Mediating the Scottish Independence Debate
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3
Mediating the Scottish
Independence Debate
Alex Law
In the six months leading up to the
referendum vote on 18 September
2014 Scotland experienced a period
fetish in Scotland, most obviously in the
political vertigo that continues to be
experienced by the representatives of
times more likely to be anti-independence
and articles were three times more
likely to be pro-Union, deploying a
of exceptionally heightened political the Unionist parties and what might be more pejorative use of language such
discourse, a widespread form of political called ‘media Unionism’. A mass grassroots as the ‘Nats’ (meaning the Scottish
participation unusual in western liberal- movement in support of Independence National Party) and the personalisation
democracies. For almost two years benefited from a changed and, in some of the Independence campaign around a
fundamental questions about nation, ways, reinvigorated media field. Where negative cult of Alex Salmond, leader of
state and society that are routinely taken television once threatened the authority of the ‘Nats’ (https://www.youtube.com/
for granted were exposed to widespread newspapers, social media now challenges watch?v=2bYajHIcXMk).
public discussion and debate involving the dominance of television and the press.
millions of individuals normally silenced Any influence that newspapers may have
by the political fetish. Instead, these The press over the politics of their readers has
became the subject of open, often heated, Newspaper Unionism has been a central been diminished by its loss of dominance
discussion and debate by wide layers of plank of the political fetish in Scotland over a more crowded media field. Clearly
society, in workplaces and meeting halls, since the eighteenth century. Every single the tabloids in Scotland did not want to
streets and city squares, shopping centres day the press expresses its Scottish alienate a large section of their mainly
and job centres, bus stops and pubs, credentials on page after page. Banal working class readerships. This readership
schools, and so on. declarations of Scottishness are routinely was split down the middle, although
framed by the apparent permanence of working class readers in cities like Dundee
This process of self-representation meant the political Union. Until as recent as the and Glasgow proved more likely to vote
that political discourse was forced to shift 2007 Scottish elections, national titles Yes according to the post-referendum
from the logic of political self-marketing in Scotland refused to endorse either poll conducted by Tory peer Lord Ashcroft
as the neutral, technical preserve of small independence or the SNP, despite the (http://lordashcroftpolls.com/2014/09/
circles of networked state managers latter’s increasing electoral support. With scotland-voted/).
and media interlocutors. Such routine the SNP landslide victory in 2011 and the
forms of representation express what formation of the first majority government This does not mean, however, that the
Pierre Bourdieu (1991) referred to as in the Scottish parliament, the politics press now exerts only negligible, if any,
‘political fetishism’. A fetish of political of the press in Scotland began to look influence as some claim. News UK, owners
representatives ensures that ‘isolated, even more one-dimensional and non- of the Sun, Times and Sunday Times, for
silent, voiceless individuals, without democratic. instance, claimed that survey research
either the capacity or the power to make commissioned from pollsters YouGov
themselves heard and understood, are With the sole exception of the showed that newspapers were more
faced with the alternative of keeping endorsement of independence by the influential in determining how people
quiet or being spoken for by someone Sunday Herald, the Scotsman supported voted in the referendum than either social
else’ (Bourdieu, 1991: 206). Individuals a No vote, while the Scottish Sun and media or the campaign groups (News
are typically unable to constitute a Daily Record refused to adopt an explicit UK, 2014). As evidence of the renewed
political movement unless they delegate position, although content analysis political vitality of the press, Mike Darcey,
the right to communicate the collective indicates a clear pro-Union bias. David CEO of News UK, could point out that it
symbolically to a ‘representative’ of the Patrick’s statistical and qualitative analysis was a Sunday Times poll putting the Yes
group. of front-page articles, editorials and campaign narrowly ahead that panicked
comment pieces found that much of the the No campaign into last-ditch promises
This wider public discourse began to coverage was ‘neutral’. However, for the about increased devolution of powers
break the stranglehold of the political remaining coverage headlines were four should Scotland vote to remain in the
media education journal 564
An Informed Choice’ it declared. As ‘The
Vow’ itself boldly claimed: ‘A No vote will
deliver faster, safer and better change than
separation [i.e. independence]’. Yet ‘The
Vow’s’ status as a sacred contract with
the Scottish nation was soon the object of
UK party political positioning and rivalry.
Once the No vote was delivered ‘The Vow’
became ensnared in the self-interested
political manoeuvring of the Unionist
parties in England for the forthcoming
General Election on 7 May 2015 and
open ‘civil war’ inside the Scottish Labour
Party, forcing the resignation of its leader
Johann Lamont six weeks after ‘winning’
the referendum.
