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SEPT-NOV 2018 10 Features — Boat Traders and Vegetarians: Gender and Mobility in Guanyin Temple Nuns — The Chingays of Old Singapore — Toba’s Super-Eruption and the Environmental History of a Future — Java Sea Wreck Dating — Live Dig: Don’t Feed the Archaeologists! Investigations at the Singapore Art Museum Upcoming Events — Public Lecture POSTCARD PHOTO OF A CHINGAY FLOAT ON A MOTOR VEHICLE IN PENANG, C. 1920S. (CREDIT: ANG YIK HAN)
NSC Highlights ISSUE 10 / SEPT-NOV 2018
is published by the Nalanda-
Sriwijaya Centre (NSC) at
ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute
Contents
and available electronically at
www.iseas.edu.sg
Editorial Chairman
Choi Shing Kwok
Executive Editor
Terence Chong 1 Editorial
Managing Editor 2 Features
Foo Shu Tieng
Boat Traders and Vegetarians: Gender and
Editorial Committee
Mobility in Guanyin Temple Nuns
Fong Sok Eng
Mark Heng
The Chingays of Old Singapore
Kao Jiun Feng
Lim Chen Sian
Toba’s Super-Eruption and the Environmental History of a Future
Hélène Njoto
ISSN (electronic): 2424-9211
8 Centrefold
Ancient Money in Southeast Asia – Part 1
The ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute
(formerly Institute of Southeast Asian
Studies) is an autonomous organization
14 Features
established in 1968. It is a regional
centre dedicated to the study of
Java Sea Wreck Dating
socio-political, security, and economic
trends and developments in Southeast
Live Dig: Don’t Feed the Archaeologists!
Asia and its wider geostrategic and
Investigations at the Singapore Art Museum
economic environment. The Institute’s
research programmes are grouped
under Regional Economic Studies (RES), 18 Events
Regional Strategic and Political Studies
(RSPS), and Regional Social and Cultural Why Was There No Singapore Before Raffles?
Studies (RSCS). The Institute is also
home to the ASEAN Studies Centre The Orang Laut and the Realm of the Straits (Negara Selat)
(ASC), the Nalanda-Sriwijaya Centre
(NSC) and the Singapore APEC Centre.
20 Correspondence
The Nalanda-Sriwijaya Centre (NSC)
at the ISEAS — Yusof Ishak Institute,
The NSC-NU Internship Programme
Singapore, pursues research
on historical interactions among Asian
21 Recent Publications and Upcoming Events
societies and civilisations. It serves
as a forum for the comprehensive study
of the ways in which Asian polities and
societies have interacted over time
through religious, cultural, and economic
exchanges, and diasporic networks.
The Centre also offers innovative
strategies for examining
the manifestations of hybridity,
convergence and mutual learning
in a globalising Asia.
ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute is not responsible for facts represented
and views expressed. Responsibility rests exclusively with the individual
ISEAS – YUSOF ISHAK INSTITUTE
30 HENG MUI KENG TERRACE author(s). No part of this publication may be reproduced in any form
SINGAPORE 119614 without permission. Comments are welcome and may be sent
TEL: (65) 6778 0955 to the author(s). Copyright is held by the author(s) of each article.
FAX: (65) 6778 1735
1
Editorial
(most of which does not survive
until today), it is a thought-provoking piece
that asks, “How far can we take it?”
What follows is this issue’s centrefold on
ancient Southeast Asian money - Part 1
by Foo Shu Tieng. The article introduces
readers to the complex history of coinage
in Southeast Asia and considers their
use as temporal evidence and as a
way to show intra-regional links.
Subsequently, we have two archaeology
related contributions. The first, Michael
Flecker’s “Java Sea Wreck Dating,” is
an op-ed that speaks to the importance
of archaeological research on a regional
level, and is of global interest.
The recently published academic article
in June 2018 he responds to, which looks
into possible new dates for the wreck,
was widely reported in publications
such as Archaeology, Ars Technica, CNN,
The Independent, Reuters, and Xinhua
(among others), and Flecker’s views
as part of the original team excavating
the site help to contextualise
the new finds.
Chan Wai Peng’s “Live Dig: Don’t
Feed the Archaeologists! Investigations
at the Singapore Art Museum,”
VOLCANO IN TOBA. (CREDIT: FAIZAH ZAKARIA) on the other hand, shows how
Singapore’s archaeological evaluations
The articles in this issue offers varying perspectives on how historical is not only a research generating
endeavour, but one which can inspire
evidence and narratives play a part in constructing ideas regarding and educate the general public on the
culture, identity, and relational worth. archaeological potential of the area.
We hope you enjoy reading this
Show Ying Ruo’s and Ang Yik Han’s different by the various diasporic issue and will look forward to
articles in this issue work focus communities, and had come back as our forthcoming issues.
on the ways in which an earlier group a way in which to induce marvels.
of Chinese migrants navigated their new
Southeast Asian locales. Show Ying
Ruo’s “Boat Traders and Vegetarians: Next, Faizah Zakaria’s article on
Gender and Mobility in Guanyin Temple “Toba’s Super-Eruption and the
Nuns” showcases circulatory networks Environmental History of a Future”
for religion can be studied through a investigates how indigenous oral
gendered perspective in Southeast Asia, narratives might be re-interpreted
and how they can give unique insights as an alternative way to
on how they helped to support both view the distant past.
the local and regional communities. Given that much of Southeast
Ang Yik Han’s “The Chingays of Old Asia’s earlier traditions were
Singapore,” on the other hand, largely orally transmitted or in
shows how a Chinese tradition was some specific circumstances,
transformed into something quite written on palm leaf manuscripts
FEATURE
Boat Traders and Vegetarians: Gender and Mobility in
2
Guanyin Temple Nuns
—
BY SHOW YING RUO
NSC VISITING FELLOW
In the migrant history of Southeast Asia,
it is often maintained that Chinese
women had minimal roles as pioneers
before the 20th century although some
were recorded as having worked in
mines or tended small shops (Heidhues
1996: 177). However, we need to
reconsider this presumption in the face
of vegetarian nuns who actively initiated
social and religious connections across
the South China Sea. In their sojourns,
some vegetarian nuns worked as
boat traders, or “water guests”
(shuike 水客), before settling down
in Guanyin temples. Boat traders,
apart from being individuals who actively
participated in small-scale trades and
courier services in villages, were also
middlemen who arranged for their
fellow villagers’ immigration. Though
less well-recorded than their male
counterparts, the tradition of female
boat traders in Southeast Asia is
not unheard of: Batak women A GUANYIN TEMPLE IN KAMPUNG BUGIS, SUNGAI LADI (KNOWN AS “PORT OF VEGETARIAN HALL”, ZHAITANG GANG 齋堂港),
traders known as inang-inang PULAU BINTAN. ONE HAS TO TAKE A BOAT TO REACH THIS TEMPLE. (CREDIT: SHOW Y.R.)
have long been travelling between
Medan, Tanjung Pinang, and Jakarta Mother, upstairs) – but also because
for trade (Ng 1976: 63-64). “The overlapping roles of Guanyin temple residents, donors, managers
Cantonese domestic servants in
temple nuns - female explorers, and visitors are comprised
almost exclusively of women.
