
“If a preemptive military strike is possible to neutralize India's nuclear capability, that is the
response that is necessary.”48 Many Indian critics blame Benazir Bhutto for ‘supporting
terrorism’ in Indian held Kashmir. Ajai Sinha, the New Delhi-based Institute for Conflict
Management executive director, told ABC News, “I would find it very difficult to find a single
element with her relationship to India that is positive and for the betterment of her country or the
43“Bhutto Took Nuclear Data to North Korea, Book Says,” NTI, June 02, 2008 at https://www.nti.org/gsn/article/
bhutto-took-nuclear-data-to-north-korea-book-says/
44 Emily MacFarquhar, “Benazir and the Bomb,” op cit.
45 Mona Eltahawy, The Seven Necessary Sins for Women and Girls (Boston: Beacon Press, 2019), p. 106.
46 Ibid.
47 Emily MacFarquhar, “Benazir and the Bomb,” The Alicia Patterson Foundation, May 04, 2011 at https://
aliciapatterson.org/stories/benazir-and-bomb
Benazir Bhutto, “Punishment: Make it Swift, Severe…,” Los Angeles Times, May 17, 1998 at https://
48
www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-1998-may-17-op-50669-story.html
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region.”49 India’s leading newspaper Hindustan Times describes Benazir’s second term as: “She
was also hawkish on India and Kashmir, giving New Delhi sleepless nights by raising the human
rights issue in Geneva…It was a period of virtual non-contact between India and Pakistan.”50
Shireen Mazari, Pakistan’s Federal Human Rights Minister, former director of a think tank,
feudal, and author of The Kargil Conflict 1999: Separating Fact from Fiction is known for her
hawkish views. Before coming into politics, Shireen Mazari vehemently suggested that Pakistan
should target India's urban cities. In the Defense Journal (October 1999), she wrote, “Targeting
should be primarily counter-value focusing on Indian urban and industrial centers… There
cannot be a distinction between strategic and tactical in terms of nuclear weapons.”51 Relatively
fewer women in Pakistan write on nuclear issues as compared to men. The narrative is male-
dominated. Maria Sultan, Chairperson and President of the South Asian Strategic Stability
Institute (SASSI) University, and an advisor to the Ministry of Defense of Pakistan, in an
interview, stated, “This [Indo-U.S.] deal will also lead to more collaboration between India and
US on strategic and military front. The modernization of Indian Military because of any such
cooperation will have serious implications on strategic balance of this region and will encourage
India to pursue more offensive doctrines like Cold Start Doctrine (CSD) etc.”52 Rizwana Abbasi,
author of Pakistan and the Nuclear Taboo, argues that “Pakistan’s strategic shift from land, air to
sea-based deterrence in the form of Babur-III and MIRV technology will have stabilizing effect
as admitted by many international observers that Pakistan is moving towards stability.”53 Sitara
Noor, a senior research associate at the Center for Aerospace and Security Studies, writes, in case
of India escalates border tensions at the Line of Control (LoC) or at the international border,
“Pakistan will have to show resolve to carry out its stated policy of Quid Pro Quo Plus if it
becomes a target of India’s misplaced anger.”54 Rabia Akhtar, assistant professor at the
University of Lahore, supports Pakistan’s testing of MIRV missile [Ababeel] and believes that
such a system provides Pakistan with “an expansion of its targeting capabilities increasing both
counter-force and counter-value targeting options.” According to her, “Babur 3 and Ababeel are
such minimal yet qualitative measures that will provide Pakistan a robust strategic deterrence
49Nick Schifrin, “Bhutto's Mixed Legacy in India,” ABC News, February 09 2009 at https://abcnews.go.com/
International/story?id=4061053&page=1
50 Amit Baruah, “Benazir and India: Lessons for the Future in the Past,” Hindustan Times, January 02, 2008 at
https://www.hindustantimes.com/india/benazir-and-india-lessons-for-the-future-in-the-past/story-
C8ZzdTTJcQottOUeGTV08H.html
51Imtiaz Ahmad, “Shireen Mazari Tipped to be Pakistan’s Defence Minister,” Hindustan Times, August 08, 2018 at
https://www.hindustantimes.com/world-news/shireen-mazari-tipped-to-be-pakistan-s-defence-minister/story-
dH849vD0i5E5eYJstqH1yI.html
