Muslim women in the context of urban planning policy and design of public spaces
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Muslim women in the context of urban planning policy
and design of public spaces
An intersectionality approach: case study of London
International Conference of Public Policy
Zahra Eftekhari, PhD candidate Kingston University, London
Babak Davarpanah, Independent Consultant, WB, UN
Summary:
This paper discusses the possibilities of transformative potential to improve community
cohesion in urban public spaces using an intersectionality approach to identify the perceived
gaps, to be remedied through a participatory planning policy development
mechanism. Urban experiences in major European cities are increasingly multicultural and
yet when poverty and prejudice are compounded with visible differences then social break
down looms. This paper indicates the intersectional challenges faced by Muslim women in
particular when going about their everyday activities, through a case study in London.
Although vital improvements have been achieved through consultation with residents and
citizens to form a more minority friendly planning and urban design policy frame works for
public space development and management, still women in general and (migrant) Muslim
women in particular encounter barriers regularly. London in particular has a large Muslim
minority and policy makers and city managers have expressed a need to enable greater
participation.
This paper proposes to examine the effectiveness of an ethnographic design methodology to
access its target community’s preferences, fears and challenges. It is proposed that more
effective participation will help greater sustainability in all its aspects, social, economic,
political and environmental.
Key words: intersectionality, ethnographic design, community cohesion, public space making
policy.
Theoretical concept:
Public spaces are areas where women are motivated to defend, define and own as they define
their environment, security, and determine their livelihood, being and identity (Arturo, 2005).
Creating and sustaining quality public spaces through a place-making approach is an issue of
concern for the United Nations Habitat commission ( (Habitat, 2011), recommending “to
develop a policy approach on the role that place-making can play in meeting the challenges
of our rapidly urbanizing world, to disseminate that policy, and its results widely and to
develop a plan for ensuring its application internationally”. Both UN Habitat (2011) and UK
DCLG (2008) acknowledge that public spaces are vital for community cohesion as they are
appreciated as good platforms for inclusion. According to Doreen Massey a positive sense of
place which is not self closing and defensive but outward looking, is one which allows,
‘rootedness , can provide – in this form and on this interpretation (sustainability and
Page1
community cohesion) stability and a source of unproblematic identity’ (Massey, 1994, p41).Being seen in public spaces is an indication of not being excluded. Public spaces may also be
stages for contestation as participating in a public space is staking a claim to it which forms a
sense of belonging. On the other hand, the meaning of private and public spaces change over
time due to the inherent complexities of that particular urban space. These changes occur as
result of various cultural and legal shift of prospective (legal/illegal, or possible/impossible
vary).
This paper is based on many years of firsthand experience living amongst the target
community, structured research and deep interviews with migrant Muslim women. The focus
is on exploring some questions such as “How do Muslim women describe their specific
public realm everyday experiences?” “What barriers, do Muslim women experience in their
everyday lives, engaging and interacting with place, space and public realm?”
The concept of “everyday” referred in the question above is taken from Encyclopaedia
Universalis (Lefebvre, 1972). Aspects of everyday in its broadest sense according to Lefebvre
include housing, mode of dress, eating and drinking in a matrix of forms, functions and
structures, all of which have public space connotations. For Lefebvre, modernism comes with
a tendency to make these aspects of the “everyday” uniform and reduce the differences in
appearance, through work and consumption. This interpretation of everyday is a produced
‘everydayness’ (Lefebver, 1972). Any attempt to bring in the diversities which exist(ed) will
be resisted at an institutional and soci-cultural level, specifically judiciary, contractually,
pedagogically, fiscally and in security and safety provision.
In contrast with this aspect of everydayness, Lefebvre (1972) also acknowledges a more
common kind of everyday closer to the natural. This aspect of everyday according to
Lefebvre is symbolized through repetition and is cyclical; night and day – seasons and
agriculture – work and rest, life and death. For Lefebvre the everyday is situated at the
intersection of these two modes. However, he says the functions exercised every day, are all
attached to spaces, within which they take various forms such as the structure of workplaces,
landscapes of leisure or places of consumption. Lefebvre (1972) asserts that this
everydayness is distributed unequally with its burden mostly imposed on women, as the
“everyday” users of the space. This produced space of everydayness is also a controlled
space.
