Ireland's Housing Need & Policy Options: An Overview - Ronan Lyons, Identify Consulting For: Irish Institutional Property August 2020
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Ireland’s Housing Need & Policy Options: An Overview • Ronan Lyons, Identify Consulting • For: Irish Institutional Property • August 2020
Structure • Medium-term Need • Current Context • Policy Options
There are four principal sources of housing demand in any economy – some of which are more responsive to external conditions than others • Four principal sources of housing demand 1. Natural increase: changes in the native-born population, in particular in household-forming cohorts – best measured by comparing the 25-34 year-old female cohort with an older counterpart (e.g. 65-74 or 75-84 year-olds) – largely exogenous to economic conditions 2. Net migration: movement of people into the economy – in Ireland, hugely endogenous to economic conditions 3. Change in household size: determines the number of dwellings given a population – long-run trends largely exogenous but short-run trends hugely depending on housing supply 4. Replacement of obsolescent stock: each year, a small fraction of existing housing falls out of use – this will be higher in economies with greater internal migration (e.g. urbanisation) • These cover all tenure types – owner-occupied, private rental and social • The spread of housing demand within the Irish economy depends on preferences (e.g. urbanisation) but also public policy
The first two sources of demand – natural increase and net migration – currently translate into at least 30,000 homes needed per year Estimated housing demand, by source • 30,000 homes a year are needed to meet likely (population increase only, 000s) population changes alone 60 50 • Natural increase peaked in 2010 and will level off 40 ~17,000 per year by 2020s 30 • Offsetting this is increasingly positive trends in 20 migration 10 • Emigration fell 2010-2014 and each year since 2015 has seen larger numbers of net 0 migrants into Ireland -10 • Official migration projections are relatively simplistic, with a baseline case of 30,000 per -20 year (vs. 34,000 in 2018) 2020s* 2030s* 2019e 1980s 1990s 2000s 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 Natural increase Net migration Total Source: CSO. Notes: Net natural increase is calculated by the difference between 25-34 and 75-84 female cohorts; net migration is converted from persons into 2-person households; projections for 2020s and 2030s based on CSO population projections (including average of M1/M2 scenarios for migration)
The natural increase in the population in Ireland is by far the largest in Europe Natural Change, as percentage of 2017 adult population 1.0% 0.8% 0.6% 0.4% 0.2% 0.0% -0.2% -0.4% -0.6% -0.8% -1.0% Latvia Portugal Spain Hungary Slovenia Cyprus Lithuania Bulgaria Poland Sweden France Netherlands Malta Estonia Romania Italy Czech Rep. Denmark UK Germany Finland Greece Slovakia Ireland Croatia Belgium Austria Luxembourg Source: Eurostat
Net migration has been positive and growing since 2015 – every extra 10,000 migrants require on average 4,000 new dwellings, principally in the cities • Annual gross migration to Ireland between Immigration (I) and emigration (E), by 2010 and 2018 more than doubled from 42,000 to 90,000 year and nationality (000s), 2006-2018 150 • Emigration fell from 80,000 to 56,000 in the same period, resulting in a swing 100 from net emigration of 27,000 in 2010 to net immigration of 34,000 in 2018 50 • The fall in emigration is driven by fewer Irish leaving minus the rise in 0 immigration by more non-EU nationals coming to Ireland -50 • Every additional 10,000 migrants require on -100 average 4,000 dwellings 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 • Non-Irish households have a lower number of people per HH than the Irish (I) UK (I) EU15 (I) NEU (I) average: 2.52 vs. 2.73 in Census 2011 Other (I) Irish (E) UK (E) EU15 (E) NEU (E) Other (E) Net migration Source: Census, CSO; “NEU” refers to new (post-2003) EU Member States