Southeast Asia, popularly known boat traders and vegetarians
in Singapore as “amah” (majie
媽姐), relied on these middlemen on
- suggest wider implications These temples exhibit lineage-based
connections in active ways, by providing
all matters relating to emigration and for the potential mobility manpower during religious festivals or
employment (Gaw 1988: 81). of these temple advocates, rituals, and in passive ways, such as
Interestingly, since these celibate when displaying epigraphic material and
“amah” were often devout followers of who have gone to different ancestral tablets. These Guanyin temples
Guanyin (a deity symbolising purity), regions in Southeast Asia. ” have also preserved practices handed
quite a number of them chose vegetarian down from the Great Way of Former
halls as their retirement home Heaven (xiantian dadao 先天大道), an
(Ooi 1992: 78-81; Lee 2015: 120-126). esoteric religion which evolved in China
According to my interviews, a significant The Halls of Guanyin (Guanyin tang and expanded their religious network to
number of vegetarian nuns immigrated 觀音堂) in Southeast Asia (also known Southeast Asia in the mid-19th century.
with the help of “water guests” as well. as vegetarian halls) are embedded with
multiple layers of religious and cultural Although female piety in these Guanyin
A Guanyin temple named the Hall of meaning that make them unique locally. temples are encouraged (given that
Abundant Virtue (Zhong Shan Tang Widely regarded as Buddhist temples, Guanyin temples are gender-neutral
眾善堂) in Kuching, Malaysia, they also function as housing for followers establishments), women in these spaces
whose founder was a boat trader of the Three Teachings (sanjiao 三教; are given far greater autonomy to fulfil
between Guangdong, Borneo, referring to Confucianism, Buddhism their religious pursuits and manage the
and Singapore, functioned and Daoism). One should note that daily affairs of the temples themselves.
as a women’s self-help unit. these temples appear predominantly This is unlike their contemporaneous
This temple continues to maintain as feminised spaces - not only because Chinese female counterparts, who are
transnational relationships the deities which are housed in the historically depicted as being more
with other halls in Indonesia and premises come in female forms sequestered in their social lives.
their residents include Indonesian (e.g. Avalokitesvara, C: Guanyin) The relationship between women
women (Zhongshantang 2012: 8-18). is placed downstairs and the Eternal and the Guanyin temples across
3
migrated to Singapore. Today, the portrait
and ancestral tablet of the founder nun
can still be seen enshrined in the temple.
In conclusion, the diversity of these
women’s experiences in Southeast
Asia enables us to understand and
delve further into these diasporic
networks and the system of linkages.
They can show the interconnections
between religious and secular welfare,
gender mobility, and migrant history.
SHOW YING RUO RECEIVED HER PHD IN CHINESE STUDIES
FROM NATIONAL UNIVERSITY OF SINGAPORE (2017) AND M.A
FROM SOAS, LONDON (2010). HER PHD THESIS EXPLORES
THE VERNACULAR EXPRESSION AND GENDERED NARRATIVE IN
CHINESE RELIGIOUS CORPUS BAOJUAN (PRECIOUS SCROLLS).
SHE IS INTERESTED IN THE HISTORICAL TRAJECTORY OF
LAY BUDDHIST MOVEMENT AND LOCAL CONFIGURATIONS OF
RELIGIOUS IDEAS, RITUAL PRACTICES, AND TEXTS. SHE IS
CURRENTLY WORKING ON A MANUSCRIPT EXAMINING BUDDHIST
LINKAGE AND TRANSREGIONAL RELIGIOUS NETWORK IN
SOUTHEAST ASIA THROUGH THE STUDY OF A SPECIFIC KIND OF
in CHINESE TEMPLE, THE VEGETARIAN HALL (ZHAITANG).
VEGETARIAN RESIDENTS IN A GUANYIN TEMPLE IN PENANG. (CREDIT: SHOW Y.R.)
REFERENCES
Southeast Asia suggest that these
spaces are socially accepted cultural GAW, KENNETH (1988). SUPERIOR SERVANTS: THE LEGENDARY CANTONESE
exceptions that allow women to have AMAHS OF THE FAR EAST. OXFORD: OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS.
more autonomous roles. For example,
when a vegetarian nun in Malaysia passed HEIDHUES, MARY SOMERS (1996). “CHINESE SETTLEMENTS IN RURAL
away in the 1970s, the names of over SOUTHEAST ASIA: UNWRITTEN HISTORIES.” IN ANTHONY REID (EDS.),
a hundred female disciples appeared SOJOURNERS AND SETTLERS: HISTORIES OF SOUTHEAST ASIA AND THE
in her obituary (Seow 2013: 82). CHINESE, IN HONOR OF JENNIFER CUSHMAN. NEW SOUTH WALES: ALLEN AND
UNWIN, PP. 164-182.
These vegetarian nuns also initiated
a series of charity works in the region, LEE, KOK LEONG (2015). GUANGDONG MAJIE (CANTONESE AMAHS).
such as adopting orphans and the SINGAPORE: SHUN TAK CLAN ASSOCIATION.
TEMPLE HISTORY OF ZHONG SHAN TANG (KUCHING, MALAYSIA)
destitute, donating funds to early girls’
AND SHAN FU TANG (SINGAPORE) RECORDED IN THEIR
schools and more importantly, creating RESPECTIVE PUBLICATIONS. (CREDIT: SHOW Y.R.) NG, CHIN-KEONG (1976). THE CHINESE IN RIAU: A COMMUNITY ON AN
safe spaces for female refugees. UNSTABLE AND RESTRICTIVE FRONTIER. SINGAPORE: NANYANG UNIVERSITY.
These refugees consisted of outcasts,
such as child brides, abandoned women Southeast Asia. A prime example is OOI, KEAT GIN (1992). “DOMESTIC SERVANTS PAR EXCELLENCE:
and women suffering from domestic the Hall of Virtue and Bliss (Shan Fu Tang THE BLACK AND WHITE AMAHS OF MALAYA AND SINGAPORE WITH SPECIAL
violence - marginalised categories 善福堂) in Singapore, which was founded REFERENCE TO PENANG.” JMBRAS 65.2 (263): 69-84.
that usually received minimal social in 1919 by a lone woman from Fujian.
support. These vegetarian halls It now has more than ten vegetarian SEOW, WAI KIN (2013). THE DISSEMINATION OF XIAN TIAN DAO IN NANYANG:
and the people therein therefore hall branches between Singapore A CASE STUDY OF HAKKA AN TANG IN MALAYSIA. MA THESIS, NATIONAL
provided an important social function. and Malaysia (primarily in Johor and UNIVERSITY OF SINGAPORE.
Kuching), and some of them still maintain
The overlapping roles of Guanyin close interactions with each other even ZHONGSHAN TANG JIUSHI ZHOUNIAN JINIAN TEKAN BIANWEIHUI眾善堂 90
temple nuns - female explorers, after the separation of Singapore and 週年紀念特刊編委會 (2012). ZHONGSHAN TANG JIUSHI ZHOUNIAN
boat traders and vegetarians - suggest Malaysia. This temple has also sustained JINIAN TEKAN眾善堂90週年紀念特刊 (NINETIETH ANNIVERSARY ISSUE
wider implications for the potential connections to one of their affiliated OF HALL OF ABUNDANT GOODNESS). KUCHING: HALL OF ABUNDANT GOODNESS.
