Haiti: An Ethnographic Study of the Effects of International Aid on Haitian Life

Reinvention: an International Journal of Undergraduate Research 14:1 (2021)

Haiti: An Ethnographic Study of the Effects of
International Aid on Haitian Life
Wai Chung Tse, Monash University School of Medicine

Lamia Makkar, Haiti: Hands On, Haiti

Abstract

Haiti has seen an increasing number of non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and
intergovernmental organisations (IGOs) providing structural and emergency aid in
times of con ict and natural disasters (Laillet, 2020). This was intensi ed in 2010
when Haiti regained international attention from a ravaging earthquake that shook its
core. This ethnographic study analyses the effects of NGOs and IGOs a decade after
this natural disaster. We attempt to venture beyond the statistical evidence grounding
most analyses provided by NGOs and IGOs to reveal perspectives from individual
Haitians who have been impacted by the policies and decisions of these organisations.
In doing so, we examine the local standard of living, the infrastructure and the social
dynamics through four in-person interviews conducted in their respective geographic
locations. These interviews set a basis for a discussion and examination of
organisations’ allocation, dependency on the organisation and the sustainability of an
action once an organisation has decreased its input. The voices of local Haitians reveal
that the profound yet subtle impacts under-represented in narratives are crucial to
understanding the day-to-day challenges faced despite foreign aid. We conclude that
Haitians face a stasis of social mobility, despite the copious work done by aid
organisations that is often inconsistent and misaligned with the needs of Haitians.

Keywords: Haiti, foreign aid, sustainability, non-governmental organisations (NGO),
intergovernmental organisations (IGO), ethnography

Introduction

In times of crisis, non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and intergovernmental
organisations (IGOs) are a critical foundation for relief efforts. For Haiti – a Caribbean
country with an intricate past – NGOs and IGOs have played a key role in the nation’s
recent history. Before the 2010 earthquake, the UN conservatively estimated that there

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were already up to 10,000 NGOs established in the country (Edmonds, 2013: 2),
earning the country the moniker the ‘Republic of NGOs’ (Farmer, 2011: 4). Since then,
the number of organisations has surged – particularly following the 2010 earthquake,
which killed an estimated 220,000 people and displaced another 1.5 million (UN
Peacekeeping, 2018). Although considered ‘the worst national disaster in the history
of the Western hemisphere’ (Birrell, 2012), this event gave Haiti the rare opportunity
to rebuild and transform itself. The impressive international response to the
earthquake saw over $2 billion donated to charities and another $6 billion pledged by
governments and institutions (Birrell, 2012). However, despite the expectations from
international bodies and Haitians alike that organisations would provide relief and
stability for Haiti, the presence of NGOs and IGOs has instead aggravated violence,
sexual assault and wealth disparity within the nation (Beeton, 2012). Following the
earthquake, ‘the dysfunctional system of humanitarian aid … good intentions aside,
has become another obstacle to Haiti’s recovery and sovereignty’ (Farmer, 2011: 4).
Haiti remains in stasis, seemingly unable to escape from the rubble it found itself in a
decade ago. This incongruity between expectation and reality of foreign intervention
highlights the severe effects that organisations have had on Haitian life.

Historical context

Throughout the late twentieth century, when Haiti’s leadership changed frequently –
in part by the hand of US interventions – political and social life was left unstable and
vulnerable. Consequently, Haitian agricultural industries – the cornerstone of the
Haitian economy – were unsupported by the government and became especially
vulnerable to foreign actors. When the incumbent president-deemed-dictator Jean
Claude ‘Baby Doc’ Duvalier was exiled and replaced by General Henri Namphy’s
military rule, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) pressured Namphy to cut rice
tariffs that protected the local agricultural industry. The competition between foreign
imports with heavy subsidies and local produce hindered local farmers, resulting in a
signi cant diminishment of the agricultural workforce as they moved to cities in
search of income (Kushner, 2012).

This large in ux of a formally rural population, coupled with unemployment and
Haiti’s political instability, led to the coup d’état of Jean-Bertrand Aristide in 2004.
However, given the copious resources in Haiti owned by the American government and
nationals, instability in Haiti was unacceptable for US interests. This instigated the
intervention of the UN Peacekeeping Force in Haiti, (MINUSTAH) under the premise of

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maintaining peace and security, which was later dissolved and replaced with the
United Nations Mission for Justice Support in Haiti (MINUJUSTH) in 2018 (United
Nations Security Council, 2018). Before Haiti had a chance to salvage its economy and
restructure its leadership, the 2010 7.0 magnitude earthquake devastated the country.
Instability within the Haitian government, coupled with a lack of agricultural produce,
rendered the nation unsustainable on its own and perpetuated recurring international
intervention (Panchang, 2016).

