European Parliament - A Social Union - EuroMUN
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A Social Union European Parliament
WELCOME LETTER FROM THE SECRETARIAT 3
WELCOME LETTER FROM THE CHAIRS 4
INTRODUCTION TO THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT 5
1. History 5
2. Competencies 6
3. Functioning 7
4. Funding 8
A SOCIAL UNION 9
1. Common Minimum Wage 9
2. Universal Basic Income 13
3. Working Conditions in the GIG Economy 15
4. Other Topics 18
5. Main Actors 21
6. Further Research 24
8. Expectations of the Committee 26
BIBLIOGRAPHY 27
2
Welcome Letter from the Secretariat
Distinguished Delegates,
On behalf of the entire Secretariat I would like to welcome you to the European
Parliament. Thirty years after the Maastricht Treaty, our conference is held under the
motto “Learning from the Past, Constructing our Future.” At EuroMUN 2022 we aim to
give you the space to debate pressing challenging issues constructively. Take the time
to re-think the history of your topic and frame it within a new and innovative approach
within your committee. I can only hope that EuroMUN 2022 will be an exciting
experience for you, academically and socially.
I wish you success, fruitful debates and an amazing time within your committee session
and the conference as a whole.
On behalf of the EuroMUN Secretariat,
EuroMUN 2022 Secretary-General & Conference Manager
Maria Elena Tsitsiloni
3Welcome Letter from the Chairs
Most honorable Delegates,
We as chairs of the European Parliament are delighted to welcome you to this year’s EuroMUN
conference and to the very special committee that is the European Parliament. We are thrilled to
have you in our committee acting as representatives of both your assigned European Political
Group and national political party, in what is the world’s second largest democratic electorate in
the world and one of Europe’s key political bodies.
This study guide will provide you with a brief overview of the issue that the European
Committees will be debating at EuroMUN 2022: a proposal for a Social Union. We will be
debating topics such as a common minimum wage, universal basic income, lifelong learning,
and gender equality amongst others. This topic has been brought into a new light by the Covid-
19 pandemic and subsequent economic crisis, and more recently the economic inflation in 2022
as well. We think this is an interesting topic as it allows us to discover the political and
ideological differences regarding socio-economic issues in the European Parliament.
Being a delegate in this special committee not only means you will have a truly European
experience in the city of the Treaty on the European Union, but it also brings additional
responsibilities and special rules. It means you must not only understand the fundamentals of
MUN debate, but also that of debate in the EP. We expect you to study the mechanisms of how
the several EU bodies work and interact with each other and especially the Parliament’s
function and place. Besides that, it is important that you research both your European group’s
position on the topics but also that of your national party. As a delegate, you will both have to
cooperate with the other delegates in your political group but also differentiate yourself from
them.
It goes without saying, but we will state it in any case: as your chairs, we are more than happy
to receive any questions at all you might have about any of the topics, preparations, the
conference, or MUN in general. Please contact us if you have any at insert chair email address
here. We will be more than happy to help you along. We are looking forward very much to
meeting you all in May. In the meantime, we hope you stay in good health and wish you the best
of luck with preparations for what we are sure will be a very exciting conference.
Kind regards,
The chairs of the European Parliament at EuroMUN 2022,
Egan Paquay, Jelle van der Ham and Alexis Akodjenou
4Introduction to the European Parliament
1. History
The creation and existence of the European Parliament should not be viewed on it’s
own, but seen as a step in the longer and still ongoing process of European Integration.
This section will go into this topic in order to show the background and events that led to
the creation of the Parliament.
The process of European integration started after the second world war, a global conflict
the scale of which the world had never seen before. The idea was simple: if countries
were to collaborate to such an extent that they became dependent on each other, a war
between them would not be beneficial to anyone who started it. The first simple way to
ensure this ‘interdependence’ was to cooperate in the production, import and export of
coal and steel; the main materials needed for a large-scale war. The European Coal
and Steel Community (ECSC) consisted of the BeNeLux countries, France, Germany
and Italy. A consultative body with no legislative powers was created for the ECSC, with
78 members from national parliaments. This body would change name several times, to
finally become the “European Parliament '' in 1962 (Wiener et al, 2019).