mobility of these temple advocates, temples back in Fujian via contributions,
who have gone to different regions even though the founding nun had long
FEATURE
The Chingays of Old Singapore
4
—
BY ANG YIK HAN
INDEPENDENT SCHOLAR
POSTCARD PHOTOS OF CHINGAY PROCESSIONS IN SINGAPORE, C. 20TH CENTURY. NOTE THE USE OF UMBRELLAS TO SHIELD THE PARTICIPATING CHILDREN FROM THE SUN. (CREDIT: ANG YIK HAN)
When the early Chinese came The earliest incidence of such usage was The Teochews had a similar
to Southeast Asia, they brought in 1879, when the Straits Times used arrangement for their annual Chingay;
the Chingay, a processional a variant of this word (changay) when the Wak Hai Cheng Bio, the main
artform, with them. “Chingay”, a reporting a deity procession in Penang. Teochew temple at Phillip Street,
transliteration of the noun was the point of gathering and departure
妝藝 (zhuāng yì) in the Zhangzhou Two major chingays were celebrated for the procession, which proceeded to
variant of the Minnan dialect, literally in Singapore in the past. In addition Tai San Teng (the Teochew cemetery
means “decorated art”. It refers to the to being a display of pomp and pageantry, which covered most of what is now
gaily decorated platforms on which they were also a means for the Hokkien Orchard Road) to invite the Tua Pek
are hoisted young children or maidens, and Teochews, which made up two major Kong there. Other than the Teochews,
dressed in medieval costumes based communities, to unify their respective the Cantonese, Hakkas, and Hainanese
on characters from historical stories communities and exert their influence. were also involved in this Chingay,
or legends. These young actors were a reflection of the close ties between
meant to stay still and seemed to balance The Hokkien community organised these communities as they presented
precariously in the air. The floats were a triennial procession. Composed of two a united front against the Hokkiens.
also known as 臺閣 (tái gé, platform float). actual processions, the initial one
The processions which incorporated set forth from Thian Hock Keng, Riotous displays of sounds and colours,
such floats were popular in different parts the main Hokkien temple at Telok Ayer the Chingays brought the town to
of China in the past. The archetype Street, to Heng San Teng, the oldest a standstill as the procession columns,
of these floats may have been the statues Hokkien cemetery in Singapore at sometimes up to a mile long, traversed
of Buddhist deities which were paraded Kampong Bahru, to fetch the deity of the the streets where Chinese businesses
on platforms during the Tang Dynasty. temple, Tua Pek Kong (the earth deity), predominated. The massive scale
passing through streets where Hokkien of the processions were reflected in
Originally borne aloft by human businesses congregated on the way. the fees levied by the police; they were
labour, the floats evolved over time On the way back to Thian Hock Keng, the highest in the table of fees for
to make use of horse drawn carts the procession would have picked up organising street processions.
and eventually motor vehicles as the patron deities of Kim Lan Beo The Governor and senior colonial
platforms. As these decorated floats and Hong San See, which were smaller officials were also invited to view
were the highlights of the processions Hokkien temples. At Thian Hock Keng, the processions as they passed the
in which they participated, the guest deities were feted with wayang Police Court at South Bridge Road.
the processions came to be known and offerings for about a month before
as “Chingays” in 19th century another procession returned them to their The demise of Singapore’s old Chingays
Singapore and Malaya. own temples. began during the beginning of the 20th
5
POSTCARD PHOTO OF A CHINGAY VARIANT KNOWN AS THE “CENTIPEDE FLOAT”, C. EARLY 20TH CENTURY. A SIMILAR FLOAT IS THE HIGHLIGHT OF THE ANNUAL CAP GO MEH PROCESSION IN PADANG,
SUMATRA. THE POSTCARD’S CAPTION IS LIKELY TO BE ERRONEOUS; THIS SHOULD BE A SCENE FROM PENANG RATHER THAN SINGAPORE. (CREDIT: ANG YIK HAN)
“The demise of Singapore’s old
of Lunar New Year after firecrackers
Chingays began during the first were banned. Today’s Chingay Parade in
half of the 20th century and Singapore has evolved into a multicultural
celebration involving both local and
reflected the progressive social foreign contingents. In Penang, Malaysia,
mores of the day. They were seen Chingay is associated with participants
balancing large poles on which immense
as ostentatious and extravagant flags would glide in the wind to the beat of
by the new Chinese community drums. The annual Chingay of Johor Bahru
is centred on the Johore Old Temple and
leaders, a resource expenditure the five deity statues. They are carried
which could be put to better use around in procession by the respective
dialect group in charge of each statue.
elsewhere.”
In 2014, a contingent from Guangdong
province paraded a traditional
the new Chinese community leaders, a “Chingay” float during the Chingay
resource expenditure which could be Parade in Singapore, marking the first
put to better use elsewhere. Although reappearance of the artform after the
the processions to convey the deities end of the old Chingay processions. In
continued on a much reduced scale, this age of technology and multimedia
the decorated platforms which were their arts, it is amazing how a simple float
main hallmark became a thing of the past. still has the power to evoke wonder.
POSTCARD PHOTO OF A CHINGAY FLOAT ON A MOTOR VEHICLE Today, the word “Chingay” has taken AN ENGINEER BY PROFESSION, ANG YIK HAN IS AN INDEPENDENT
IN PENANG, C. 1920S. (CREDIT: ANG YIK HAN) on new meaning for overseas Chinese SCHOLAR BASED IN SINGAPORE. HE HAS WRITTEN TWO BOOKS ON
communities in Southeast Asia. THE HISTORY OF THE MUN SAN FOOK TUCK CHEE TEMPLE AND THE
ASSOCIATED SAR KONG VILLAGE IN SINGAPORE, “A KAMPONG AND
Singapore’s annual Chingay Parade,
ITS TEMPLE: CHANGE AND TRADITION IN KAMPONG SAR KONG AND
century and reflected the progressive which was first held in 1973, was mooted
THE MUN SAN FOOK TUCK CHEE” (2016) AND “A BOON RETURNED:
social mores of the day. They were seen by then-Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew THE HISTORY OF MUN SAN FOOK TUCK CHEE” (2008) (CO-
as ostentatious and extravagant by to enhance the festive atmosphere AUTHORED WITH LOO SAY CHONG).
FEATURE
Toba’s Super-Eruption and the Environmental History
6
of a Future
—
BY FAIZAH ZAKARIA
POSTDOCTORAL FELLOW, NANYANG TECHNOLOGICAL UNIVERSITY
VISITING FELLOW, CORNELL UNIVERSITY
since geological changes occur at a
vastly different rate compared to human
lifespans and environmental issues
transcend nation-states. Most promisingly,
the field collapses distinctions between
nature and culture, bridging natural
sciences and the humanities. This
cross-fertilisation has been productive in
allowing historians to draw on evidence
from the natural sciences, and scientists
to gain insight from the historical record.
As mentioned above, how human
societies responded to such perturbations
as the Toba super-eruption is still
an open question. Historical sources
can make a contribution to it in two
ways. First, they can help refine the
low resolution of physical evidence
where dates are given in the range
of thousands of years by anchoring the
timeline to known historical events1.
In North Sumatra, Mahoney (1996)
has used pollen analysis to examine
LAKE TOBA. (CREDIT: FAIZAH ZAKARIA)
the question of when rice agriculture was
first introduced using sample soil cores
derived from several sites near Lake Toba.