‘Space and place are important in the construction of gendered relations and in the
struggles to change them. From the symbolic meaning of spaces/places and the clearly
gendered messages which they transmit, to straightforward exclusion by violence, spaces and
places are not only themselves gendered but, in their being so, they both reflect and affect the
ways in which gender is constructed and understood. The limitation of women’s mobility, in
terms both of identity and space, has been in some contexts a crucial means of
subordination’. (Massey, D. 1994)
Massey identifies three kinds of space in Lefebvre’s vision: conceived, lived and perceived
spaces. The lived and perceived spaces are socially constructed whilst the conceived space is
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the work of architect, planner or engineer. Therefore in engaging with the lived everydayexperience of migrant Muslim women the case study presented makes a complex and
intersectional spatial analysis. This analysis is based on various individual’s expressions of
public spaces according to their interaction and experience of that space.
These public spaces consist of three layers, one is the concrete space of the public arena, both
the architectural construct and the planned and regulated space. Second is the representation
of space (which is a culturally constructed meaning). The third layer is the lived space. This
manner of conceptualizing the space will allow a consideration of the place/space where the
lived experiences are formed by the material form of the space whilst they also form those
spaces through their interpretation and interactions.
Visibility and presence in public spaces
An increased presence and participation in the public realm comes with increased public
visibility and demands for better tolerance towards this public visibility. This mobility and
heightened visibility with its contingent interaction with other strangers in the public space,
(Sennet,t 2008) can ultimately be only liberating, as social interaction counters isolation.
However, and mainly due to mis-representation and ignorance, there is a tendency for visible
Islam to be seen as the different “other”, requiring containment and even exclusion, be it
hijab for women (Tissot, 2011) or minarets for mosques.
Visibility of Muslim women gained renewed interest in the public eye after 9/11 (Mcdonald,
2006), but against a background of an “orientalist” gaze (Said, 1987), the opportunity to hear
the voices of Muslim women in their diversity was lost to the mediatised and heated debate
about secularization of public spaces. Abu-Lughod (2002) even goes further and argues that
news reporting in the aftermath of 9/11 stigmatized Muslim women and their religious
practices as a way of interpreting extremism. Dwyer (1999) had pointed out that Muslim
Women’s Hijab has not as yet become the subject of a serious public debate. In fact, the field
of Muslim identity, gendered agency and space in the context of belonging, remains
underdeveloped. What Zukin (1995) desired for planning in general is that place making
becomes a socially constructed process which shapes cities, that has to be re-imagined within
the specific context of Muslim women in public spaces.
Facts:
According to a comprehensive study of Muslim communities in Europe (At Home in Europe,
2010, Open Society Institute), there are estimated to be 15–20 million Muslims living in the
EU which is expected to double by 2025. Muslims in Europe are a diverse population of
citizens, as well as newly arrived migrants. Islam is not an ethnicity, (Crassey, 2007) and
according to the Muslim Council of Britain it comprises of a wide range of ethnic sub-groups
including Pakistanis, Bangladeshis, Indians, Arabs, Africans and others such as: Afghans,
Iranians, Turkish, Kurdish and Kosovan. However in the same way as faith, individual
identity and ethnic identity mutually reinforce each other, they also share their social and
cultural roots.
Page3Estimates for the Muslim population increased in The United Kingdom from 50,000 or 0.1%
in 1939, to 100,000 or 0.2% in 1951, to 750,000 or 1.2% in 1971, to 1.25 million or 2.2% in
1981, to 1.5 million or 2.6% in 1991. According to the 2001 UK census, of the total
population of 58,789,187, around 1,591,000 or 2.71% were Muslims. The census also
revealed that 1,546,626 or 2.97% of the population of England were Muslim. Thus the
average annual growth rate of the Muslim population in the UK between 2004 and 2008 was
6.68%, which is ten times more than the general population increase during the same period.