52 AsifJehangir Raja, “Interview Dr Maria Sultan,” Hilal at https://www.hilal.gov.pk/eng-article/interview-dr-maria-
sultan/MTQyNw==.html
53Seminar Report on ‘South Asian Nuclear Doctrines: Deterrence Equilibrium and Strategic Stability,’ Strategic
Vision Institute, April 17, 2017 at https://thesvi.org/report-on-south-asian-nuclear-doctrines-deterrence-equillibrium-
and-strategic-stability/
54 Sitara Noor, “Standoff in the Himalayas,” The News, June 02, 2020 at https://www.thenews.com.pk/print/666407-
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and restore strategic balance in the region.”55 Another research scholar at Islamabad based think-
tank, Siama Sial writes, “With the US encouraging India to go down the dangerous path of
asymmetric escalation and minimal chances of third-party mediation, the new template for the
crisis in South Asia is one in which Pakistan would have to employ its own conventional, and
nuclear deterrent means to counter Indian ambitions for war.”56 Despite few female scholars who
are writing on the national security debates, nearly all support the argument that nuclear
armament reinforces South Asia’s strategic stability. Even though women in Pakistan have more
political representation that shows progressiveness, women in such positions confirm military-
led nuclear chauvinism. According to the Gallup Pakistan survey, the respondents were asked
'whether men are better politicians as compared to women or not'. The results showed that 67%
agree men are better politicians, while 33% think otherwise. “Surprisingly, more women agree
with this statement as compared to men.”57
The Shadow of Women Empowerment in Pakistan
In Pakistan, different governments took measures to empower women and improve women's
education and elevate their economic status. In the interim 1956 Constitution, women in Pakistan
affirmed the right to vote in national elections and were allotted several seats in the Parliament
that continued until 1973. In 1961, General Ayub Khan introduced the Muslim Family Ordinance
Laws (MFOL) that introduced Arbitration Councils. “These councils protected women from men
who had previously used Islamic text as a tool to engage in polygamy against the wishes of their
wives.”58 Article 8 of MFOL gives “the right to divorce has been duly delegated to the wife, and
she wishes to exercise that right,” and Article 6 requires “the consent of existing wife or wives”
in case of polygamy.59 Article 9 demands if the husband cannot treat his wife/wives adequately,
the wife may seek legal remedy specifying the amount to be paid by the husband.60 Zulfikar Ali
Bhutto's (1971-1977) tenure is important in Pakistan's history for women's empowerment. Z.A.
Bhutto's political party vision was ‘Islam is our faith, democracy is our policy, socialism is our
economy. All power to the people.’ He was also the chief architect of Pakistan's 1973
constitution that merged women's legal positions. Article 25 of the fundamental rights promised
all citizens are equivalent under the rule and prohibit prejudice based on sex. Article 27 of the
55Rabia Akhtar, “Hot Takes: Pakistan’s MIRV Capable Ababeel Missile,” South Asian Voices, January 27, 2017 at
https://southasianvoices.org/hot-takes-pakistans-mirv-capable-ababeel-missile/
56 Siama Sial, “Worrisome Nuclear Signaling: Recent Trends,” Strategic Foresight for Asia, June 13, 2019 at https://
ciss.org.pk/worrisome-nuclear-signaling-recent-trends/
57“Perspective on Gender Roles,” Gallup Pakistan, April 27, 2009, https://gallup.com.pk/bb_old_site/Polls/
27-4-09.pdf
58 Minah Ali Rathore, “Women’s Rights in Pakistan: The Zina Ordinance & the Need for Reform,” Center for public
Policy and Administration, April 27, 2015, at https://scholarworks.umass.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?
article=1040&context=cppa_capstones
59National Legislative Bodies National Authorities, Pakistan: VIII of 1961, Muslim Family Laws Ordinance, 1961,
http://www.refworld.org/docid/4c3f1e1c2.html
60 Ibid.
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1973 constitution prohibits prejudice based on gender, creed, and class in the service. He
democratized Civil Service that opened opportunities for women in foreign service and district
management groups. The constitution reserved the seat for women in the national assembly to
contest in the election.