The Toba super-eruption, which occurred Sumatra highlands highlights how sources These cores allowed him to compile
about 73,000 years ago in Sumatra, like genealogies, court chronicles a stratigraphic record of changes to the
deposited about 2,800 km2 of volcanic and folklore might point to new answers land over 18,000 years, where bottom
tuff that covered parts of the Indian as we probe a deeper past where time layers consisted mostly of peat soil while
Ocean, Arabian Sea, and South China moves at a slower pace than that of top layers show significant amounts
Sea. The destructive force of the eruption human lifespans. The research also of microfossil charcoal (indicating fire) and
was so strong that it likely resulted in shows how the evidence from the grass pollen (indicating cleared forests).
a volcanic winter and caused sciences and humanities can build Intriguingly, this evidence of agriculture
a catastrophic period of cool temperatures a complementary perspective of regional was not uniformly present in each sample
with little rainfall for about two centuries. and world history. Scientific evidence site; in some sites, pollen and charcoal
Some climate scientists think that often builds a world history through were present much lower down the core,
this dramatic cooling is correlated a certain lens, whereas the humanities showing that forest clearings occurred
to a “genetic bottleneck.” Biologists can point towards ways of developing earlier in some areas than others.
had discovered from DNA evidence answers to questions that science How do we interpret and date this
that human populations had plunged might not be able to fully resolve. data? How can we know which
to very low levels around the time years each soil layer corresponds
of the eruption before recovering to Environmental history is generally to? Here, genealogies of the Batak
its present levels. Recently, though, this concerned with mutual relations peoples in North Sumatra came
super-catastrophe hypothesis has been between human and non-human worlds. in useful. Consistent with the pollen data,
challenged by the finding that parts Arising partly out of concerns about which found cleared forests occurred
of Africa appeared to be unaffected climate change and other large-scale earliest in the Simamora Valley area in
and even thrived after the eruption. environmental perturbations, the field Toba, the Batak of Lintong ni Huta claimed
has sought to find and define ways a lineage to an ancestral village in the
In order to fully understand its in which we have shaped nature and valley. Working from this intergenerational
demographic impact, why and when some how we, in turn, have been molded memory allows Maloney (1996) to
of the population in some places declined by it. In Southeast Asia, the field align carbon dating with historical
and others thrived, we need to examine is underdeveloped, relative to political memory and posit that in-migration
the historical links between climate, soil and social histories of the region. Still, was an important factor to explain the
and human activity at the local level, important works that lead us to question variation in the intensity of vegetation
a task for historians. My research on conventional boundaries of space and disturbance where there appeared
the environmental history of the North time in the writing of history have emerged to be a first influx of humans 4,500 years
“In order to fully understand its demographic impact, why and when FAIZAH ZAKARIA IS A POSTDOCTORAL FELLOW AT THE
7
NANYANG TECHNOLOGICAL UNIVERSITY AND VISITING
some the population in some places declined and others thrived, FELLOW AT CORNELL UNIVERSITY. SPECIALISING IN MODERN
we need to examine the historical links between climate, soil and SOUTHEAST ASIAN HISTORY AND GLOBAL ENVIRONMENTAL
HISTORY, HER PHD WORK AT YALE UNIVERSITY, “SACRAL
human activity at the local level, a task for historians.” ECOLOGIES OF THE NORTH SUMATRAN HIGHLANDS:
AN ENVIRONMENTAL HISTORY OF CONVERSIONS, 1800
TO 1928” WON THE ARTHUR AND MARY WRIGHT PRIZE.
ago followed by another in-migration she was still unable to return to the SHE IS CURRENTLY WORKING ON A BOOK BASED ON HER
about 1,000 years later. More work heavens and her father instead sent down PHD DISSERTATION TENTATIVELY TITLED “SPIRITUAL
can be done in this direction: Maloney aid in the form of knowledge on how ANTHROPOCENE: ENVIRONMENTAL AND RELIGIOUS
(1996) stated that there is insufficient to cultivate the land after which human CONVERSIONS IN MARITIME SOUTHEAST ASIA IN THE LONG
sample resolution at the top of the core, life exponentially multiplied. Embedded 19TH CENTURY.”
roughly 1,000 years before present and within this story of the gods is a keen
here, historical knowledge of human awareness of defining moments of human 1
The work on North Sumatra is still lacking but
movement and activity has the potential movement into the area. The first is this approach has been employed fruitfully in
to fine-tune scientific methods of dating. the formation of land bridges uncovered other parts of the world. For instance, historical
by the declining sea levels during the records helped Vickers et. al (2011) assemble
A second contribution from historians last glacial period allowing migration a thousand year history of human impact on
comes from the discipline’s quest across the Sunda shelf. Next, a period the vegetation of volcanic Iceland, which fossil
to understand how a human society of unstable ground whose shaking had and pollen evidence alone could not supply.
perceives the world and organises itself to be quieted before human and animal
over time in a way scientific climate life could reproduce. Third, the coming 2
Toba itself has not erupted since
evidence cannot access. Often this of agriculture heralds an explosive growth the super-eruption but the ongoing resurgence
means re-reading existing, and imperfect in human life. These transformations, of its caldera leaves the ground subject
historical sources in new ways in the taking place over many human lifespans, to reactivated faults, forming periodic
light of environmental questions. is solidified in folklore neither as memory earthquakes and localised eruptions
In Southeast Asia more broadly, Reid nor history but a collective explanation for of other smaller volcanoes in the area.
(2016) has demonstrated that the myths how the world came to be born. However,
around sea goddesss Nyai Loro Kidul in it points us towards a possible direction SELECTED REFERENCES
the Javanese kingdom of Mataram embed to resolve the controversy over the impact
an explicit warning of tsunami danger of the Toba super-eruption - suggesting ANDAYA, B. (2016). “RIVERS, OCEANS, AND SPIRITS: WATER
and strongly point towards the possibility that the answer to the question COSMOLOGIES, GENDER AND RELIGIOUS CHANGE IN SOUTHEAST
that a hitherto unknown tsunami had hit of demographic thriving and decline lay ASIA.” TRANS: TRANS-REGIONAL AND -NATIONAL STUDIES OF
the Javanese coast in 1618. From the in how, where and when early agriculture SOUTHEAST ASIA 4 (2): 239-263.
17th century, Nyai Loro Kidul became developed and the way societies adapted
an important legitimising agent of the its practice to the unstable ground. MALONEY, B.K. (1996). “POSSIBLE EARLY DRY-LAND AND
Mataram dynasty that unprecedentedly WETLAND RICE CULTIVATION IN HIGHLAND NORTH SUMATRA.”
united Javanese speaking peoples under Interest in this debate about the impact of ASIAN PERSPECTIVES 35(2): 164-92.
the reign of Sultan Agung (1613-46). the Toba eruption and other environmental
Separately, Andaya (2017) highlights crises on human populations is more than NIEMEIER, U., TILMES, S. (2017). “SULFUR INJECTIONS FOR A
how water gods in the cosmology of early merely academic. Recently, scientists COOLER PLANET.” SCIENCE 357 (6348): 246-248.
modern Malaya helped to domesticate have announced a geo-engineering
environmental risks of travelling over project that aims to combat global PETRAGLIA, M.D, DITCHFIELD, P., JONES, S., KORISETTAR, R.,
water and culturally entrench the warming through large-scale emission PAL, J. N. (2012). “THE TOBA VOLCANIC SUPER-ERUPTION,
association of water with maternal care. of sulphurous particles that blocks heat ENVIRONMENTAL CHANGE AND HOMININ OCCUPATION HISTORY
Both historians thus show how Southeast from the earth’s surface. In effect, they IN INDIA OVER THE LAST 140000 YEARS.” QUATERNARY
Asian notions of gender shaped aim to simulate a volcanic winter. Will INTERNATIONAL 258: 119-134.
responses to environmental stimuli and such cooling be a sufficient answer to our
vice-versa; responses that cannot be present environmental crisis? The likely ANTHONY REID. (2016). “TWO HITHERTO UNKNOWN TSUNAMIS
predicted through science alone. response of human societies to such OF THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY: PROBABILITIES AND
changes - simulated or natural - cannot CONTEXT.” JOURNAL OF SOUTHEAST ASIAN STUDIES, 47(1):
What are the implications of such just be measured in aggregate. For such 88-108.