Broadcast Unionism and
Independence
In such ways, the referendum put the
credibility of media Unionism to a stern
test, above all the impartial public service
ethos of the BBC. This was revealed by the
analysis and reaction to Fairness in the
First Year?, a research report published
in February 2014 by John Robertson
(2014), professor of media politics at the
University of the West of Scotland. This
year-long content analysis of fairness
in mainstream TV coverage of the
Scottish independence referendum found
that although both broadcasters gave
significantly more favourable coverage
to No than Yes statements, the BBC’s
Reporting Scotland coverage was more
biased than STV news coverage, with a
ratio of 3:2 for statements favouring the
No campaign over the Yes campaign.
Union, which itself was announced on the the case of the Sunday Times poll, they
front page of the tabloid, Daily Record. appear to have much more influence However, since both sides enjoyed a
over the behaviour of the political large presence on broadcast news the
Yet, such a positive gloss on the influence establishment than their readers. This overall ratio proved rather less important
of newspapers was disputed by Angela was graphically illustrated by the three than the structuring of reports and the
Haggerty (2014) for media analysts The political leaders of the Unionist parties subtle repetition of bad news, especially
Drum. She claimed that mainstream print agreeing to issue a solemn ‘Vow’ on the about the economy after independence.
and broadcast media coverage influenced front page of the Daily Record. From When the sequence of statements were
the decisions of a mere 28 per cent of quite different positions on the further examined, reports tended to be defined by
voters in the referendum. While many got devolution of powers, in the event of a negative framing of the Yes campaign,
information from TV and radio (71 per a No vote ‘The Vow’ promised a last- who were then compelled to respond
cent) and 60 per cent from newspapers minute guarantee from the three political with a reactive and defensive posture,
and their websites (60 per cent), more leaders of the UK parties for ‘extensive’ often concluding reports with a generally
than two thirds (68 per cent) said that new powers for the Scottish parliament negative framing of the Yes position.
mainstream media was not a decisive without the risks and upheaval of
influence in forming their decision. independent statehood. Despite the qualitative difference
Social media and websites appeared to between the spontaneous discourse of
exercise more influence (39 per cent) than ‘The Vow’ was depicted by the Daily the instant commentary that appears on
newspapers (34 per cent), although TV and Record in the cliché style of an old blogs, newspaper editorials and opinion
radio was the strongest source (42 per historical document, with parchment columns, including that of academic or
cent), while almost one third (30 per cent) curled at the edges. Under the banner independent experts, and the necessarily
had their decisions shaped by the Yes and ‘Our Nation Decides’ the Record’s editorial delayed discourse of sustained scholarly
No campaigns. described ‘The Vow’ as ‘a historic joint analysis, Robertson’s findings were
promise’ offering the low risk option generally ignored by mainstream media
Newspapers therefore retain some to independence and as a statement of while it went viral online. Rather than
influence over voter intentions but, as in final authority: ‘Now Voters Can Make answer the claims of the study publicly in
media education journal 565
an open democratic forum of experts, BBC and authorised political representatives, an ordinary family background in central
Scotland’s head of policy and corporate above all political parties. Neil insisted Scotland. Hence the No campaign Better
affairs raised serious objections about the on framing the discussion in terms of the Together preferred to place Labour
methodology, accuracy and language of electoral positioning of the Labour party politicians to the forefront of their public
the report, and complained of ‘corporate and the SNP and the personalities of profile, supported in a lower key by
disrepute’ directly to the Principal of UWS, political leaders, rather than fundamental Liberal-Democrat Scottish MPs.
an accusation that could have threatened problems of citizenship, democracy,
the terms of Robertson’s employment. equality and statehood: STV’s news and current affairs programme
Scotland Tonight staged an initial series
While the BBC publicly defended their Freeman: . . . I think Andrew that you are of debates in late 2013 and early 2014.