Rationale for foreign intervention

Although the Haitian government is arguably more stable and structured now
compared to 2004, internal corruption remains (Moreno et al., 2012). Haiti
additionally continues to be confronted by challenges, including over-population in
the capital, Port-au-Prince, and violence incited by urban poverty and high
unemployment (Congressional Research Service 2020; Justesen and Verner 2007;
Marcelin, 2015). Although foreign governments are often a prominent source of
funding for aid organisations, many nd developing governments such as Haiti’s to be
frequently corrupt. As such, the funds pledged to aid the people rarely end up in the
hands of those who need it; instead, they were never delivered, mismanaged by foreign
organisations or used by government of cials for extravagant lifestyles
disproportionate to the commonwealth (Moreno et al., 2012). With the redirection of
funding towards aid organisations, there lacks a united coordination to direct funding
and aid towards priority areas requested by local need (Laillet, 2020).

Following the earthquake, large foreign aid organisations provided immediate relief to
locals in the form of emergency aid such as food, water and shelter. For the purposes
of this paper, the term ‘foreign aid’ is used to describe the large international
humanitarian relief organisations focused on aid in post-disaster (environmental,
human, political and other) contexts. Although some of the stated challenges exist in
local, grass-roots, bottom-up and structural development organisations and projects,
the discussion of these is beyond the scope of this study, given their key features and
methods that differentiate them from large international relief NGOs and IGOs. While
emergency aid is crucial to survival in times of humanitarian crisis, they are often
unsustainable, and their persistence beyond times of crisis creates dependency
(Beeton, 2012; Birrell, 2012). The transition from urgent emergency aid to longer-term
development, however, has not been clear in Haiti, with many foreign aid
organisations persisting beyond the immediate crisis and attempting to take on the

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role of development organisations and government bodies. This ineffective planning
and impractical execution results in minimal development, while also creating new
threats to the Haitian people (The Lancet, 2016). Consequently, not only are many
foreign aid organisations funded to continue unsustainable aid but also projects that
are sustainable fall short of their expectations due to poor planning and management,
and a top-down approach that does not recognise and address the needs of the
supposed bene ciaries. This revelation within academic communities has led to
scholarly research focused on the intent and effects of aid organisations in Haiti.

Intent and effects of aid

Scholars, including Beeton and Panchang, are sceptical of the intent of aid
organisations in the country. Haiti has become extremely dependent on international
organisations – most notably peacekeeping groups, organisations distributing food
and water, and public health groups – as they provide services that its own
government cannot (Pilinger et al., 2016). When these organisations depart, they leave
behind gaps of basic needs that the government is unequipped to ll. This large
dependency on organisations thus creates an unequal power dynamic between the
government and aid organisations, allowing the latter to have seemingly free rein in
Haiti and ostensibly having the power to execute its own agenda on a foreign state. It
is commonly known within local development circles that the large majority of
international organisations operating in Haiti are not registered locally, which further
limits oversight and cooperation between the government and aid organisations.
Beeton (2012) even claims that organisations such as the UN are there for their own
gain, pro ting off Haiti’s misfortune. Despite MINUSTAH’s large budget of $1 billion
per year (United Nations Security Council, 2017), most of its resources are spent
maintaining its peacekeeping force. Further, money devoted to aid organisations is
often not reinvested into the Haitian economy to create jobs and infrastructure.
Instead, resources like MINUSTAH’s are often spent hiring foreign staff and importing
vehicles to Haiti and projects requiring construction are led by foreign companies with
minimum wage jobs given to local Haitians (Panchang, 2016). These socio-economic
hierarchies reveal why Haiti is so pro table for aid organisations, as they attempt to
bolster their own country’s economies (Beeton, 2012).

Limitations of current research

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While there are numerous NGOs and IGOs operating in Haiti, research thus far has
primarily centred around the ineffective structures and effects of the UN’s
intervention through observational and statistical analyses (Beeton, 2012; James,
2010; Panchang, 2016; The Lancet, 2006; The Lancet, 2016).