Ireland has Western Europe’s largest average household size – but it has been falling steadily over the last five decades Average household size, by country Average household size in Ireland, (2014) by year 3.0 4.5 4.0 2.5 3.5 2.0 3.0 1.5 2.5 1.0 2.0 0.5 1.5 1.0 0.0 Finland Sweden Spain Greece Austria UK France Ireland Portugal Norway Netherlands Switzerland Italy Denmark Germany Average Belgium Luxembourg 0.5 0.0 1966 1971 1979 1981 1986 1991 1996 2002 2006 2011 Source: Hypostat 2016; Census of ireland (various issues)
Two thirds of the growth in Irish households since 1996 has been 1-2 person households, who now form the majority of households in Ireland Number of households (000s), • The number of Irish households grew by by size and Census year 50% between the 1996 and 2016 Censuses – 1,800 from 1.1m to 1.7m 75 1,600 • Of the 580,000 new households, two thirds (390,000) were one or two person 1,400 households 1,200 741 • This represented 80% growth, from 1,000 120 0.5m to 0.9m households 800 • 1-2 person households have increased 505 from 44% to 52% of all households in 600 Ireland 400 886 499 • A further 40,000 new households were 200 ‘crammer’ households 0 1996 2016 1-2 persons 3-5 persons 6+ persons Source: Census of Ireland (various editions)
Average household size rose between the 2011 and 2016 Censuses – but this was driven by scarcity rather than demographics • In the 2016 Census, the average household Irish households, by type, 2011-2016 size in Ireland was 2.75, up from 2.73 in 2011 100% • This was not driven by a baby boom 90% • Households with children made up 63% 80% of the population in 2011 but just 48% of the population growth 2011-2016 70% • ‘Crammers’ (households with unrelated 60% "Crammers" parties) made up 15% of the 2011 50% With others population, but 35% of the 2011-2016 With children growth 40% No children • In order to fall to 2.6 – in line with recent 30% trends – Ireland would have required an 20% extra 120,000 dwellings 10% 0% 2011 population 2011-2016 growth Source: Census of Ireland (various editions)
Household growth 2011-2016 was driven by three groups: older no-children households in rural locations, families in towns, and ‘crammers’ in Dublin Change in number of households, by broad type and size, 2011-2016 25,000 20,000 15,000 "Crammers" 10,000 Families 5,000 No kids 0 -5,000 Dublin Other Cities Towns Rural Source: Census of Ireland (various editions)
‘Crammer’ households keep household size high – demographics imply a true household size in 2016 closer to 2.4, requiring an additional 217,000 households Household size, actual and calculated from demographics, by region (and implied housing need), 2016 3.00 2.91 90,000 Average household size, 2.69 2.67 2.75 2.60 2.59 implied by demographics 2.45 2.44 2.50 2.26 2.22 75,000 2.00 60,000 Actual average household size (2016 Census) 1.50 45,000 1.00 30,000 Estimated dwellings 0.50 15,000 required to achieve demographic household 0.00 0 size (RHS) Dublin Other Cities Towns Rural State Source: Calculations, based on Census of Ireland (various editions)
If Ireland’s average household size converges to the European average, it will create major demand, especially for homes for smaller households Number of extra dwellings required (000s) for a • Even with a fixed population, a population of 4.8m, for different average household rise in the fraction of 1-2 person sizes (relative to 2.7) households creates demand for a significant number of new 350 dwellings 300 • Relative to a 2.7 average 250 household size, a population of 200 4.8m with an average household size of 2.5 requires 142,000 extra 150 dwellings 100 • This is the equivalent of 11 50 years construction output at 2015 rates 0 2.9 2.8 2.7 2.6 2.5 2.4 2.3 • Convergence to EU average -50 of 2.3 would require an -100 additional 300,000 dwellings -150 Source: Author calculations