(Kettani, 2010).
Research method:
This research study has used the qualitative method, because it will provide an insight into
these experiences with the involvement and participation of the target communities. The
research methods adapted are based on systematic exploratory research, which included:
nonparticipant observation, semi-structured interviews, focus groups (These first three part of
the research prepared the action research) and ethnographic design (Foth & Tacchi, 2004;
Tacchi et al., 2003)
Three kinds of case studies are being conducted, group discussions and individual interviews.
So far 50 interviews were conducted with Muslim Women in London1, in two locations
which were Kingston Masque in Kingston upon Thames (20 interviews) and East London
Masque (London Masque Centre) 30 interviews in Whitechapel. Also some random
interviews in New York and Tehran as a control sample. Four focus groups of 8 – 12 people
were also organized two of each at Kingston Masque in Kingston upon Thames, and two in
East London Masque (London Masque Centre) Whitechapel, London.
Ethnographic Design methods: ‘Ethnography is an approach to understanding what,
how and crucially why people do what they do, and say what they say’ (Curran, 2012,
p5). Therefore this method helped to focus on Muslim women’s understanding of
their everyday lives and explore how they act and react in their natural environment.
According to Curran (2012) the basic ethnographic design is summarized in the
following diagram:
Page4
1
The three criteria for selecting the sites in London were; according to Neuman are richness of date,
unfamiliarity, and suitability (2011, p429). Therefore two places were selected: Whitechapel masque and
Kingston upon Thames.Material
Culture
Culture
Objcets ,
Spaces
People use?
Behaviour
What People
Say and Do?
Ethongraphi
c Thick
Descriptions
Why People
Do and Say
what They
Do?
Curran, J. (2012), p12
The term of ‘ethnographic thick descriptions2’ is used by Clifford Greetz (1968) to
explain the deepness of culture around the case study. As Curran claims “The
meaning of space is wrapped in deep and often unconscious performances here the
social actors become innovative agents to meet social requirements” (Curran, 2012,
p12). However, for conducting this research and covering the different aspects of
culture and relation analysis, a multidisciplinary perspective would be appropriate.
Criteria of selecting individual case study:
According to Nueman (2011) a case study brings the strength to the research. The two
important criteria for this case study are:
a. Conceptual validity:
The individual’s positionlaity of ‘being a Muslim Woman’ to be a Muslim and
wearing Hijab to presents this position.
Her interest to be part of the research; their decisions to say yes/no to participating
was influenced by form: personal believes, family, and friends.
b. Causal mechanisms identification:
Willing to share her experience; desire and willingness to be heard, trusting the
research process.
Live in any of the field sites (mentioned above); enough experience of living and
working in order to have a daily routine and ‘opinion’ about the area.
Plan of the day3:
The journey started from her area in the morning and finished in the afternoon. The plan was:
Meet up in the area.
Getting the bus toward the town Centre.
Clothing shopping and window shopping.
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Have lunch.
2
Thick description, is refer to
3
Preparation for the trip was planned one week before hand. For that day camera, voice recorder, and a map
was used. Going to park.
Going to library.
Going to supermarket.
Walk back home.
Here follows some of the statements which have come out of the case studies.
Do you go out often?
It depends what responsibility you have, if you are a full time Mum you don't have to go out, or have
study and you need to revise you don't have time, so people have different reason… obviously some
go out when they need to... work or school or college that's how I see it.
Maybe practicing Muslims do not go out much because they worry about what others might
think or say
Page6to be part of who as Muslim and have self dignity and respect for yourself, because if you don't have
respect for yourself you do care about how other people think, what they says , but if you know who
you are and respect yourself, then you don't care what they says. I think it is easy for any one has
faith, ... then it is easy for you. If you don't 100% dedicated to the Gods, then it is not easy, I think it
depends on their abilities their will...