Accurate evidence of the inef cacy of international organisations has been dif cult to
attain as language barriers, power dynamics and scholar bias hinder data collection.
James (2010) reveals the challenges faced during data collection with Haitians who
faced mental and physical trauma, including falsi ed accounts. The exchange of
personal narratives from Haitians for aid has driven both organisations and Haitians to
misrepresent reality, highlighting the disproportionate power dynamics in aid that
manifest in a coercion of the recipients’ voices.

Panchang (2016) echoes this sentiment through his criticism of the 2010 cholera
outbreak being blamed on Haitians, despite copious evidence showing that Nepalese
UN peacekeepers caused the outbreak at their Mirebalais base (Chin et al. 2011). The
media commonly depicts Haitians as unable to maintain sanitary and healthy living
environments. This inaccurate depiction presents a façade to the international
community of Haiti’s helplessness without international intervention and, in turn,
further perpetuates the justi cation for continued aid efforts.

Scholars have also turned to statistical data in hopes of minimising subjectivity and
scholarly bias, involving quantitative analysis focusing on the criticism of large, well-
known organisations such as the UN (Beeton, 2012; The Lancet, 2006; The Lancet,
2016). However, beyond statistical data, unreported accounts may go unexplained or
without context, resulting in the misattribution of blame towards social phenomena
and groups.

Consequently, we investigate the effects of non-UN international aid on Haitians in
both rural and urban settings with a focus on portraying the challenges and realities
faced by Haitians in both contexts.

Methodology

Data was collected through semi-structured interviews and observational research.
This study was conducted as an ethnography, given the pressing need to add local
experiences to the larger discussion of the ef cacy of international aid and to
supplement the current statistical data that makes up the majority of current

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evaluations of Haitian aid. By centring Haitian voices, this study aims to highlight the
effects of foreign aid on Haitian life.

Through the contacts and network of a local organisation, Haiti: Hands On, we
travelled to different disadvantaged communities in Port-au-Prince and two rural
villages, Terre Froide and Jean Jean (Figure 1). We interviewed community
representatives of their own communities and used convenience sampling through
contacts in the Haiti: Hands On network. The former is near Fonds-Verrettes and the
latter near Léogâne, both of which are located in the south-east and south-west of
Port-au-Prince, respectively. In Terre Froide, we interviewed a family and observed
them in their daily lives as well as visited two schools and one clinic in surrounding
communities. Although participant observation was conducted in Jean Jean, an
unexpected community accident prevented us from being able to complete our
planned interviews.

     Figure 1: Map of interview sites in Haiti.

Our observations and interviews in urban settings centred around the greater Port-au-
Prince area, including wealthy areas such as Pétion-Ville and less developed areas
such as Canapé Vert and Croix-des-Bouquets. In all, we interviewed a housekeeper in
Pétion-Ville, two members of the Terre Froide community and a Haitian NGO worker

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in Canapé Vert, all ranging in age and gender. All four interviews were conducted in
Creole with the presence of a translator and notes transcribed by summary. Our
observations included those from different areas and informal conversations
exchanged between Haitians, NGO workers and foreign travellers. This study is in-
keeping with the American Anthropological Association code of ethics and approved
by Haiti: Hands On. Verbal, informed consent for interviews was obtained in Creole.
The interviewees’ names were deidenti ed for con dentiality purposes.

Discussion

Impacts of aid organisations on Haitian Life

Who gets what?

In times of natural disasters and con ict-related emergencies, communities without
adequate infrastructure and support systems are left most vulnerable. These impacts
are especially pronounced in Haiti, where many communities are isolated
geographically with poor infrastructure. Chedeline – a housekeeper working in Pétion-
Ville – grew up in Jérémie, a rural community near the south of Haiti and moved to the
capital 15 years ago in search of opportunities better than agricultural work. When
Hurricane Matthew struck in 2016, impacting mainly the Southern part of Haiti, her
parents’ house and agricultural produce in Jérémie were destroyed. Chedeline’s
parents became dependent on her income in the capital to support them.

Despite Hurricane Matthew’s ravaging impact on communities such as Jérémie in the
south of Haiti, Chedeline does not recall any international aid being offered to her
parents’ community. She recounted that, after the hurricane, roads connecting to the
south of Haiti became inaccessible and hazardous. As a result, aid organisations
instead focused on the more easily accessible communities, despite being less
impacted. However, since it was paramount for Chedeline to provide safe shelter for
her parents regardless of whether aid to Jérémie was available, she not only had to
purchase materials to rebuild their house, but also pay for transportation to move
materials from the capital to their community. This situation indicates a discrepancy
of aid distribution based on geographic accessibility, regardless of the level of impact.