On demographics, the overall picture is clear: Dublin has a relatively homogenous housing stock that is ill-suited to meeting the diverse needs of its residents • In total, Dublin is missing roughly 125,000 Households by number of persons and related multifamily apartment dwellings dwelling stock (000s), 2016 1000 • The Greater Dublin Area is home to ~360k 900 households of 1-2 persons but has just 800 ~230k dwellings of for 1-2 person- 418 Other households 700 600 • In contrast, it has a surplus of ~100k family 674 323 homes, given its population structure 500 422 3-5 persons 400 / • The mismatch is even larger outside GDA: 5-9 rooms between 250k and 300k units 300 529 200 1-2 persons • Within multifamily, there is a need at all lifecycle 232 358 233 / 100 stages – from student accommodation to 1-4 rooms assisted living 0 Dwellings Dwellings Households Households • The largest gap likely relates to housing workers, including those moving to Ireland from overseas, both long- and short-stay GDA Ex-GDA Source: Calculations, based on Census of Ireland
Ireland is a laggard in urbanisation – but as it continues to urbanise, this will concentrate housing demand in and around its largest cities • Urbanisation is at the heart of economic growth Urbanisation rates, 1960-2016 by • Cities allow specialisation (more productive country labour) and agglomeration (more productive 1960-2016 change 100 capital and land) 1960 urbanization 90 • Density also allows cheaper utilities and a 80 wider variety of public/private services 70 • Since 1960, the fraction of people in high-income 60 countries living in cities has risen from ~60% to 50 ~80% 40 • Ireland is only now at 64%, having been at 46% 30 in 1960 20 • Over the coming half-century, this is likely to 10 increase to at least 80%, creating significant 0 demand for urban housing Canada Spain OECD Finland UK Japan Greece France Iceland Ireland Norway Italy Portugal Netherlands USA Belgium Luxembourg Denmark Australia Germany Source: World urbanisation Prospects, 2016
Ireland’s labour market is as urbanised as other high-income countries – meaning its under-urbanisation reflects inadequate housing close to cities Inequality curves of place of residence and work, Ireland 100% (2016) 90% Top 20% of Census districts account for: Cumulative total of 80% • 83% of work – in line with urbanisation rates elsewhere in the 70% high-income world population • 65% of residents – Ireland’s low 60% urbanisation rate 50% Equality 40% 30% Residence 20% Work/School 10% 0% 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% How to read this chart: Cumulative total of census districts Most densely populated 20% of On the horizontal axis, going from 0% up gives the total Census districts (i.e. Irish cities) fraction of workers or residents in the bottom x% of Census districts. For example, going to 40% on the horizontal axis, the bottom 40% of Census districts account for less than 5% of workers – but almost 10% of residents. Source: Calculations, based on Census of Ireland POWSCAR 2016
Related to urbanisation, obsolescence also creates housing need – with Ireland’s dwellings skewed to older/rural stock, over 10,000 homes are needed each year to keep stock constant • Almost two thirds of Ireland’s stock of Ireland’s Dwelling Stock, by Age dwellings is in rural locations 70% • Ireland is experiencing delayed 60% urbanisation – one that is being spatially skewed by land-use restrictions 50% • 150,000 households (9%) live in dwellings 40% that are 100+ years old • 6.3% of Ireland’s dwellings are buildings 30% 100+ years old in rural locations 20% • If 5% of old urban stock and 10% of old rural stock falls obsolete annually, ~13,000 to 10% “stand still” 0% Urban Rural Pre-1919 1919-1945 1946-1960 1961-1970 1971-1980 1981-1990 1991-2000 2001-2005 2006+ NS Source: Census; “NS” = Not Stated