approaches to the Toba super-eruption a solution to be feasible, we would not
and its long, ongoing aftermath?2 Written only need scientific capability but also SMITH, E. I., JACOBS, Z., JOHNSEN, R., REN, M., FISHER, E. C.,
historical records from the Toba region a deeper and diverse understanding OESTMO, S., WILKINS, J., HARRIS, J. A., KARKANAS, P., FITCH,
are lacking but its folklore is suggestive. of humanity’s past record of such S., CIRAVOLO, A., KEENAN, D., CLEGHORN, N., LANE, C. S.,
An origin myth from the Batak peoples entanglements with environmental change MATTHEWS, T., AND MAREAN, C. W. (2018). “HUMANS THRIVED
living in the area tells of a daughter of the and how societies organised itself around IN SOUTH AFRICA THROUGH THE TOBA ERUPTION ABOUT 74,000
gods who fell from the heavens and found these challenges in order to assess how YEARS AGO.” NATURE 555: 511-515.
herself trapped on the peak of a large different communities around the world
rock with the ground roiling underneath could potentially react to such stimuli. WILLIAMS, M. (2012). “THE ~73 KA TOBA ERUPTION AND ITS
because of the thrashing of a serpent in Not simply a means of understanding IMPACT: HISTORY OF A DEBATE.” QUATERNARY INTERNATIONAL
the underworld that churns water and soil our present, the interdisciplinarity of 258: 19-29.
together. Through magic, she shackled environmental history can also allow
the serpent’s head and stilled it. However, us to glimpse the history of a future.
CENTREFOLD
Ancient Money in
8
Southeast Asia – Part 1
—BY FOO SHU TIENG (NSC RESEARCH OFFICER)
PIGGY BANK FROM EAST JAVA, 14TH-16TH CENTURY. H 16.0CM X W 13.0 CM X D 17.3 CM. (CREDIT: RIJKSMUSEUM AK-RAK-1988-18)
The history of money is an important different people, and its meaning and for commodities; they had an inherent
subject that has been studied since use can change with time. Money is value, and were heritable (ibid.: 40).
antiquity. Many people today collect used as a medium of exchange, a store Studies on how money affected social
ancient coins and forms of cash as of value, a unit of account or standard relations, particularly between market
a serious hobby and investment, and of value, and a method of payment participants and between the state and
despite many experts who conduct (Nelms & Maurer 2014: 38). Money its citizens placed money’s origins in
numismatic research, very few studies can show the extent and flows of “barter and emphasising its functions
truly target ancient money in Southeast trading communities and may become as a medium of exchange (in theory)
Asia. This article looks at some important markers for time, particularly and store of value (in policy)” (ibid.: 40).
interesting facts, discusses some less when discovered at archaeological The terms “general purpose” money
obvious implications, and suggests sites, but their extreme portability and and “special purpose” money were
future directions for further research. longevity can also be a limitation. coined by K. Polanyi to differentiate
the Western unitary concept of money,
It is important to explicitly define money, Metal based currencies were initially which was thought to be more abstract
as money means different things to thought to solve a value-storage problem and impersonal, and the non-Western9
“[Southeast Asia’]s idea of coinage
might have been inspired by South
Asian trade either with South
India, Sri Lanka, or Bengal.”
political history, as the coins mention the
kings’ names, and can also provide clues
regarding the religious preferences of the
elite (ibid.: 55, 57). Ratti beans (Abrus
precatorius) were used as the standard
SILVER RISING SUN / SRIVATSA COIN, SAID TO BE MINTED IN HALIN. DIAMETER: 30MM. (© TRUSTEES OF THE BRITISH MUSEUM; base weight in northern India, while in the
1983,0118.10) south, the standard base weight of coins
was calculated either using the manjadi
(Odenathera pavonina) or the kalanju
concept of money, which was plural, largely began in the 19th century (Caesalpinia bonduc) beans (ibid.: 51-52).
and embedded in a complex web of (see Marsden 1825, Chaudoir 1842,
social relationships (ibid.: 43). D. Millies 1871) and was focused on small According to Zhou (2005: 95), the way
Graeber found that money arises from collections from a particular area. As Chinese coins were made differed from
a virtual credit system and positioned “Southeast Asia” rose as a term of the western method, in which coins were
the invention of cash as something that convenience only in WW2, it was only in struck with dies and were made of gold,
transformed person-to-person moral the 1970s and 1980s that publications silver, and bronze. Instead, Chinese
obligations to a more generalised used the term as a unit of analysis (see coins were cast in moulds and bronze
and transferable form; metallic based Cresswell 1974, Gutman 1978, Wicks coins were primarily used in its currency
currencies were also distinguishable 1985). Of the studies that came out on tradition. One of the earliest pieces of
from credit arrangements in that they Southeast Asian money, it was Wicks’ archaeological evidence for bronze coin-
could be stolen (Elvin 2015: XI). (1992) Money, Markets, and Trade in Early making can be found as early as 600 BCE
SEA that gained the most traction, even at the site of Houma, Shanxi province,
Although many types of money existed in though it has its limitations (Miksic 1994). where money shaped similarly to spades,
ancient Southeast Asia (SEA), this article Recent publications on the subject (eg: the moulds for making such spades, and
focuses on coins that existed prior to Krisadaolarn 2016) continue to refine the bronze remains of the casting process
colonial era as they are the most readily the available data on the existence of were discovered (Zhou 2005: 95). From
identifiable item for metallic exchanges, coins in certain parts of SEA but are the 3rd century BCE until the 1920s,
and as coins are in use as a form of often decontextualised catalogues. however, the main official form of currency
small money even today. As this article Similarly, although coin finds may be in China was the standard copper alloy
will not discuss coin production, I have reported in archaeological excavation coin (Cribb 2005: 1). Chinese coins were
provided a preliminary use-life flow chart reports, studies at a larger regional scale steadily exported “from the 7th century
for this type of metal-based currency (see are often lacking, and this means the to Eastern Turkestan, Mongolia, Japan,
centrefold), which illustrates aspects field of numismatic archaeology in SEA Korea, Vietnam, Indonesia, Malaysia,
of production, supply chain, and the continues to be a burgeoning one. Thailand, India, the Persian Gulf, the
socio-political and logistics networks Arabian Peninsula and East Africa, [and]
that are involved in it. It should be noted, India and China’s historical trajectories has also provided these regions with a
however, that barter did not disappear in using coinage as money may reveal supply of copper alloy” (ibid. 2005: 1).
when coins were introduced; these insights for looking at SEA’s trajectory.