After Bhutto's tenure, General Zia-ul-Haq's martial law regime (1977-1986) introduced mixed
policies that facilitated women's development and curtailed women's freedom. For instance,
General Zia's Islamization policies created the Hadood Ordinances covering five areas: Zina
(non-marital sex) and rape; theft and armed robbery, qazf (i.e., false accusation of Zina);
prohibited use of alcohol and narcotics. The Hudood Ordinance defined 'Zina' as willful sexual
intercourse between a man and a woman not validly married to each other, criminalized all non-
marital sex and conflated rape with sex between consenting adults. According to Abira Ashfaq,
an immigration attorney, “In 1979, there were seventy women in prison all over Pakistan. By
1988, this figure was six thousand… Under Hudood's Zina laws, anyone, including the state,
could file such a case and women, too, were now punishable. The jails filled up fast with poor
women, migrants from rural areas to urban centers.”61 The Ordinance required proof of rape as
“at least four Muslim adult male witnesses, about whom the Court is satisfied, having regard to
the requirements of tazkiyah al-shuhood, that they are truthful persons and abstain from major
sins, give evidence as eye-witnesses of the act of penetration necessary to the offense.”62 Such
proof provided enough loophole to the perpetrators to set free deprived women from justice and
placed victims in a vulnerable situation to even report such cases.
In 2003, the National Commission on the Status of Women in Pakistan, a statutory body created
by the government, reviewed the laws and found them inconsistent with Islam. For instance,
Qurani verses on Zina law do not mandate jail time for adultery at all. There is a punishment of
hundred lashes when a case of adultery is proven or confession. It also requires four witnesses, as
written in Quran, “If any of your women are guilty of lewdness, take the evidence of four
(Reliable) witnesses from amongst you against them; and if they testify, confine them to houses
until death do claim them, or Allah ordain for them some (other) way.”63 Therefore, in 2006,
National Assembly under General Musharraf's government passed The Protection of Women Act
Bill. The bill amended two of the five Hadood Ordinances. It brought it under the Criminal Law
legislature that converted rape punishment to 10-25 years' imprisonment and life imprisonment
in terms of gang rape. Reports of forensic and circumstantial evidence replaced the proof of four
61 Abira Ashfaq,
“Voices from Prison and a Call for Repeal: The Hudood Laws of Pakistan,” New Politics, Vol. X,
No. 4, Whole Number 40 (Winter 2006) at https://newpol.org/issue_post/voices-prison-and-call-repeal-hudood-
laws-pakistan/
“The Offence of Zina (Enforcement Of Hudood) Ordinance, 1979,” February 19, 1979 at https://
62
www.refworld.org/pdfid/4db999952.pdf
63 Surah An-Nisa, Verse 15, Quran.
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male-witnesses. Hadood Ordinance did not acknowledge marital rape that declared 'offense' with
additional charges.64
Thus, the mix of the constitution, Pakistan Penal Code (comes from British Penal Code), and
Islamic laws present a complicated picture for women in Pakistan to seek justice. Pakistan's
former prime minister Benazir Bhutto in her interview with The Guardian (1980), rightly said,
“Today in Pakistan there are three laws: martial law, common law, and Islamic law. We have
three laws, yet no one can nd any justice.”65 Interestingly, in 1988, when Benazir Bhutto
became the rst female prime minister, she could not uphold women voters' expectations. For
instance, she could not repeal the Hadood Ordinances. The women’s study centers created in
different universities of Pakistan could not function due to insuf cient government funding. In
her second term, B. Bhutto's government signed the UN Convention on the Elimination of All
Forms OF Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) in 1996 to keep her commitment. It was
again a political gesture of little signi cance. Any accession to the international convention is
subject to domestic laws of the signatory state. In Pakistan's case, it is subject to the Constitution
that clearly stipulates that all laws are subservient to Sharia. In case of any con icting situation,
Islamic law supersedes the common law. In two short tenures (1988-1990 & 1993-1996), Ms.