For 2020-2025, demand for housing nationwide is likely to be 47,000 per year – compared to a target of 25,000 per year in Ireland 2040 • Available evidence suggests underlying Source State GDA housing demand of 47,000 homes per year • This covers all elements of demand, Obsolescence 8,000 2,500 including owner-occupied, rental and social housing Headship 12,500 5,000 • While 25%+ social is common in many countries, it seems unlikely that more than Natural Increase 18,500 7,400 10% of new construction will be social • Major policy reforms, e.g. implementing Net Migration 8,000 3,200 cost-rental, could change this • Of the remainder, current trends suggest Total 47,000 18,100 that ~60% (28,000) are needed for owner- occupancy, with the other 30% (14,000) for rental Rounded estimates of new units required in Ireland and in Greater Dublin area, per year, 2020-2025 Assumptions: 0.4% obsolescence, a fall in household size to 2.5 by 2035, and natural increase (as defined by 25/34-75/84 cohort difference) of 18,000 and net migration averaging 20,000 per year (in 2.5 person households due to dwelling mix)
Structure • Medium-term Need • Current Context • Policy Options
After roughly six years of strong inflation, sale prices in Ireland have now stabilised, having risen by >50% but remaining ~30% below 2007 peak levels Average sale price, by market National sale price inflation €500,000 8% 20% Quarterly €450,000 6% 15% Annual €400,000 4% 10% €350,000 €300,000 2% 5% €250,000 0% 0% €200,000 €150,000 -2% -5% €100,000 -4% -10% €50,000 -6% -15% €0 2006q1 2008q1 2010q1 2012q1 2014q1 2016q1 2018q1 2020q1 -8% -20% 2006q2 2007q2 2008q2 2009q2 2010q2 2011q2 2012q2 2013q2 2014q2 2015q2 2016q2 2017q2 2018q2 2019q2 2020q2 National Dublin Other cities Leinster Munster Connacht-Ulster Source: Analysis of Daft.ie Report
The ending of sale price inflation comes as the stock and flow of properties available has increased significantly in recent quarters Flow of sale listings during quarter, Stock available to sell, by region by market, since 2007 20000 8000 35,000 18000 Rest of Country 7000 30,000 16000 6000 Rest of Leinster 14000 25,000 5000 Dublin 12000 10000 4000 20,000 8000 3000 15,000 6000 2000 10,000 4000 2000 1000 5,000 0 0 0 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019 2020 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019 2020 Leinster Munster Conn-U Dublin (RHS) Other (RHS) Source: Analysis of Daft.ie Report
Rent inflation has slowed in 2019, but rents have risen for 29 consecutive quarters, nearly doubling in total and 35% higher than the previous peak Average monthly rental price, by market National rental price inflation 8% 20% €2,500 Quarterly 6% 15% Annual €2,000 4% 10% €1,500 2% 5% €1,000 0% 0% -2% -5% €500 -4% -10% €0 -6% -15% 2006q1 2008q1 2010q1 2012q1 2014q1 2016q1 2018q1 2020q1 National Dublin Other cities -8% -20% 2006q2 2007q2 2008q2 2009q2 2010q2 2011q2 2012q2 2013q2 2014q2 2015q2 2016q2 2017q2 2018q2 2019q2 2020q2 Leinster Munster Connacht-Ulster Source: Analysis of Daft.ie Report
In the private rental market, availability remains at extremely low levels Flow of rental listings during quarter, Stock available to rent, by region by market, since 2007 4500 9000 50,000 Rest of Country 4000 8000 45,000 Rest of Leinster 3500 7000 40,000 Dublin 3000 6000 35,000 2500 5000 30,000 2000 4000 25,000 20,000 1500 3000 15,000 1000 2000 10,000 500 1000 5,000 0 0 0 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019 2020 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019 2020 Munster Conn-U Dublin (RHS) Other Leinster (RHS) Source: Analysis of Daft.ie Report