systems coexisted for quite a long time According to Singh (2009: 51), the So how did coins come to be used in
(Singh 2009: 52). According to Christie earliest archaeological evidence for SEA? Currently, scholars (such as
(1996), the study of coins in SEA has coinage in South Asia dates from the Wicks 1992) believe that the earliest
lagged behind that of China and India 6th to 5th centuries BCE, where mostly use of coinage on the SEA mainland
as they often lacked royal names or silver (and some copper) punch-marked was found to be in the Mon settlement
dates, making it difficult for academics coins were found. Unsubscribed cast areas of lower Myanmar and Thailand,
to reliably use them as a dating method. coins made of copper alloy, using clay and the idea of coinage might have been
Some coins which have inscriptions or bronze moulds, were also found at inspired by South Asian trade either
give unit names or place names; those the same archaeological level as punch- with South India, Sri Lanka, or Bengal,
that have place names are often used by marked coins, and this indicates that as “the local coinage [used] religious
scholars to corroborate other historical their use overlapped (ibid.: 52). By the symbols surrounded by bead borders,
references, such as the existence of 1st century BCE, Indo-Greek coins, rather than anthropomorphic deities
a polity named Lavapura (presently which were mostly made of silver, were and identifying inscriptions, as was the
Lopburi, in Thailand) (Wicks 1992: 164- produced using the die-struck method. norm among North-Indian coins” (Hall
165; Boeles 1967) or the existence of a These coins bore the name and portrait of 1999: 443). Although there is still no
kingdom called Dvaravati (Boeles 1964). the issuing ruler on the obverse side, and evidence that Indian currency was ever
had religious symbols on the reverse side used in SEA, the Javanese, for example,
The study of coins in the SEA region and can thus be an important source for did borrow from the Indian system ofUse-life flow chart for coins
CREDIT: S. T. FOO
12
MAGIC COIN FROM JAVA FIRST REPORTED BY RAFFLES, ATTRIBUTED TO THE 15TH-16TH CENTURIES IN THE MAJAPAHIT PERIOD.
DIAMETER: 35.5MM. (© TRUSTEES OF THE BRITISH MUSEUM, CH.651)
weights and measures (Miksic 2000: Ingot-type currencies or bracelet money fine for murder (Wicks 1986: 59). As
111; Christie 1996: 244). According were also used as substitutes for coins a consequence of this high usage of
to Miksic (personal communication, 13 in other mainland SEA kingdoms such coins, artisans in the Majapahit kingdom
September 2018), 12th and 13th-century as Lan Na (Krisadaolarn 2016: 54-89). also produced earthenware coin banks
Sri Lankan coins were found at Kota ranging from the size of tennis balls to
Cina and Singapore, and some Persian Coins were not minted in insular SEA basketballs, and possibly one of the
coins were found in Kedah and southern until the late 1st millennium CE, later world’s earliest pig-shaped coin bank
Thailand. Coins were not the first metal than on the mainland and those that (Rahardjo 1990). Furthermore, the large
currency used, with several types of were produced in insular SEA were not exportation of Chinese copper coins
“special-purpose” currency used for produced elsewhere in Asia (Christie to SEA eventually led to a shortage
ritual contexts such as temple offerings 1996: 244-245). Christie mentions two of copper and copper coins in China
and ceremonial gifts, such as iron bar types whose prototype seems to have itself, with the first export ban policy
bundles and gold rings with auspicious been produced in the late 8th to mid- proclaimed during the early 13th century
inscriptions (Christie 1996: 248). 9th century by the kingdom of Mataram, in the Song dynasty; substitute goods
central Java: (1) dice-like or globular gold such as silk, porcelain and lacquer had
In Mainland SEA, silver was the preferred “piloncito” coins, and (2) round coins to be used for official trade (Li 2007).
metal for minting coins, with gold and with a stamped “sandalwood flower”
copper rarely used (Hall 1999: 444). An type pattern on the reverse made of gold, It should be noted that imported foreign
early widespread coinage design was the electrum, silver, or silver alloy. These coins could take on new meanings
Conch / Srivatsa coin, mostly reported in types of coins spread to East Java and that did not exist in its place of origin.
Pegu (Wicks 1992: 112-113). The most Bali by the 10th century (ibid.: 246). The Chinese coins in East Java were
widespread motif for coins in Mainland piloncito type seems to have spread to duplicated locally during the Majapahit
SEA was the rising sun type, which may Luzon but the sandalwood type seems to and then were adapted to meet local
have been associated with the Pyu as have been used as a prototype to produce needs (Aelst 1995, Cribb 1999). Recent
well as the Mon (ibid.: 116-118). Some coins in Sumatra (ibid.: 247). By the studies in Bali suggest that some
states in mainland SEA also moved 14th century, north Sumatra was using localised coins, similar in shape to the
away from earlier coinage traditions; Islamic coins, tin coins were struck in the Chinese-alloy coins but with adorned
Bagan (9th-13th century) and the Khmer Malacca Straits, and most of insular SEA with local motifs, are still used for rituals
empire (9th-15th century) did not use was affected by the spread of Chinese and considered to be auspicious and
coins. In Bagan, silver bars called klyap copper coinage and locally cast copies have mystical powers (Arisanti 2017:
were given for wages in the 13th-14th (ibid.: 247, see Heng 2006 for the role of 167). For example, by imbuing coins with
centuries (ibid.: 306-30). In Angkor, the Chinese coins in the Straits of Melaka). magic through a specific ritual, the owner
government regulated taxation and the of coins which have the Arjuna wayang
redistribution of currency, for example, The Kota Cina site (11th-13th century) on character depicted (pis rejuna) were
where rice fields were valued in units of the NE coast of Sumatra was the oldest thought to possess the ability to attract
silver or cloth but where taxation could known site in SEA where Chinese cash women to his heart’s desire (ibid.: 168).
be paid in paddy (Miksic & Goh 2017: was used as a medium of exchange, as
358; Wicks 1992: 301, 303). Earlier, hundreds of these coins were found there In conclusion, the study of coins can
scholars such as P. Gutman (1978: 9) had (Miksic 2000: 111; 2013: 125). Chinese give insights into the networks of
theorised that it might have been political coins also became the standard currency trade within and between SEA and its
and economic destabilisation which for the Majapahit kingdom sometime neighbours. From the evidence given
led to their disuse, as “the last Arakan between 1296 to 1350 CE, with Chinese above, it’s clear that SEA’s adoption of
coinage hoards date to the 9th-10th reports, Javanese inscriptions, and the coins was not uniform – it was the states
centuries, as do coins from Mon sites.” Laws of Majapahit (Kutaramanawa) and communities that held the power to
However, Wicks (1992) gave evidence requiring that it be used to pay for taxes, accept certain currencies as legal tender
to show that there were other market fines, irrigation fees, and debts (Amelia for market transactions. As the field of
exchange goods whose standardised S. 1995: 100). The Kutaramanawa numismatic archaeology is one that is still
values could be used as a substitute. for example, stated a 40,000 copper relatively new, many questions still remain.13
JAVANESE GOLD COIN, ATTRIBUTED TO 9TH CENTURY. OBVERSE: CUBE WITH NAGARI LETTER ‘TA’DENOTING ‘TAHIL.’ IF IN KAWI,
IT MAY DENOTE ‘NA’ (ANDREA ACRI, PERSONAL COMMUNICATION, 14 SEPTEMBER 2018). REVERSE: SQUARE INCUSE MARK
SUBDIVIDED BY POINTED VERTICAL LINE WITH DOT ON EITHER SIDE. 7X6.5X5MM. (© TRUSTEES OF THE BRITISH MUSEUM,
CH.399)
It is hoped that with further research, CRIBB, J. (2005). “INTRODUCTION.” IN WANG, H., COWELL, MIKSIC, J. N. (1994). [REVIEW OF THE BOOK MONEY,
M., CRIBB, J., AND BOWMAN, S. (EDS.), METALLURGICAL MARKETS, AND TRADE IN EARLY SOUTHEAST ASIA: THE
these questions can be answered.
ANALYSIS OF CHINESE COINS AT THE BRITISH MUSEUM. DEVELOPMENT OF INDIGENOUS MONETARY SYSTEMS TO A.