Bhutto's government did not recommend any legislation for women's development. In 1989, she
created First Women Bank Ltd to provide women economic stability by providing small-scale
credit schemes for underprivileged women. The bank has 38 branches all across the country;
however, now Govt. of Pakistan holds 80% of its shareholding. On March 09, 2010, President
Zardari signed the Protection against Harassment of Women at Workplace Act Bill 2010,' after
years' long battle from NGOs; however, the political will to ensure effective enforcement is still
lacking. Women and their families face social stigma for bringing up such complaints. “The
irony of the situation in Pakistan is that women who speak up against sexual harassment are
more shamed than the harasser is. By ling a complaint, women risk jobs, family criticism,
expulsion, and taunts. Usually, when women le complaints, their testimonies are discredited by
questioning the character of the complainant.”66 According to Dawn newspaper's survey on
workplace harassment, 59% of respondents reported their workplace does not take harassment
complaints seriously.67 In certain cases, local police departments are reluctant to register the case
against culprits with in uential/feudal/political backgrounds. Senior police of cer Maria Taimur
admits, “women in the force won't talk about harassment as much as they should.”68
64See The Gazette of Pakistan 3578(2006)/Ex.Gaz, December 02, 2006 at http://www.na.gov.pk/uploads/
documents/1321341579_812.pdf
65“From the Archive, 25 September 1980: Bhuttos Urge Army to Help Restore Democracy,” The Guardian,
September 25, 2013 at https://www.theguardian.com/theguardian/2013/sep/25/pakistan-benazir-bhutto-military-
democracy
66Hatun Gul, “Sexual Harassment at Workplaces in Pakistan,” Voice of Balochistan, April 30, 2019 at https://
voiceofbalochistan.pk/opinions-and-articles/social-development/sexual-harassment-at-workplaces-in-pakistan/
67Razeshta Sethna, Tooba Masood, Ramsha Jahangir, “Special Report: Sexual Harassment in Workplaces in
Pakistan,” Dawn, April 19, 2018 at https://www.dawn.com/news/1395215/special-report-sexual-harassment-in-
workplaces-in-pakistan
68 Ibid.
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In 2020, Prime minister Imran Khan's government introduced Election Act 2017 that encouraged
increased women participation in areas where women turnout was less than 10 percent. The
Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP) “mandated that each province have at least one woman
district election commissioner.”69 ECP also took a series of other measures, including barring
women from voting as 'criminalized,' political parties to nominate at least 5% on reserved seats,
and setting up only women polling stations to offset conservatives' resistance in rural areas.70
Even if more women take their place in the local, provincial or central government, they are
harassed at all levels. A case in point, PML-F's Nusrat Sehar Abbasi from Sindh assembly in
January 2017 filed a complaint to the speaker when the ruling party's male legislatures frequently
heckled and jeered. The tension escalated when the ruling party's Imdad Pitafi invited her to his
chamber for 'a satisfactory response.' Ms. Abbasi wanted to give a befitting response, but PPP's
deputy speaker Ms. Shehla Raza did not give her the chance to respond and switched off her
mike. Ms. Abbasi says, the deputy speaker “didn't stand in my defense. I was fed up with the
constant whistling and bad language used by male legislators.”71 The norms of silence for
women are so strong that any attempt to break them brings more dishonor on victims. The
women's protection bill and anti-harassment laws are positive developments, but gender equality
is a slow process for patriarchal societies.
What Can be Done?
There are two common factors among the Pakistani women in power and their pro-military
stance. First, they belong to feudal families that are rich and influential in Pakistan. Second, the
other tier is civil society directly or indirectly linked with the armed forces of Pakistan. Some
work in the military-funded think-tanks while others’ have members of the families served/
serving in the military. Either feudal or familial, such voices are not the common masses and
cannot facilitate in strengthening Pakistan’s ‘nuclear taboo’ debate. However, the rest of the
women’s capital that has no stakes in power or privilege, if harnessed, can support the anti-
nuclear narrative. The first step would be to improve women’s education, quality of life through
resources, and protect their status as equal citizens. Empiricism suggests that low literacy rate,
gender discrimination, and social and legal injustice are the root causes women's unemployment
as workers and professionals.