There are communities in Haiti that have been aided by NGOs in times of
humanitarian crisis. In Terre Froide, a rural community in the east, we interviewed
Emmanuel, a farmer who has lived in the community since 1984. He recounted the

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times his community was af icted by natural disasters. In times of drought, like the
spell from 2011 to 2015, an NGO came to their aid and occasionally – yet
inconsistently – provided water for their crops and animals. Even though Terre Froide
did receive aid, its erratic delivery did not provide the community with the resources to
recover fully.

The issues presented by Chedeline and Emmanuel highlight the lack of consistent aid
outside the capital, where many aid organisations have been concentrated since 2010
(Beeton, 2012). The vast presence of aid and funding within Haiti should suggest that
aid should arrive in places of need at a duly time, thus highlighting problems lying not
in resources or funding, but in the delivery of aid. However, many NGOs and IGOs
present in Haiti are developmental and have limited capacity for providing emergency
aid to communities in times of crisis. That being said, the uncertain presence of such
aid in communities beyond the capital remains concerning for emergency or
developmental aid.

Food, shelter and water are basic necessities. In Chedeline’s case, the dangerous roads,
which were damaged by the hurricane, did not impede her from nding a way to
provide these necessities for her parents. The irony is that the work promised by aid
organisations – the entire reason they are in Haiti in the rst place – often falls in the
hands of already vulnerable family members who are placed in even more precarious
situations by virtue of helping. This highlights the false promises made to Haitians by
these organisations by their very presence in the country. As many such crises result in
the loss of life, or leave even those with comparative means, like Chedeline, unable to
support their families, the reliance on immediate or extended family thus becomes
impossible.

This failure by organisations to provide aid to Jérémie, despite their signi cant
funding, underlines The Lancet Global Health’s criticism (2016) on the ineffectiveness
of aid organisations in providing Haitians with adequate and timely support during
humanitarian crises. However, this disparity of aid not only suggests that NGOs decide
aid based on a community’s accessibility, but also implies that the intent of certain aid
organisations may be to provide aid that is most economical and ef cient for the
organisation. This further corroborates Beeton’s suggestion that these international
organisations are using funds to further their own organisational and national
economies (Beeton, 2012), and they are sustaining their presence by selectively
choosing economical and accessible communities to show donors that they are, in fact,
doing meaningful work in Haiti.

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Transience of aid

Although aid organisations have been present in Terre Froide, Emmanuel noted that
most would be inconsistent and would never stay for long periods of time for
continued support of the issues they faced. While aid organisations have supplied
water for farmers like Emmanuel in times of drought, it takes upwards of a decade for
these rivers to return to their original ability to provide water to entire communities.
However, as soon as rainfall restarted in 2015, the organisations previously providing
support with water access discontinued their aid. As a result, Emmanuel’s family now
has to travel about 1 hour by foot in order to nd suf cient water for their crops.

Kervens, another member of the Terre Froide community, echoes this sentiment by
describing the times in which the NGOs working in neighbouring regions would
spontaneously appear and disappear over the span of two to three years. A health
clinic 30 minutes away from Terre Froide that was once opened by the UN, and
provided healthcare for the surrounding communities, was operational for three years
until it closed. We got in touch with the mayor there and travelled to the closed health
clinic to nd the building still operational, but no longer run by the UN. Instead, a
small NGO uses this clinic as a malnutrition centre to distribute dietary supplements
for malnourished children. The mayor explained that the clinic – originally staffed by
doctors and nurses who provided care to the area – closed due to a re-prioritisation of
funding. Now, people have to travel an hour by car to get health care, something that
is not accessible for most families in Terre Froide. These trends that depict the scarcity
and inconsistencies of international aid are discussed in the research of Beeton (2012),
Pilinger et al. (2016), Panchang (2016) and The Lancet (2006), and suggest that the
strategies adopted by aid organisations hinder their commitments towards
communities beyond intermittent intervals.