BRITISH MUSEUM RESEARCH PUBLICATION 152. LONDON: THE D. 1400, BY ROBERT S. WICKS.] BULLETIN OF THE SCHOOL
S. T. FOO IS A RESEARCH OFFICER AT THE ARCHAEOLOGY UNIT, TRUSTEES OF THE BRITISH MUSEUM, PP. 1-3. OF ORIENTAL AND AFRICAN STUDIES 57(3) (OCT.): 630-631.
NSC, ISEAS – YUSOF ISHAK INSTITUTE. SHE RECEIVED HER HTTPS://DOI.ORG/10.1017/S0041977X00009290
MA BY RESEARCH IN SOUTHEAST ASIAN STUDIES FROM THE CRIBB, J. (1999). MAGIC COINS OF JAVA, BALI AND THE
NATIONAL UNIVERSITY OF SINGAPORE (NUS) AND HAS HELPED MALAY PENINSULA: THIRTEENTH TO TWENTIETH CENTURIES. MILLIES, H. C. (1871). RECHERCHES SUR LES MONNAIES
TO FACILITATE FIELD STUDY PROGRAMMES BOTH AT ISEAS LONDON: TRUSTEES OF THE BRITISH MUSEUM. DES INDIGÈNES DE L’ARCHIPEL INDIEN ET DE LA PÉNINSULE
AND NUS IN CAMBODIA, THAILAND, AND INDONESIA. SHE MALAIE. THE HAGUE: MARTINUS NIJHOFF.
WOULD LIKE TO THANK DR. KENNETH R. HALL, PROF. JOHN N.
MIKSIC, DR. IAIN SINCLAIR, DR. TAI YEW SENG, DR. ANDREA ELVIN, M. (2015). “PREFACE: SOME THOUGHTS ON THE NELMS, T. C., AND MAURER, B. (2014). “MATERIALITY,
NATURE OF MONEY.” IN LEONARD, J. K., AND THEOBALD, U. SYMBOL, AND COMPLEXITY IN THE ANTHROPOLOGY OF
ACRI, DR. D. KYLE LATINIS, AND MS. FONG SOK ENG, WHO
(EDS.), MONEY IN ASIA (1200-1900): SMALL CURRENCIES MONEY.” IN BIJLEVELD, E., AND AARTS, H. (EDS.), THE
GAVE USEFUL COMMENTS AND SUGGESTIONS FOR THIS PAPER.
IN SOCIAL AND POLITICAL CONTEXTS. LEIDEN: BRILL, PP. PSYCHOLOGICAL SCIENCE OF MONEY. NEW YORK: SPRINGER
ANY ERRORS THAT REMAIN ARE THE AUTHOR’S OWN. IX-XXXIX). SCIENCE + BUSINESS MEDIA, PP. 37-69. RETRIEVED FROM:
HTTPS://ESCHOLARSHIP.ORG/UC/ITEM/8X59267F
REFERENCES GUTMAN, P. (1978). THE ANCIENT COINAGE OF SOUTHEAST
ASIA. JOURNAL OF THE SIAM SOCIETY 66(1): 8-21. RAHARDJO, S. (1990). “TRADISI MENABUNG DALAM
AELST, A. V. (1995). “MAJAPAHIT PICIS: THE CURRENCY OF A MASYARAKAT MAJAPAHIT: TELAAH PENDAHULUAN TERHADAP
‘MONEYLESS’ SOCIETY 1300-1700.” BIDJRAGEN TOT DE TAAL-, KRISADAOLARN, R. (2016). THE EVOLUTION OF THAI MONEY: CELENGAN DI TROWULAN.” IN SEDYAWATI, E., POJOH, I. H. E.,
LAND- EN VOLKENKUNDE 151(3): 357-393. FROM ITS ORIGINS IN ANCIENT KINGDOMS. BANGKOK: RIVER AND RAHARDJO, S. (EDS.), MONUMEN: KARYA PERSEMBAHAN
BOOKS. UNTUK PROF. DR. R. SOEKMONO. SERI PENERBITAN ILMIAH
AMELIA S. (1995). “THE ROLE OF CHINESE COINS IN NO. 11 EDISI KHUSUS. DEPOK: LEMBARAN SASTRA FAKULTAS
MAJAPAHIT.” IN MIKSIC, J. N., AND SOEKATNO, E. S. H. (EDS.), HALL, K. R. (1999). “COINAGE, TRADE AND ECONOMY IN SASTRA UNIVERSITAS INDONESIA.
THE LEGACY OF MAJAPAHIT. SINGAPORE: NATIONAL HERITAGE EARLY SOUTH INDIA AND ITS SOUTHEAST ASIAN NEIGHBOURS.”
BOARD. THE INDIAN ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL HISTORY REVIEW 36(4): SINGH, U. (2009). A HISTORY OF ANCIENT AND EARLY
431-459. MEDIEVAL INDIA: FROM THE STONE AGE TO THE 12TH
ARISANTI, N. (2017). “UANG KEPENG DALAM PERSPEKTIF CENTURY. NOIDA, U.P.: DORLING KINDERSLEY (INDIA) PVT.
MASYARAKAT HINDU BALI DI ERA GLOBALISASI.” FORUM HENG, D. T. S. (2006). “EXPORT COMMODITY AND REGIONAL LTD.
ARKEOLOGI 29(3) (NOV.): 159-174. CURRENCY: THE ROLE OF CHINESE COPPER COINS IN THE
MELAKA STRAITS, TENTH TO FOURTEENTH CENTURIES.” WICKS, R. S. (1992). MONEY, MARKETS, AND TRADE IN
BOELES, J. J. (1967). “A NOTE ON THE ANCIENT CITY CALLED JOURNAL OF SOUTHEAST ASIAN STUDIES 37(2) (JUN.): EARLY SOUTHEAST ASIA: THE DEVELOPMENT OF INDIGENOUS
LAVAPURA (NOTES).” JOURNAL OF THE SIAM SOCIETY 55(1): 179-203. MONETARY SYSTEMS TO AD 1400. ITHACA, NY: SOUTHEAST
113-115. ASIA PROGRAM, CORNELL UNIVERSITY.
LI, K. (2007). “A STUDY ON THE SONG, YUAN AND MING
BOELES, J. J. (1964). “THE KING OF SRI DVARAVATI AND HIS MONETARY POLICIES WITHIN THE CONTEXT OF WORLDWIDE WICKS, R. S. (1985). “THE ANCIENT COINAGE OF MAINLAND
REGALIA.” JOURNAL OF THE SIAM SOCIETY 52(1): 99-114. HARD CURRENCY FLOWS DURING THE 11TH-16TH SOUTHEAST ASIA.” JOURNAL OF SOUTHEAST ASIAN STUDIES
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CHINE, DU JAPON, DE LA COREE, D’ANNAM ET DE JAVA, AU WORLD 1400-1800: ITS FABRICS OF POWER AND DYNAMICS OF ZHOU, W. (2005). “APPENDIX: CHINESE COINS: ALLOY
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MIKSIC, J. N., AND GOH, G. Y. (2017). ANCIENT SOUTHEAST
ASIA. LONDON: ROUTLEDGE.FEATURE
Java Sea Wreck Dating
14
—
BY MICHAEL FLECKER
MANAGING DIRECTOR, MARITIME EXPLORATIONS
FIGURE 1: BRONZE ARTEFACT FROM THE JSW DEPICTING A PRINCESS RIDING A MAKARA, FROM THE JAVANESE EPIC SRI TANJUNG,
DATING TO THE MAJAPAHIT OR PRE-MAJAPAHIT PERIOD. (CREDIT: PACIFIC SEA RESOURCES INC.)