The overwhelming evidence from both sale and rental markets in Dublin is that availability is the key determinant of subsequent price changes: supply matters Scatterplot of Dublin sale listings Scatterplot of Dublin rental listings and quarterly changes in sale and quarterly changes in rents, prices, 2006-2019 y = -0%x + 11% 2006-2019 y = -0%x + 7% R² = 76% 10% 10% R² = 59% Quarterly change in Dublin sale prices Quarterly change in Dublin rents 8% 8% 6% 6% 4% 4% 2% 2% 0% 0% -2% -2% -4% -4% -6% -6% -8% -8% 1500 3000 4500 6000 7500 1500 3000 4500 6000 7500 Stock on Dublin sale market, 1st day of quarter Stock on Dublin rental market, 1st day of quarter Source: Analysis of Daft.ie Report
But since the crash, supply (of all forms) has been inadequate – and recent improvements still fall short of underlying demand (47,000 per year) New dwellings commenced, by local authority and month 5000 5000 4500 4500 Estimated 4000 4000 monthly 3500 3500 demand 3000 3000 Ex-GDA 2500 2500 GDA 2000 2000 Demand (40k) 1500 1500 Demand (50k) 1000 1000 500 500 0 0 2015III 2016III 2017III 2018III 2019III 2015IV 2016IV 2017IV 2018IV 2019IV 2015I 2016I 2017I 2018I 2019I 2015II 2016II 2017II 2018II 2019II Source: Analysis of Census, CSO and Department of Housing figures
Ireland’s housing is out of line not only with its own demographics, but also compared to all other European countries, where typically 50% of dwellings are apartments Fraction of dwellings in apartments Italy Spain Switzerland Iceland Finland Germany Austria Sweden UK Greece France Portugal Denmark Norway Belgium Netherlands Ireland 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70%
Significantly higher gross yields on homes for smaller households highlight the concentration of future demand in 1 or 2 bedroom homes Average gross yield for residential real estate, mid-2019, by property size and location 14% 12% 10% 8% 6% 1-bed 2-bed 4% 3-bed 2% 4-bed 0% Tipperary Wicklow Donegal Dublin 5 Dublin 9 Dublin 7 Dublin 8 Dublin 1 Dublin 3 Dublin 6W Dublin 2 Dublin 6 Dublin 4 Monaghan Waterford City North Dub South Dub Offaly Dublin 17 Dublin 22 Dublin 10 Dublin 24 Dublin 11 Dublin 15 Dublin 12 Dublin 20 Dublin 13 Dublin 16 Dublin 18 Dublin 14 Cork Co Longford Galway Co Clare Kerry Limerick City Kildare West Dub Westmeath Leitrim Wexford Laois Kilkenny Galway City Louth Waterford Co Meath Carlow Roscommon Cavan Sligo Cork City Mayo Limerick Co Source: Analysis of Daft.ie Report; Markets are sorted from left to right by the 2019Q2 price of a 3-bed semi-detached property Note: gross yield calculated as the annual rent divided by the capital value, for particular property type-location combinations
Little evidence that Dublin’s population share is too big – smaller populations mean bigger share in largest city Share of population in largest city, European countries (n=42) 100% y = -144%ln(x) + 423% Malta R² = 60% Norway 80% Denmark Luxembourg Ireland (Rep) 60% Finland Ireland (Island) 40% Germany, Turkey 20% 0% 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 13 = 0.4m Population in logs 19 =178m Source: Author calculations, based on jakubmarian.com, Wikipedia/CIA World Factbook
In fact, Dublin has gone from largest importer to largest exporter of people within Ireland – with consequences for commuting and quality of life Net difference between population by county Fraction of commuters with a ‘long of birth and county of residence (000s) commute’ by distance/time 50% 250 45% 200 40% 150 100 35% % travelling 16km or more 50 30% 25% % travelling 30 0 minutes or -50 20% more -100 15% -150 10% 1996 2002 2006 2011 2016 -200 5% Dublin Kildare, Meath Rest of Munster Connacht- 0% & Wicklow Leinster Ulster 1981 1986 1991 1996 2002 2006 2011 2016 Source: Author calculations, based on various issues of the Irish census