Similar to Emmanuel and Kervens’s daily challenges in Terre Froide, urban
communities also have volatile relationships with aid organisations. In Port-au-Prince,
we interviewed Robenson, a Haitian who does non-pro t work in the capital’s most
disadvantaged areas. Robenson grew up in a squalid urban community built in the hills
surrounding Port-au-Prince. He recounted that when there were large rainfalls, his
area had to evacuate due to severe ooding. He noted that this instability within
marginalised and deprived urban communities has worsened given the large in ux of
people from the rural areas in search of job opportunities and the relocation from
neighbourhoods destroyed by the earthquake – the infrastructure of Port-au-Prince is
unable to support a population of 2.6 million people.

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While these natural disasters have caused signi cant infrastructural damage to Haiti,
the most prominent effects have been due to the lack of education, health and
nourishment. This slow erosion of wellbeing suggests that there is an underlying
problem compounded by the social structures within Haiti that signi cantly impacts
the quotidian life of Haitians. In all three of these cases (Emmanuel, Kervens and
Robenson), little has been done to aid in the daily life of Haitians – despite many large
NGOs and IGOs claiming to focus on these factors. Further, those that are involved in
this work are often present for short periods of time – with an interventionist, top-
down approach – giving communities a false sense of stability.

Why is aid so arbitrary?

In addition to being the founder of a Haitian non-pro t organisation, Robenson
worked for both the Haitian government and large foreign aid organisations. When
asked about his experiences working with the latter, he stated that organisations in
Haiti often have their own agendas that are contrary to the interests of Haiti. This begs
the question of whether these aid organisations are there for Haitians or for their own
bene t, supporting Pilinger et al.’s (2016) claim that international organisations are
pro ting from human suffering. Sharing Kervens’s perspective in Terre Froide,
Robenson noted that international aid projects often exhaust their funding after two
to three years. He stated that aid organisations aim to create as many aid projects as
possible in order to attract funding from large donors by demonstrating impact
through statistics – an inaccurate measure of impact. Robenson noted that it is rare
for large organisations to have reports of the lasting impacts on the community,
corroborating our observations in the closed UN clinic in Terre Froide after operating
for 3 years. This emphasis on super cial results and reductionism trickles down into
the implementation of projects. Drawing upon the culture of super ciality in aid work,
according to Robenson’s experience as a eld of cer, the people on the front lines
implementing change are discouraged from being receptive to feedback from
communities. Instead, they are encouraged to report con ated results to align their
reports with the consensus of people higher up in the organisation who have never
been present in those same communities.

The emphasis on statistical representation within aid organisations has turned to
value aid through quantity over quality. While The Lancet (2016) critiques the
structure of aid organisations, it does little to elucidate the negative culture rampant
within them. Robenson’s observations while working in multiple aid organisations
show that it is not only the ineffective bureaucracy but also the focus on providing

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statistical representation that reduces and categorises aid’s impact on Haitians. This
results in false hope, complacency and dependency that ultimately harms Haitians in
their ability to escape the daily challenges that persist beyond the initial impact of the
crisis. Little has been done regarding improving the quality of aid by large foreign
organisations, some of which are implicated through the interactions with
interviewees.

Dependency

The dependency on foreign organisations for basic necessities – such as Doctors
Without Borders and Partners in Health for free emergency healthcare – explains why
the government has so little control over aid organisation work within Haiti.
Organisations consequently are able to perpetuate systems of high-quantity, low-
quality projects to Haitians. Like the government’s dependency on aid organisations to
provide basic services, communities have often developed a similar dependency.

Furthermore, the act of foreign intervention often shapes a Haitian image of
foreigners, namely of the French, Americans and Canadians, as one rooted in aid.
Coupled with the sole appearance of foreigners in the context of providing aid to the
community, Haitians in rural communities often associate foreigners with help and
thus expect it from those that interact with them. The negative experiences with aid
described throughout this piece, coupled with the country’s historical legacy of foreign
colonisation, exploitation and violence by France, the United States and Western
bodies such as the IMF have commonly, and understandably, resulted in a deeply
rooted distrust towards foreigners and their intentions.

The manipulation of research through falsi ed accounts of Haitians who were sexually
assaulted, as proposed by James’s research, helps clarify the effects of continual
interaction with foreigners under the context of aid and disproportionate power
dynamics that result in misreporting of narratives (James, 2010). The Haitians
interviewed for this study were aware of the actions needed to gain sympathy and
support from foreigners. When projects fail and aid workers leave, it not only leaves
behind empty buildings, disappointment and broken promises, but also perpetuates a
distrust between communities and foreigners. This repetitious cycle of aid groups
providing ineffective aid thus drives Haitians to make the most out of the duration of
the project. While some Haitians are able to bene t in doing so, they are still unable to
escape from the grasp of poor aid.