Understanding the creation of the ECSC means understanding the rest of European
integration, in broad terms, as well. As the ECSC evolved into what we know as the EU
today, it’s scope and number of member states increased step by step. But the central
idea behind every step in further integration remained the same: more interdependency
in more areas not only means a more united Europe, less prone to conflict, but it is also
supposed to bring more mutual benefits for every member state.
For 1979, the members of the EP ceased to be appointed by national parliaments, as
they had been previously, and the body became directly elected by citizens of the
European member states. It has now become the political directly elected by the world’s
second largest electorate, behind the Indian Parliament. In these early years, the body
mainly concerned itself with the functioning of what was then called the European
Community (EC) but did not have the same legislative powers as other EC bodies
(Wiener et al, 2019)..
Another important step in the process came in 1991, when the members of the EC
signed the Maastricht Treaty, establishing the European Union (EU). The member
5states had different ideas as to what level of control, and in what areas, the individual
member states should retain at a national level. The treaty introduced a shared
European Citizenship for those living in the member states and could have been
observed as being an important step towards a Federal Europe. This gave the EP a
different status still, as it had now come from a consultative body to a fully democratic
Parliament chosen by European citizens. It can be seen clearly how it was, at this
stage, meant to ultimately become the parliament for a federal European state (Wiener
et al, 2019).
Although the process of European Integration remains one open to a lot of debate, the
powers of the EP have still increased. With the Lisbon Treaty in 2009, the Parliament
received legislative powers almost equal to that of the European Council. The
Parliament had by now evolved into a complex body where national parties worked
together both in so-called European Parties, often corresponding with the EP’s political
‘groups’. This is the form of the body as we know it today.
2. Competencies
The current functioning of the EU is mainly a question of it’s five core bodies, of which
the EP the first legislative one. Its competencies are defined in the Treaty of the
Functioning of the European Union (TFEU). The European Parliament, or EP, is the first
legislative chamber of the EU, and out of the five major EU institutions it is the only one
6directly elected. It makes legislative and budgetary decisions together with the Council
of the European Union (TFEU, 2009).
There are certain areas of policy where the EU has the only say, and individual
countries are not allowed to pass their own legislation on. These include legislation
related to the EU customs Union, establishing competition rules for the functioning of
the internal market, and monetary policies for the Eurozone. In the legislative system of
the EU, policy is first proposed by the European Commission. This policy is then voted
upon by the European Parliament and the Council of the European Union, also called
Council of Ministers. This means that the EP does not hold a right of legislative initiative;
it cannot propose any European legislation. It can, however, request the Commission to
put forward certain proposals (TFEU, 2009).
3. Functioning
The Parliament consists of a maximum of 750 seats, plus the president, divided in a
degressively proportional way amongst member states (TFEU, 2009). This means that
smaller member states get more seats per capita than the bigger member states. A
maximum of 750 Members of the European Parliament (MEP’s) are directly elected
every five years, in EU-wide elections. They are representatives of national parties,
7which work together in 7 ‘Political Groups’ in the EP. For campaigning and cooperation
purposes, they are also part of European Political parties, which broadly overlap with
the Political groups (European Parliament, 2022e). When a European Commission is
formed, this is done in a similar fashion to a national government in a parliamentary
system, whereby the aim is to find a government supported by enough members of
parliament (in this case MEP’s) to hold a majority. The current commission, Von der
Leyen, consists of members of the EPP, S&D, and Renew groups, and is unofficially
supported by the ECR group and some independents.
4. Funding
The European Parliament is bound by the general EU financing structures. EU funds
are composed of contributions by Member states, customs duties, sugar levies, and EU
institutions’ income. In return, member states receive EU subsidies and receive EU
support and access to the EU single market (TFEU, 2009).