The location of new housing supply has been inadequate, with the emergence of a 100% Dublin housing price premium in recent decades Dublin/Rural Ireland housing price premium 120% 100% 80% 60% 40% 20% 0% 1970 1971 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019 2020 Unweighted average New to 2nd hand Listings (adjusted) Rents (adjusted) Source: Author calculations, based on Department of Housing statistics (1970-2005) and Daft.ie Report (2006-2019)
And the mix of new housing supply has been inadequate, with the new homes built increasingly out of sync with Ireland’s household structure Number of households (000s), New dwellings completed in by size and Census year Ireland, 1996-2015 (thousands) 2,000 63 1,800 1,600 75 125 675k smaller 680 228 homes needed, 1,400 741 175k delivered 1,200 120 215 vs. 1,000 175k larger 800 505 homes needed, 237 600 1171 53 675k delivered 400 886 200 499 0 Urban/GDA apts Urban/GDA houses 1996 2016 2016* Rural apts Rural one-offs 1-2 persons 3-5 persons 6+ persons Other rural Source: Author calculations, based on CSO Census and Dept of Environment/Housing statistics
In recent years, affordability has deteriorated, with rent and sale prices rising faster than incomes. Average rent to average income Average FTB house price to average income 40% 10 9 35% 8 30% 7 25% 6 20% 5 15% 4 3 10% 3-bedroom house in West Dublin, two 2 5% incomes 1 Double-room in Dublin, one income 0% 0 1997Q1 1998Q1 1999Q1 2000Q1 2001Q1 2002Q1 2003Q1 2004Q1 2005Q1 2006Q1 2007Q1 2008Q1 2009Q1 2010Q1 2011Q1 2012Q1 2013Q1 2014Q1 2015Q1 2016Q1 2017Q1 2018Q1 2019Q1 1997Q1 1997Q4 1998Q3 1999Q2 2000Q1 2000Q4 2001Q3 2002Q2 2003Q1 2003Q4 2004Q3 2005Q2 2006Q1 2006Q4 2007Q3 2008Q2 2009Q1 2009Q4 2010Q3 2011Q2 2012Q1 2012Q4 2013Q3 2014Q2 2015Q1 2015Q4 2016Q3 2017Q2 2018Q1 2018Q4 2019Q3 Source: Analysis of CSO, OECD, PTSB and Daft.ie figures
However, supply is determined by viability, not affordability – and viability is extremely challenging for apartments in Ireland • For apartments in Dublin, construction costs are €225,000 per unit excluding site costs and land • Costs rise to over €300,000 when legal, planning and finance costs are included (details are shown on the graphic) • The addition of land, VAT, levies and equity sees the final cost rise to over €460,000 Source: Dublin Residential Cost Benchmark (2020) by Linesight construction consultants for IIP 32
One of the main reasons supply of new apartments has been so weak is that total construction costs in Ireland are high by international standards Listed cost, per m2 of internal space, of building mid-rise, medium-spec apartments, by city and year €3,000 €2,500 €2,000 €1,500 €1,000 €500 €0 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019 2020e 2021f Toronto Munich Dublin Amsterdam Warsaw Madrid Belfast Edinburgh Source: Analysis of Turner & Townsend International Construction Market Survey, various issues
Build costs for suburban homes (excluding land, government tax and developer’s profit) are between €2,100 and €3,000 approx. per square metre. Apartments are more expensive to build than houses. Build cost per m2 of suburban housing, by type in 2020 Q1 Construction Sales and marketing Suburban apartment Planning, professional fees, compliance Development staff, legal and administration Contingency Part V costs Suburban townhouse Finance and banking Irish Water and utility connections €0 €500 €1,000 €1,500 €2,000 €2,500 €3,000 €3,500 Source and notes: Figures based on analysis provided by Linesight to IIP for dwellings with 100m2 gross floor area (83m2 nett floor area for apartment dwelling types). Figures exclude site acquisition costs, cost of equity capital/profit, and tax, as well as costs relating to any abnormal ground conditions or contamination. For City Centre / Complex Build cost may be up to 20-40% higher depending on site conditions, height, specification and the like. Other assumptions available on request.