coverage of the referendum as ‘rigorously mistaking me for a politician, and an SNP All of these involved the SNP deputy
impartial and in line with our guidelines politician at that. I have not asserted any leader Nicola Sturgeon going ‘head
on fairness and impartiality’, thousands of the things that you are suggesting. I to head’, as fast-thinkers put it, with
of pro-independence supporters protested represent Women for Independence ... politicians from rival parties: Michael
outside BBC Scotland offices against Labour in Scotland is run by the United Moore (Liberal Democrat MP), Anas
BBC ‘propaganda’ after its political Kingdom, it is run by London Labour, Sarwar (Labour MP), Alistair Carmichael
editor Nick Robinson was accused of and they are conflating a Labour versus (Liberal Democrat MP), and Johan Lamont
colluding with the Treasury on negatively SNP argument with an argument about (Labour MSP). Discussion was broadened
misrepresenting economic prospects for Independence, which is about the out by audience participation and the
an independent Scotland. Alex Salmond decisions in Scotland being taken by the presence of journalists and celebrities on
called the BBC’s impartiality into question people who live and work in Scotland . . . televised formats alongside established
as the unthinking reflex of Unionism. As politicians. In the absence of a debate
he told the Sunday Herald (14 September Neil: . . . even as things stand now you with the UK Prime Minister, Salmond
2014): ‘The problem with Nick . . . I mean, could increase tax, increase spending on debated with the figurehead of the Better
don’t get me wrong, I like these folk, health but you’ve chosen to do none of Together campaign, Labour MP and
but they don’t realise they’re biased. that. former Chancellor, Alistair Darling, in two
It’s the unconscious bias which is the successive debates, the first broadcast
most extraordinary thing of all. If the Freeman: No. No. Not true. We’re dancing on STV and the second on BBC in August
BBC were covering, in my estimation, on the head of a pin here. 2014. It was generally reported that
any referendum, in any democracy, Darling ‘won’ the first debate and that
anywhere in the world, they would cover Neil: Well, what taxes have you increased? Salmond ‘won’ the second one.
it impeccably, in a balanced fashion. What
they don’t understand is they’re players Freeman: Well, again Andrew, I am not These debates were framed as personalised
in this’. an elected politician, so I don’t get to trials of strength. Politicians, journalists
increase or decrease taxes. You’re mixing and commentators subscribe to the
Mistaken for a politician me up with somebody else. implicit rules of the contest, good
The referendum debate disrupted the (https://www.youtube.com/ speaking, formalities, turn-taking, how
already to hand points of reference of watch?v=23m6CukRUGM) to re-frame the question, the moderator
media Unionism. Mainstream journalists as proxy and referee, knowing when to
struggled to adapt to the challenge of A categorical failure to recognise that the interrupt and when to show restraint.
thinking beyond the political fetish. One referendum could not be contained by Televised debates are spectacles whose
way that fast-thinking responded was to the fast-thinking reflexes of the political object is to accumulate maximum
constantly re-frame political discourse in fetish was common to much London- rhetorical advantage. In reality, however,
the more familiar terms of representation based media. Few columnists for London- the televised debates failed to persuade
and away from the more fundamental based titles showed much of a feel for the audiences. While they were promoted
questions raised by the referendum such changing dynamics of the political game, as conclusive, winner-takes-all events,
as citizenship, democracy and equality. notwithstanding rare exceptions like the polling suggested that audiences generally
Guardian and Observer columnist Kevin supported politicians that echoed their
One example of the collision of political McKenna. pre-existing convictions.
fetishism with the wider political framing
of the referendum was a television The fetish of televised debates Online Media
interview by the BBC political journalist One forum where the political fetish Changes in the relative importance of the
Andrew Neil with Jeane Freeman of the was given unvarnished prominence was old media mean that mediated events like
Women for Independence campaign in televised debates arranged between televised political debates or political PR
group. Freeman, a former special advisor individual representatives of the no longer monopolise political discourse
to Labour First Minster Jack McConnell, contending sides. An initial attempt by but have to contend with a more crowded,
was appearing for the non-party campaign the SNP to stage a debate between Alex less deferential and faster media field. In
group, Women for Independence. Salmond, SNP First Minister of Scotland, this complex of media spaces, attitudes
and David Cameron, Conservative Prime and speed, the central focus traditionally
Yet, as with many political journalists, Neil Minister of the UK, failed. Cameron given to the political fetish can no longer
repeatedly returned to the routine fast- was not only a Tory leader but was be taken for granted, even if television
thinking of the political fetish by using also associated in Scotland with the and the press continue to perform certain
personalisation to reframe the debate in personalised baggage of an elite English functions for the framing of politics.
terms of the First Minister, Alex Salmond, millionaire, while Salmond hailed from
media education journal 566
uk/2014/09/26/an-independent-media-
for-scotland/).
While not formally taking an
Independence position, Common Weal
represents a policy forum for academics
and economists. It takes its name from an
old Scots term for collective ownership of
the nation’s socially-produced wealth for
the well-being of all. Starting from this
radical perspective, Common Weal reports
on all major aspects of public policy
inform a much wider media discourse.