Sustainable aid through education

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Given these pitfalls of international aid, certain local grass-roots projects like
Robenson’s and smaller bottom-up foreign organisations, have effectively addressed
community needs through a community-based, bottom-up approach that centres the
voices of those most affected by systemic issues. However, Robenson recounted that it
is hard to nd both people willing to work for small NGOs and donors willing to fund
small projects without the same recognition as large foreign organisations.

The consistent failure of large international NGOs in Haiti over the course of a decade
may explain why Chedeline, Emmanuel and Kervens – living in both urban and rural
communities – state that they perceive little to nothing having changed within Haiti
since the in ux of aid organisations after the earthquake. Instead, they have
emphasised trying to only rely on themselves and their own communities since aid is
often transient and ineffective when most needed. This realisation has instigated a call
for change in status quo, with education as a possible vehicle.

Why education?

All interviewees expressed that education is key to improving their own lives and
Haiti’s social discourse. Emmanuel, who works as a farmer and seamster, repeatedly
emphasised that he does not want his children to follow in his footsteps. As a rural
farmer, he is not only dependent on the climate of Haiti to nourish his crops but also
on an economy that has consistently disadvantaged him. Emmanuel hopes his
children will be able to escape this system that continues to deprive him by becoming
doctors and teachers. He insinuated that he wants stability for his children, as well as
safety from their being marginalised, and that their education could achieve that.
When asked what it meant to be Haitian, his immediate response was the importance
of education and perseverance. Since education is not free in Haiti, families have to
pay exorbitant prices in order to educate all of their children (Beeton, 2012). In fact,
the World Bank estimates that 80 per cent of schools in Haiti are privately owned or
run by churches or NGOs (The World Bank, 2017). In Emmanuel’s case, he has to pay
for seven children to attend school. He hopes to send at least one of his children to
university.

Chedeline’s experiences have also taught her the importance of education. Growing up
in Jérémie, she found that women did not have much choice other than to work in the
 elds and have a family. Instead, she aspired to be her own boss and create her own
company. When she moved to Port-au-Prince in search of opportunities, however, she
found that her primary education from Jérémie made it hard for her to nd jobs and

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opportunities that supported her aspirations. As a result, she went to culinary school
and became a private chef and housekeeper for a wealthy Haitian-American family in
Pétion-Ville. In retrospect, Chedeline wishes her parents understood the importance
of breaking from this expected norm through education. People seemed to be
discontented by the constant challenges they face in rural areas and, in response, seek
means of escaping existing conditions through pathways of education and migration
to a major city.

However, Kervens, a college student from Terre Froide studying political science and
education in the capital observes large differences in the values held between urban
and rural areas. Living in Port-au-Prince, he sees that his peers had a wide variety of
dreams and aspirations, whereas in Terre Froide, dreams are more gender-speci c:
boys aspire to be drivers (stemming from a desired social mobility beyond less glori ed
agricultural work) while girls follow a de ned path of having a family.

When people in both rural and urban communities face adversity, they have looked
towards means of sustainability to support their aspirations, particularly in
independently shaping their own future rather than relying on outsiders. It has
become a consensus that education can provide not only a better standard of living
and opportunities but also a more self-reliant future for Haitians as a collective.
However, while people in both urban and rural communities have agreed on the
importance of education, its effects vary between communities. We hypothesise that
this difference of values observed by Kervens stems from the access of opportunities –
where people within rural communities have not yet understood the possibilities of
education and opportunities limited by their communities. Unless someone has gone
beyond their community, like Kervens and Chedeline, they are unable to recognise the
possibilities beyond the truck drivers passing by their communities.

Education: A curse and a blessing

In Haiti, individuals have contrasting views on education depending on their
involvement with the system. Emmanuel and Chedeline think that education has
improved since their educational years, whereas Kervens and Robenson believe that
education is continually worsening Haiti’s situation, despite the improvement in
quality. Both Kervens and Robenson believe that the impacts of education cannot be
felt by the Haitian community, as those who have graduated from Haitian universities
often leave the country in search of a better life.