In 1996, I had the privilege of excavating which can be found in the recently
the Java Sea Wreck (JSW) on behalf of published article, “Revisiting the date of
private company, Pacific Sea Resources the Java Sea Shipwreck from Indonesia”
Inc. (PSR), under a license issued by (Niziolek et al. 2018), is that the wreck
the Indonesian government. After two may be up to a century older. As accurate
years of conservation, research and dating is fundamental to determining
documentation, PSR donated its half of a shipwreck’s historical context, the
the recovered cargo to the Field Museum new publication is a welcome addition
in Chicago, USA. The other half was to the research on this important site.
retained by Indonesia, where most of the
artefacts would seem to have been sold. The reasoning for the new dates
is based on an inscription on the base
In the archaeological report published of two covered boxes, a comparison with
in 1997, Roxanna Brown, Prof. John contemporaneous shipwrecks, and new
Miksic, and I contend that the JSW dates accelerated mass spectrometry (AMS)
mid to late 13th century based on the analysis. The inscription dating is derived
stylistic analysis of ceramics and on from a wonderful piece of detective work,
the radiometric dating of a resin sample where an inscribed place name, Jianning FIGURE 2: LOCATION OF THE JAVA SEA WRECK. (CREDIT: M.
(95% confidence interval1: 1215 Fu, changes twice in recorded history. FLECKER)
to 1405 CE). The latest contention, This provides the bracketing datesof 1162 to 1278. However, the
comparative wreck evidence is relatively
older still and impossible for a wrecking
date given the inscription range.
15
MICHAEL FLECKER IS THE MANAGING DIRECTOR OF MARITIME
EXPLORATIONS, AND HAS TWICE BEEN A VISITING FELLOW AT
NSC. HIS RECENT PUBLICATIONS INCLUDE CONTRIBUTIONS
weak, as the researched dates have The resin sample was professionally IN CHONG, A., AND MURPHY, S. A. (EDS.), 2017), THE TANG
typically been derived from less evidence extracted from the one artefact and then SHIPWRECK: ART AND EXCHANGE IN THE 9TH CENTURY,
than provided on the JSW, and the ranges divided into two for the two labs, and SINGAPORE: ASIAN CIVILISATIONS MUSEUM, AND IN TAN,
tend to be very broad, such as ‘Southern yet there is no discussion on the huge H. (ED.), (2012), MARINE ARCHAEOLOGY IN SOUTHEAST
Song’ (1127 to 1279). Indeed, the article discrepancy in results. Potential sample ASIA: INNOVATION AND ADAPTATION, SINGAPORE: ASIAN
places undue emphasis on dynastic contamination is suggested as a reason CIVILISATIONS MUSEUM . HIS DOCTORAL THESIS WAS
disparity with the initial dating of the JSW for the older date. It is also possible PUBLISHED BY THE BRITISH ARCHAEOLOGICAL REPORT SERIES
AS THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL EXCAVATION OF THE 10TH CENTURY
being touted as Yuan (1279 to 1368) or that the resin may have been collected
INTAN SHIPWRECK (2002).
transitional when mid to late 13th century from the forest floor, rather than directly
is actually more aligned with the late from a tree, and therefore could predate
Southern Song. Much of the comparative the wreck. The latter suggestion may 1
The 95% confidence interval is a
evidence is therefore not conflicting. explain the difference between the old probability measurement of two standard-
and new Beta Analytic results, but not deviations, meaning that there is a 95%
At the core of the article is the AMS the discrepancy between the two labs. certainty that the range of dates covers
analysis, which is theoretically more the true age of the tested material.
precise than the original radiometric The ivory provides a date range of 991
dating. Resin samples were sent to two to 1158 CE. Had the resin and ivory REFERENCES
laboratories in the USA, DirectAMS and samples only been sent to DirectAMS,
Beta Analytic, the latter having performed the closely matching results would have FLECKER, M. (2005). “RESCUE EXCAVATION: THE JAVA SEA
the 1997 analysis. For good measure an been powerful evidence for a much earlier WRECK.” HERITAGE ASIA MAGAZINE 3(2) (DEC.-FEB.): 25-29.
ivory sample was also sent to DirectAMS. wreck date, although the inscription
The results of this solid scientific work are date would have thrown a big spanner FLECKER, M. (2003). “THE THIRTEENTH-CENTURY JAVA SEA
remarkably and inexplicably inconclusive. in the works. Ivory suffers physical and WRECK: A CHINESE CARGO IN AN INDONESIAN SHIP.” THE
chemical alteration when exposed to MARINER’S MIRROR 89(4) (NOV.): 388-404.
seawater over a prolonged period, which
can affect AMS results. So it would seem FLECKER, M. (1999). THE 13TH CENTURY JAVA SEA WRECK:
that this close correlation is coincidental. BULK IRON AND CERAMICS FROM CHINA. PROCEEDINGS OF THE
“The new Beta Analytic results FUJIAN CERAMICS CONFERENCE, SINGAPORE / CHICAGO.
While the original radiometric analysis
for resin provide a date range is old technology, it is well proven and MATHERS, W., AND FLECKER, M. (1997). THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL
of 1048 to 1261. This is indeed certainly cannot be dismissed. If resin EXCAVATION OF THE JAVA SEA WRECK. PACIFIC SEA
samples may have been harvested RESOURCES.
considerably older than the directly and therefore been of similar
original 1215 to 1405, but there is age to the wreck, or collected from NIZIOLEK, L. C., FEINMAN, G. M., KIMURA, J., RESPESS, A.,
the forest floor and been older, the ZHANG, L. (2018). “REVISITING THE DATE OF THE JAVA SEA
a 46-year overlap in the mid-13th earliest date of the most recent SHIPWRECK FROM INDONESIA.” JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL
century. ” sample should provide a terminus post SCIENCE: REPORTS 19: 781-790.
quem (earliest possible date), which HTTPS://DOI.ORG/10.1016/J.JASREP.2018.04.002
is 1215 in the case of the JSW.
As the geographical origin of both the There are other potential avenues of
resin and the ivory remains uncertain, investigation. Bronze statuary from the
both northern and southern hemisphere JSW wreck is suggestive of Majapahit
calibration algorithms have been used (1293 to c.1500) or pre-Majapahit
to determine date ranges. Perhaps influence. In a thorough comparative
it would have been worth determining study, “Gongs, Bells, and Cymbals:
the origin of these key materials prior The Archaeological Record in Maritime
to the AMS analysis for they may both Asia from the ninth to the seventeenth
be equatorial, where a transitional centuries”, Arsenio Nicolas concludes
algorithm would be more appropriate. that Chinese gongs exported to
As it stands, the northern hemisphere Southeast Asia are flat until at least
results are consistently further from 1231 (this date is from an inscription
the covered box inscription dates on the rim of a flat gong), and thereafter
and are therefore dismissed here incorporate a central boss. Bronze gongs
to simplify discussion. In the same from the JSW wreck have a central boss.
vein, I will only use 95% confidence
interval dates for comparison. The Field Museum team is continuing
with important research work. I very much
The new Beta Analytic results for resin look forward to learning from their future
provide a date range of 1048 to 1261. findings, when discussion on the port
This is indeed considerably older than of lading and alternative destinations
the original 1215 to 1405, but there is may be more valid. In the meantime,
a 46-year overlap in the mid-13th century. I consider the date of the JSW revisited
The new DirectAMS resin results give but not revised. I’m still happy with the
a range of 986 to 1135, which is much mid-13th century, or perhaps a bit earlier.You can also read