Indeed their key idea for making ‘the news
media fit for a functioning democracy’
indicates the continuing dependency
of ‘new media’ on the news gathering
resources of the ‘old’ broadcast media.
Web-based journalism and commentary
needs support if it is function as a credible
news source. Common Weal propose that
national broadcast media make their news
content available as an ‘open source’
resource, like a news agency. By doing so,
news media could provide a more vital and
innovative service to democratic discourse:
‘This could support a proliferation of
small, independent news blogs which use
a broadcasting service’s content as their
starting point but who can develop that
further by seeking their own reaction
quotes or giving it their own spin’ (http://
www.allofusfirst.org/the-key-ideas/a-
media-fit-for-a-democracy/).
In some ways, this is what political
websites like Wings Over Scotland already
attempt to do. It focuses on mainstream
print and broadcast media as well as
online and social-network communities
while providing its own commentary
and analysis (http://wingsoverscotland.
Screenshots from Better Together campaign video, ‘The woman who made up her
com/about/). Wings Over Scotland also
mind’, broadcast on BBC and STV August 2014 and spoof version, ‘Thinking is hard.
produced a popular, fully-referenced
Just Vote No’.
guidebook to the facts, The Wee Blue Book,
some of which were fiercely disputed
Some of the most active and influential as a presupposition of an independent by pro-Union business blogger Kevin
websites include the National Collective, Scotland (http://bellacaledonia.org.uk/). Hague (http://chokkablog.blogspot.
Bella Caledonia, Common Weal and Bella Caledonia claimed to have attracted co.uk/2014/08/the-wee-blue-book-of-
the Scottish Review. Some of the same up to one million unique users in August lies.html).
political and cultural commentators 2014. In 2013 the website launched a
turned up to offer analysis and opinion print journal, Closer, to take its arguments As bloggers like Kevin Hague and others
across these sites, even while criticising about Scottish democracy beyond the indicate, not all online media supported
the small networked political elite that run web. In the context of alleged pro-union independence. Some tried to allow debate
Scotland’s institutions. bias of the mainstream media during and discussion to flourish, although
the referendum campaign, ambitions how far conflicting opinions challenged
The National Collective website grew for a more transformative public sphere the existing preconceptions of readers
from a small coterie of cultural workers in Scotland emerged. Amongst other can only be a matter of conjecture. For
in Edinburgh in 2011 to more than 3000 initiatives, Bella Caledonia’s founder and instance, Better Nation is a blog that while
members by September 2014 (http:// editor Mike Small’s proposed a ‘buycott’ sympathetic to Scottish independence
nationalcollective.com). Supported by whereby subscription payments are aimed to ‘provoke fierce and intelligent
crowd-funding, the online magazine Bella redirected from large media corporations debate’, albeit in a ‘nice’ way, starting
Caledonia was established in 2007 to to support independent media in from the premise that ‘Most in politics
create a space for an independent media Scotland (http://bellacaledonia.org. do have a genuine desire to improve how
media education journal 567
their country runs, and we will try to give many hours in the day’, especially when during the referendum campaign. On the
a fair wind to their intentions, even when independence ‘sounds too good to be true’, one hand, none of the semi-autonomous
we have to disagree profoundly with their the woman ruminates, before suddenly national newspaper titles in Scotland,
methods’ (http://www.betternation.org/ deciding to vote No after all. It spawned with the exception of the Sunday
raison-detre-2/). an internet meme, ‘#PatronisingBTlady’, Herald, supported independence. On the
that trended widely in various spoof other hand, much of the social media
Similarly, the online journal Scottish versions, mocking the official campaign landscape was captured, often in highly
Review also published opinion pieces from video as ‘sexist’ and ‘patronising’ to imaginative and informed ways, by the Yes
a range of quite different perspectives. women voters, a message that one spoof campaign. Political websites, blogs and
While critical of both sides of the debate, framed as ‘Thinking is hard: Just Vote No’. online magazines attracted hundreds of
the veteran editor of Scottish Review, thousands of visitors while inspired online
Kenneth Roy, argued that the activism of Other examples of satire that went viral spoofs and videos went viral.