Looking ahead, permissions data suggest that new estate houses will continue to come on to the market in 2020 and 2021 and, from 2021, apartments too. But level of supply far behind projected demand. Dwellings completed and units granted Pipeline of new apartments (as of permission (lagged), by quarter and type of mid-2019) 5,000 housing 14,000 4,000 12,000 3,000 10,000 2,000 8,000 6,000 1,000 4,000 0 2,000 2011Q1 2012Q1 2013Q1 2014Q1 2015Q1 2016Q1 2017Q1 2018Q1 2019Q1 2020Q1 2021Q1 2022Q1 0 Completions - one-off Completions - estate Dublin City South Dublin North Dublin Cork Completions - apartments Planning - one-off (+2Q) Under construction Planning consented Planning - estate (+6Q) Planning - apartments (10-12Q) Planning submitted Pre-planning Level of supply far behind projected demand Source: Analysis of CSO and Department of Housing figures; LIV Consulting
Structure • Medium-term Need • Current Context • Policy Options
Ireland has a persistent underlying medium-term need for significant additional housing – 47,000 units per year, concentrated in smaller urban homes • To recap, there are four main sources of housing demand • Two relate to a growing population - natural increase and net migration • The other two are household size and obsolescence • The four sources combine to create a new for 47,000 new housing units per year • The bulk of new homes needed are: (1) for smaller households and (2) are concentrated in and near the main cities • There are three main segments in the housing system: owner-occupied, private rental and social housing • The owner-occupied sector looks largely in balance, with a significant increase in construction since 2015 meaning that supply appears to be meeting demand • The other sectors, however, still look chronically under-supplied and account for the majority of the ~25,000-unit shortfall between completions and underlying need
Higher up-front costs for smaller homes in or near cities mean there is a tension between viability (sale/rental prices exceeding costs) and affordability (prices being in line with incomes) • Construction costs in Ireland are very high, compared both to average local incomes and to costs in other jurisdictions • The latest evidence is that, for a 2-bed apartment in Dublin’s outer city / suburbs, all-in build costs are approximately €300,000 for a 83m2 home • If it is a city centre / complex build, the same 2-bed apartment could cost up to 20-40% higher depending on site conditions, height, specification and the like • Without public subsidy, these costs are borne by the ultimate occupants in the sale or rental price • In other words, high construction costs present a challenge between viability and affordability • The higher costs are, the less affordable new homes will be • The higher costs are, the higher the break-even rent denoting viability • Very high construction costs require urgent addressing by policymakers – but, even with political will, it is unlikely to be fixed within 3-5 years • ‘Soft costs’ of construction – including taxes – may be easier to change quickly than ‘hard costs’, such as labour and materials
The importance of financial and environmental sustainability places significant constraints on government policies to boost housing supply • The Celtic Tiger bubble/crash episode provides a stark warning about the potential consequences of getting around high construction costs through increasing leverage • The typical deposit paid by a first-time buyer fell from 25% in 2000 to less than 5% by 2006 – with a dramatic increase in the ratio of mortgage credit to household income • The subsequent dramatic rise and fall in property prices has led to the adoption of Central Bank rules that limit the leverage individual households can take on for property purchase • At the same time, the move towards energy self-sufficiency to address the climate challenge affects the potential to reduce build costs • Nearly Zero Energy Building (NZEB) standards impose up-front costs for significant future benefits • This creates a capital market policy puzzle: if the amount of debt an individual household can taken on is capped, how will investment take place in assets with high social returns, such as NZEB?
In the context of high costs, rent controls would have serious negative consequences for new supply – a cost-rental approach is recommended instead for alleviating this burden • Ireland’s housing context over coming decades will be defined by the climate challenge, demographic change, and the drive towards greener, denser living • Private rental and social rental will be central modes of tenure in meeting Ireland’s substantial housing needs over coming decades • Those housing needs will also be increasingly differentiated over the life-cycle, from purpose-built student and co-living accommodation for younger households to independent and assisted living complexes for older households • Given high costs, controls on rent levels for newly built homes will significantly exacerbate the shortage of non-owner-occupier housing • Policy should instead focus on cost-rental schemes. (Cost rental is a mechanism whereby rent covers the cost of construction and long-term maintenance only. Building on state land can further reduce the cost). • If home ownership remains a policy priority, then Shared Equity and Shared Ownership housing schemes are also open to policymakers
Where home-ownership is a policy priority, two further policy options are Shared Equity Housing and Shared Ownership Housing
Ireland’s Housing Need & Policy Options: Conclusion • This report has examined Ireland’s housing need and the policy options available to meet that need • The composition of housing need in the medium-term will likely be driven by three factors: (i) falling household size (ii) urbanisation and (iii) environment sustainability • All three factors imply a need for much greater diversity of housing options, especially for smaller households in and close to Ireland’s major cities • The current context is one of strong demand and, with the exception of owner-occupied housing for larger households, continuing weak supply • The lack of responsiveness of new supply is ultimately a product of high construction costs, with viability (the price-cost ratio) well above normal levels of affordability (the price-income ratio) for most households and areas • In addition to reducing costs, policy options include cost-rental, shared ownership and shared equity schemes
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