In terms of financial legislation, the EU decides on general priorities and funding
allocations every 7 years in a Multiannual Financial Framework, or MFF. MFF’s are
drawn up by the Council of the European Union, but have to be consented to by the
current EP.. Within MFF’s, there are annual budgets, which are more specific, which are
written up every year (TFEU, 2009). The EP has a more prominent role in the making of
these annual budgets.
8A Social Union
The Maastricht Treaty, which was signed in February 1992, in many ways established
the European Union as we know it today, opened the way for single currency, and had a
significant impact on European integration (European Council & Council of the EU,
2022). Since then, Europe has developed into more than just an economic union, and
the 30 years in between meant that the treaty in its original form was no longer able to
comprehensively reflect the current needs of the Union. In order to ensure that Europe
can maintain its sustainable and inclusive growth model, it’s time that the treaty would
be reviewed and possibly amended with further emphasis on social rights and
protection of the workers. In this regard, the Commission proposal has 6 major points
which have been further elaborated below.
1. Common Minimum Wage
This chapter of the study guide will highlight the important key terms, events, and
previous proposals made by EU bodies relating to minimum wage policies. We expect
delegates in both the COEU and the EP to familiarise themselves with these terms and
be able to understand them, to be aware of how past events led us to the current
political discourse on minimum wages in the EU, and be familiar with the relevant
documents and proposals, before expanding on this knowledge with their own research.
This research should include either (in the case of the EP) what both their EP political
group and national political party think of minimum wages and how these should be
regulated within the EU, or (in the case of the CoEU) what their national governments’
policy on minimum wage and if and how to regulate this within the EU is.
i. Explanation of Key Terms
Minimum wage: A minimum wage refers to the lowest financial compensation
employees can legally be paid for their labour, and which cannot be reduced by
collective or individual agreement. Several forms of setting a minimum wage exist and
factors which differentiate it include country, sector of employment, gender, age, and
others.
Statutory minimum wage: The statutory minimum wage is the lowest wage permitted by
law.
Single market: A single market is a form of trade bloc in which trade barriers for goods,
capital and/or labour have been removed between the parties in the market. Generally,
9in discussions on the European Union, as well as in this study guide, it is used to refer
to the European Single market, where free movement of goods, capital, services, and
people is ensured between the 27 members of the EU, as well as Iceland,
Liechtenstein, and Norway through the European Economic Area (EEA) and to a certain
extent Switzerland through various bilateral trade agreements.
Collective bargaining: Collective bargaining refers to the process of negotiation between
groups of employers and employees to regulate conditions such as wages, wherein the
employees are usually represented by trade unions.
ii. Timeline of Important Recent Events
17th of November 2017: The European Pillar of Social Rights, hereinafter called EPSR,
is announced in a declaration made by the then 28 member states of the EU in
Gothenburg, also known as the Gothenburg declaration(Council of the European Union,
2017).
28th of October 2020: the European Commission proposes a directive to improve the
adequacy of minimum wages in the EU, which aims to promote collective bargaining on
wages in all EU countries and setting statutory minimum wages at adequate levels
(European Commission, 2021a).
3rd of March 2021: The European Pillar of Social Rights Action Plan is presented by the
Von der Leyen Commission, with new targets for policy and legislative proposals for the
20-point EPSR (European Commission, 2021b.)
8th of May 2021: The Porto Declaration is made at the Porto Social Summit, where a
reaction of the EU member states on the EPSR Action Plan appears lukewarm,
referring to the Action Plan only as “useful guidance” while not committing to it, and
stresses the “due regard for respective competences and the principles of subsidiarity
and proportionality”(European Council, 2021).
18th of November 2021: European Parliament votes in favour of the proposal for a
directive of the European Parliament and of the Council on the adequate minimum
wages in the European Union[5]. The final form of this document is what will be
discussed at EuroMUN 2022 by the Trilogue of European Union committees (European
Parliament, 2021a).