the Yes movement was often intemperate, during the campaign included Lady Alba’s
encouraged by direct incitement from ‘Bad romance’ video, based on the popular However, this is not a straightforward
Alex Salmond, SNP First Minister, that Lady Gaga song. In the week before the case, as sometimes claimed, of the
left post-referendum Scotland a ‘broken’ vote a video posted on YouTube of political ‘vertical’ communication of top-down ‘old
country (http://www.scottishreview.net/ street theatre by Empire Biscuits, ‘Empire media’ being usurped and democratised
KennethRoy174.shtml). strikes back’ also went viral. It showed by the ‘horizontal’ communication of
dozens of suited Labour MPs arriving ‘new’ social media. Such a simplistic
Network wars in Glasgow wheeling suitcases through binary model of the media field needs
It is not only political websites that helped the city centre being harangued by a to be tempered by accounting for the
shape public discourse, especially pro- man on a rickshaw. As the Darth Vader continuing role of traditional mass media
independence discourse. Although often theme music blared out of a megaphone in setting the parameters of official
regarded as a source of malign influence bystanders were informed, ‘Your imperial political discourse as well as registering
and abuse, social networking sites like masters have arrived! Bow before them!’ the ways in which social media replicate
Facebook, Twitter and so on helped to When one politician in a suit tells ‘Empire the established patterns of political
proliferate information and opinion, Biscuit’, ‘Don’t be silly’ he replies, ‘Don’t discourse as much as it threatens to
regardless of its reliability. Social media you be silly’. And so it went on for ten dislodge them.
exposed the grip of political fetishism excruciating and hilarious minutes as the
and demographic on Better Together’s political fetish momentarily came face to References
campaign, with the Yes campaign face with political chutzpah. Boffey, D. (2014) ‘Shambolic and divided:
producing three times more positive how Better Together nearly fell apart’,
Tweets and Facebook likes (Boffey, 2014). Fast media and the referendum Observer, 21 September.
Pressures of the journalistic field, a Bourdieu, P. (1991) Language and Symbolic
Users were also altered by social media pressure even more marked with 24- Power, Cambridge: Polity Press.
to the arguments heard at political hour television news coverage, compress Bourdieu, P. (2010) Sociology is a Martial
meetings and debates and were exposed the time needed to think and brings Art: Political Writings, New York: The New
to the wide circulation of political satire. forward the cultural phenomenon of Press.
This acted as a counter-weight to the what Bourdieu (2010: 27) called ‘fast- Haggerty, A. (2014) ‘Social media more
PR of the official campaigns, particularly thinking’, alongside the acceleration of influential information source than
the negative, sometimes apocalyptic, time in other fields like work, education, newspapers in Scottish independence
messages emanating from Better Together. communication, economic exchange, and referendum, YouGov finds’, The Drum,
Labelled ‘Project Fear’, businesses, bankers, so on. Fast-thinking trades on the banal 17 October. http://www.thedrum.
economists, foreign politicians among clichés of self-reinforcing communication com/news/2014/10/17/social-media-
others were mobilised to reinforce its main duplicated by the same small, self- more-influential-information-source-
message that independence would spell referential circle of political insiders. newspapers-scottish-independence
disaster for the Scottish economy, welfare Accessed 3/11/14
state, academic research, employment, In the final week or so of the campaign, News UK (2014) ‘Survey reveals voters
currency, interest rates, retail prices, when opinion polls signalled the seemingly turn to newspapers for information on
international relations, and so on. remorseless progress of the Yes campaign, Scottish Independence’, 16 October.
mass media was mobilised intensively http://www.news.co.uk/2014/10/survey-
Yet PR attempts to manipulate the by political insiders in both camps in an reveals-voters-turn-to-newspapers-for-
political views of audiences now risk attempt to tip the balance in their favour. information-on-scottish-independence/
backfiring spectacularly. This was Yet traditional forms of mass media – Accessed 3/11/14
illustrated by the Better Together print and broadcast – no longer dominate Robertson, J. (2014) ‘Fairness in the
campaign video ‘The woman that made the public sphere, even if political First Year? BBC and ITV coverage of the
up her mind’, a counter-productive ‘No commentators and journalists continue to Scottish Referendum campaign from
Thanks’ appeal to women voters. A female speak as if it does. Social media became a September 2012 to September 2013’.
actor stands in her kitchen enjoying a cup subversive conduit for information, images http://issuu.com/creative_futur/docs/
of tea but fretting to the camera about and ideas as the political landscape rapidly robertson2014fairnessinthefirstyear
the referendum that her husband is always evolved. Accessed 3/11/14
going on about, even to the children over
breakfast. ‘There’s not much time for me ‘New’ and ‘old’ media appeared to stand
to make a decision and there’s only so in an inverse relationship to each other
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