1. Increase Female Literacy Rate
Women in Pakistan are taking huge strides in increasing their educational and professional
competence; few women pursue careers and jobs despite many enrolled and graduated from
universities. Several institutions such as police, military, narcotics/drugs, intelligence, secret
services, nuclear, space sciences, and engineering observe fewer women's recruitments. In other
Siobha´n Mullally, “Women, Peace and Security in Contemporary Pakistan: Meeting the Challenge of Security
69
Council Resolution 1325?” Irish Studies in International Affairs (January 2011), p. 64.
70 Women and the Vote, Dawn, July 06, 2020 at https://www.dawn.com/news/1567280
71 Razeshta Sethna, Tooba Masood and Ramsha Jahangir, op cit.
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organizations, women are recruited for administrative positions like secretaries or accountants or
assistant roles instead of managerial positions or executives. In a patriarchal/tribal society like
Pakistan, girls' education is less because women are not the primary breadwinners, and the
gender role defined for women is of caregivers and service providers. Education in Pakistan
shows a bleak picture, especially in Balochistan, where education is grim. 70% of girls are
dropped out of schools in Balochistan. The overall female literacy rate is 25% which is not
satisfying.72 As of 2018, “Nearly 22.6 million children (ages 5 through 16) are not in school in
Pakistan. In fact, 44 percent of boys and 56 percent of girls in Pakistan do not go to school.”73
Secondary schools are in shorter supply than primary schools, and colleges have even less
capacity, especially for girls.74 In Pakistan, “32% of girls in primary school age are out of school,
compared with 21% of boys. By sixth grade, 59% of girls are out of school, compared to 49% of
boys. Just 13 percent of girls in ninth grade are still in school.”75 Article 25-A of the Constitution
of Pakistan states, “The State shall provide free and compulsory education to all children of the
age of five to sixteen years in such a manner as may be determined by law.”76 However, the
government funding for the education sector has always been low. In 2010, the government
granted reportedly 10 percent of its funds to the education system. Comparably, “the government
spends seven times as much money on military purposes.”77 As of 2017, “Pakistan was spending
less than 2.8 percent of its gross domestic product on education–far below the recommended 4 to
6 percent–leaving the government's education system severely under-funded.”78 Due to limited
funds, teachers are often unqualified; the school infrastructure is poorly managed. In the Kachhi
District of Balochistan, a twelve-year-old and fourth-grade student described her school
conditions as: “I stopped going to school last year as there was no washroom, water or electricity
in the one I used to attend.”79 In 2012-13, only 3.8 percent of women received degree-level
education, which is “one of the most crucial causes for the low job opportunities for women and
72 Fida Zaman, “Female Literacy Rate,” The Nation, July 27, 2016 at https://nation.com.pk/05-Aug-2016/female-
literacy-rate
73“22.6 Million Children Are Out of School in Pakistan: Report,” Daily Times, July 10, 2018 at https://
dailytimes.com.pk/265179/22-6-million-children-are-out-of-school-in-pakistan-report/
74 Ibid.
75Misbah Imtiaz, “Girls’ Education,” The Nation, December 09, 2019 at https://nation.com.pk/09-Dec-2019/girls-
education
76 Article:
25A Right to Education, Constitution of Pakistan, Section 9 of the Constitution (Eighteenth Amendment)
Act, 2010 (10 of 2010), inserted a new Art. 25A, after Art. 25 of the Constitution, (w.e.f. April 19, 2010) at https://
pakistanconstitutionlaw.com/article-25a-right-to-education/
#:~:text=%5B25A.,may%20be%20determined%20by%20law.%5D
77“Top 10 Facts About Girls’ Education in Pakistan,” Borgen, April 06, 2019, at https://www.borgenmagazine.com/
top-10-facts-about-girls-education-in-pakistan/
78“Pakistan: Girls Deprived of Education,” Human Rights Watch, November 12, 2018, at https://www.hrw.org/
news/2018/11/12/pakistan-girls-deprived-education#
79“UNICEF & EU supported Balochistan Basic Education Program Brings Girls Back to School,” UNICEF,
February 15, 2018 at https://www.unicef.org/pakistan/stories/unicef-eu-supported-balochistan-basic-education-
program-brings-girls-back-school
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