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Robenson attributes this phenomenon to the idea of self-interest as a protective
mechanism, still existing after a major disaster in Haiti. In Robenson’s view, this re ex
to care solely for individual shapes a social phenomenon manifested in competition
and distrust, even after a disaster has passed. These sentiments, although
compounded by natural disasters and recent crises, have historical roots in communal
distrust during colonisation and dictatorship. Robenson supposes Haitians have
adopted a headstrong, distrustful mentality to protect themselves from further
exploitation. While this mentality is understandable and useful in times of
extenuating circumstances, it prevents negotiation and understanding between
groups. It also accentuates the underlying circumstantial rifts that continually
in uence meaningful partnerships between Haitians and aid organisations.

In the end, when asked what it meant to be Haitian, most interviewees responded with
some paradoxical combination of resilience, perseverance, individuality and
community.

Limitations

Although this ethnography provides insights of the effects into foreign aid on Haitian
life, its interview sample size remains limited. Interview participants were additionally
recruited through Haiti Hands On’s network in their partner communities. Due to
these factors, observations made in both rural and urban communities may thus be
unrepresentative of the status quo. Observations made during participant observation
in these communities in Haiti may also be biased, given the research team being
foreigners, despite speaking uent Creole. We have attempted to account for these
potential limitations by recruiting interviewees in communities that have a long-
standing and trusting relationship with Haiti Hands On as it allowed for a more candid
dialogue about foreign intervention with the interviewers, despite their own
positionality. That being said, the circulation of narratives involving suffering beyond
fellow Haitians can cause areas of bias and misrepresentation beyond groups
represented by our interviewees.

Conclusion

While this ethnography has corroborated the predominant research on the
inef ciencies of international organisations in Haiti, little to no scholarly work had
been done to seek out the voices of Haitians a decade after Haiti’s devastating
earthquake of 2010. This ethnography highlights the voices underpinning the deep-

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seated desires of Haitians to be independent of foreign aid and the strong resilience of
Haitians for family and community.

Haiti has a rich history that portrays strength in the face of all kinds of adversity,
although this narrative is often excluded from mainstream accounts of the country.
Instead, Haiti is portrayed as a country rampant with people unable to help
themselves. This has shaped a donor culture that further perpetuates a super cial
interpretation of impact within aid organisations. In turn, this image has trickled
down to affect the Haitians that aid organisations are serving, resulting in an
inef cient use of aid, preservation of exploitative power dynamics and change in
attitude towards foreigners. This reality further perpetuates a continued in ux of aid
that has been present in Haiti for over a decade. Particularly given the growing global
instability a decade after the 2010 earthquake, there is an increased need for effective
development. By redirecting aid efforts and placing Haitian voices at the centre of
their approach, Haiti may nally independently and sustainably tackle its challenges
in the next decade.

Appendix

Interview questions

  1. How long have you lived in (location)?
  2. Describe your family.
  3. What is your job? What do you work for?
  4. How is your lifestyle in (location)?
  5. What types of government support are available in your area?
  6. How easy is it to get access to government support within your area?
  7. How did the most recent hurricane impact you or your area?
  8. Have you had any contact with NGOs, or did it require you to leave (location)?
     How is the city different from (location)?
  9. Are there any NGOs that work in (location) and how is your experience with
     them?
 10. Have you spent much time outside (location)?
 11. What do you think about the Pétion-Ville (rich area of Haiti)? Have you been
     there?
 12. How optimistic are you about the new UN mission, MINUJUSTH?
 13. What political, economic and other changes have you noticed in recent years?

Reinvention: an International Journal of Undergraduate Research 14:1 (2021)
 14. How does the education you received compare to the ones your children receive
     now?
 15. What does it mean to be Haitian?
        1. What qualities would you associate with being Haitian?
        2. Who do you nd as an inspirational gure?
        3. What is your favourite part of being Haitian?

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   To cite this paper please use the following details: Tse et al. (2021), 'Haiti: An
   Ethnographic Study of the Effects of International Aid on Haitian Life', Reinvention:
   an International Journal of Undergraduate Research, Volume 14, Issue 1,
   https://reinventionjournal.org/article/view/657. Date accessed [insert date]. If you cite
   this article or use it in any teaching or other related activities please let us know by e-
   mailing us at Reinventionjournal@warwick.ac.uk.

https://doi.org/10.31273/reinvention.v14i1, ISSN 1755-7429, c 2021, contact
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