The appearance doesn't make it harder, because I know people with Neqab and they have
careers so...
Public places
Swimming places for women, I am not sure,
Mostly I am interested in places which give me good memories
Like hall or something like school, I really want to have good memories.
Somewhere, like an institute but can't find any good one nearby.
Why do you wear Hijab
I wear hijab, because obviously I believe that it is what the God wants I do and I believe that it is
right for human beings. Because he created us ... he know for the best. Secondly, I think it is good for
women to cover her beauty.
I am not sure it is good for other people and it makes trouble for other people in the community, I
think , I believe, and that's I think people know that, specially advertisers, because they use the
naked women to make them as objects.
People use women as objects that easily brake and like naked women on the screen…
I believe it is more about self respect… I respect myself too much to let people look at me in the
same way, at least certain people control the way they look… how much… show of me… I saw men
looked at me… and I thought I have been suspected but the guy just look at me because they wanted
to see in it…
So now I think, now people see me as what I actually am. And not what I wear or how I look and
that's a more important thing for me…
Hijab/Positionality
[Hijab] shows me as Muslim and I am proud to be Muslim and everyone knows me as a Muslim and I
am not ashamed of it.
[when start hijab] it wasn't stressful, was different, no one said anything to me, it was just different,
[feeling] everywhere is different, it is not the same everywhere, it depends what the shops, cause if
you go to somewhere like … which is posh, and is upper class, it is different response, ... it is different
people. It is not just one emotion.... I don't see it like this, I don't see myself that special that people
always look at me, when I walk I don't think oh my god everyone was looking. Because I am not
important enough for people to look at me. I don't think I am center of attention. Everyone get on
with their lives... I like people and I see the potential friendly. I just want to be comfortable, I feel
Page7
comfortable and if it would then I don't' take it too hard. I can understand that it is different for
them and they don't understand it.I don't judge people, what they wear…, I am not going to stand for it, that's wrong that's right.
Obviously I am doing what is right, so that's what I care about. Obviously I care about Islam and issue
of hijab and whatever, because it is part of the religion, but I am not going to judge anyone… I won't
judge people, because… I am not perfect to judge people.
And may be some Muslims see me wear hijab and may be they also decide to wear hijab
Politics
I don’t want to get involved with politics, they (politicians) tell lies, and I want to criticize the
politician
Discrimination
I think if anyone work hard they can get what they want it doesn't matter what religious they have ...
and if you blame being a Muslim or anything (for not getting what you wanted) it is just an excuse,
so I don't think there is any difference, it depends on the individual and how you come across
people, how you work, that's what I believe,
Harassment
Generally I think everyone's behavior is fine, but you get the odd people who shout or stuff like that
but it is really rare. So I think people know how to behave in public, it is not really a problem.
If someone said something in the street like “Oh it is disgusting”, sometimes I reply and say what did
you say. But most of the time I don't argue with them because I know there is no point ... but when
it comes to like people ask me questions like why do you where hijab and stuff like that , when I
explain it to them they understand it, they just respect...
... I remember just once a woman with her kids, she was looking at me very rude and arguing with
me but apart from that not many incidents have occurred.
Environment
The grass is not very fresh, it never used to be this way, I don't know what happened.
[I like] Green color, sort of color like trees, I like pink and yellow too.
I like this part of the river because we used to come here together. It is a nice place just to be
relaxed and have picnics maybe just relaxing. That's nice. I like to look at the houses. They look nice,
personally I like small houses, nice, cozy, clean and decorated houses. I prefer small than big modern
bulky houses. It looks really nice and maybe it is nice inside as well but to live inside … No… but it is
not really like home.
The river looks disgusting, it doesn't seem clean
[Green and sustainability] I am not really aware that I am green, but I am. So it is not something that
I tell to myself to do , but I am, I get buses, but I don't do anything extra to do, be green, I do agree
with it and I think everybody should be in green... I think if I really wanted to I would.
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FashionI think for anyone with long dress or skirts when you walking upstairs you have to be careful, I don't
think it is anything particularity it is just the bus, I need sort of adopt myself I think it is just fine.
There is not more space but…
I think this (is true) liberation, because I think people are not objects
I am liberated as before I was wearing things for other people… you know wearing where I was now
it is about me… I am not feeling pressured to be like anyone else. ... I always had big earrings like this
I use to have a crazy style... I still have the same style sense but use less of it
Just in a certain way that other people have to follow the fashion… I think that they are somehow
being forced and pressured to look in a certain way and “anorexia” and eating problem… I feel free
from all that now.
And when I go to my friend’s house, just kind of like normal, [makeup] I don't think I need it all the
time. If I go to a wedding yes, but usually I don't wear makeup. I like flat shoes, it is normal.
I go to private hair dressing, I go to my friend's house, she is a hair dresser and she does my hair, it is
not expensive. I have long hair and dark brown, I like to keep my hair long.
Marriage
I want to get married, I don’t want boyfriend. …there are different way of meeting somebody,
obviously as my brother has a good judge of character and he knows some really good people… his
friends are religious and they work and go to masque … so someone he knows I would trust more
than myself, because I think I am naïve when comes to men and stuff, … somebody who has a good
job, has family…a good Muslim
I do want to have children, and you have to be pregnant ... a bit scared of what I have to do to have
a child but there is no easy way out,
Urban Screens / Advertising
[Digital screen] I never pay attention to things like this, personally I don't like advertisements, it is a
waste of my brain process, I don't know it is always space in my brain to see advertisements , ... but
there is not that much in Kingston. I would like have no adverts, I like words of mouth, people say
something is good and instead of seeing advert, I think what people say is more reliable. ... I look at
what people say [comments on computer]
Even the comments on the screen could be a waste, if I have comments instead of pictures, it could
be a waste of my brain process, because they don't say things in a balanced way, they just tell good
things. I like to hear both sides.
Entertainment / Leisure time
I don't like to come to HMV… the music give a vibe but I don't like it, I do listen to people do poems
and stuff… I don't like the music itself I like the lyrics… I don't want to go there, because it is full of
music and arty stuff that I don't agree with them. I watch news and stuff, and documentaries, I don't
waste my time, it is part of me that I don't like to do if it is not beneficial to me . I don't watch like a
series and program and reality shows because it doesn't benefit me. It makes me feel that my brain
is dying. So I like to watch things that give me something back. The last documentary I watched was
about the poor villages, and how they live, somewhere in Africa... I like to go to Africa to help but
there is lots of challenge like disease.
Most of the time I go to friends to their houses, read books, I keep myself busy it is what I do. Like
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clean the house, reads book, pray, there is lots of things I do in my time. I have to keep myself busywith something related to my religion and stuff I have to do like college and documentaries and stuff
like that. I keep sort of a diary.
Shopping
[In Benthalls : shopping centre] I usually get the long escalator and stay up there, and look at H&M …
this escalator is really good, I wish it was one going down.
There are two H&M in Kingston, one here and one in M&S, that one I prefer more,. I am usually
more relax
I don't know, basically when summer comes, I go for summer shopping. And that is for summer and
the in winter for winter shopping, May for 3 or 4 days.
I usually miss the sales, I usually tell to myself but I miss sales, I go to early shopping, there is no
queue and everything is fresh.
Last time I was here [in Waterstones: Bookshop] was when I was in school, for revision guide
something like that, I have been to the library more. I do like books, I get them from Islamic shops, I
don't read fictions, I read books like biography and auto-biographies, I like factual things like, things I
can benefit from. I know always I can benefit from reading and it's beneficial, I am not into like
fictions or stories that is not me.
I feel it [stress] anywhere, if I go to a new shops it is the same to go to a shop I am familiar with
anyone in the shops, ... I don't pay attention much... If I want to go to somewhere I just go. I don’t
care what the people sort of thing, because I used to it anyway.
Ambition
I am thinking of writing a book... about my life. Having family and kids. Normal life.
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