10iii. Previous Proposals and Other Documents
European Pillar of Social Rights (EPSR)
In terms of minimum wages, the EPSR states in principle 6 (wages) subpoint b that:
“Adequate minimum wages shall be ensured, in a way that provide for the satisfaction of
the needs of the worker and his/her family in the light of national economic and social
conditions, whilst safeguarding access to employment and incentives to seek work. In-
work poverty shall be prevented”. This definition does not go as far as to set specific
standards for the minimum wage and is subject to interpretation of the terms such as
“satisfaction (…) in the light of national economic situations”(Council of the European
Union, 2017).
The EPSR Action Plan
The European Pillar of Social Rights Action Plan is an attempt by the Von der Leyen
commission to turn the 20 principles of the EPSR into more concrete targets with
concrete actions to achieve these targets. The document describes itself as “the
Commission’s contribution to the implementation of the Social Pillar principles” and
draws from consultation with citizens, member states, civil organisations, and other
parties. It was presented in March of 2021, ahead of the European Social Summit in
Porto in May of that year.
The Action Plan sets out three key headline targets, to be achieved by specific sub-
targets, and furthermore outlines specific actions to be taken in each of the 20 separate
Social Pillar principles. The headline goals are to ensure 78% of the adult population is
employed by 2030, for 60% of all adults to participate in training every year, and to
reduce the number of people at risk of poverty or social exclusion by at least 15 million
in 2030 (European Commission, 2021b).
A (common) minimum wage could possibly help in the achieving of these goals,
especially in the third headline goal on the amount of people living in poverty.
Directive on Adequate Minimum Wages
The main proposal from the European Parliament and of the Council concerning a
(common) minimum wage is proposal 2020/0310 “on adequate minimum wages in the
European Union”. This proposal was put forward in October of 2020 and is now under
11review. This proposal is what we as chairs suggest the delegates at EuroMUN 2022
take as their starting point for this topic.
The criteria put forward in the proposal for what is considered an adequate minimum
wage would only apply to countries with a statutory minimum wage and does not require
those countries without a statutory wage to introduce it. The proposal sets out how
member states will define their own criteria for a minimum wage, which must include at
least some criteria set out in the proposal such as purchasing power, taxes and social
benefits, the distribution of wages and their growth rates, and labour productivity
developments. Member states must also update their criteria when this is needed and
establish consultative bodies to advise them.
For countries where collective bargaining applies, the proposal promotes increasing the
collective bargaining coverage. It wants to do so by promoting the capacity for the
relevant social entities to participate in the process and encouraging “constructive,
meaningful and informed negotiations” on wages. Countries where collective bargaining
coverage is less than 70% are asked to present a framework on how they want to
enable the conditions for collective bargaining and establish an action plan to promote
it. Member states are required to take measures to ensure that social actors are
involved in the process “in a timely manner” to update wages as often as need be.
Public contracts should only be allowed to be given to companies that comply with
collective agreements to discourage them from not doing so.
The proposal also sets out requirements for monitoring and data collection of data
relating to the establishment and protection of minimum wages and sets out the specific
requirements of how often and to what parameters these statistics should be taken. It
further specifies member states should bind themselves to the proposal within 2 years
from adoption (European Parliament, 2021a).
Proposal Reactions
The proposals have been criticized for being vague and non-specific. Firstly, the
definition of what an “adequate” minimum wage should be has sparked fear that some
member states will put through legislation that will not actually improve the wages of
those working significantly enough, or, if it does, it does not for enough people. The
proposal does not, for example, set out a hard figure of what a minimum wage should
be, which would be possible on an EU-wide level if it was done by defining the minimum
wage as a derivative of certain economic output figures, such as gross domestic
product or purchasing power. The directive setting out that a statutory minimum wage
does not even need to be implied is controversial as well, as from certain ideological
12points of view it can be argued the proposal does not even set out a minimum wage to
begin with.
Other parties are against the proposal for exactly the opposite reasons; those on the
economic right of the political spectrum in Europe have argued that setting minimum
wages should not be part of the EU’s competencies. The vice-president of the ECR
group Oldrich Vlasak cautioned that a framework for a minimum wage would lead to a
“one-size fits all” approach for the EU and that Member States should choose their own
instruments “that suit their needs”. Criticism has also come from the other hand of the
political spectrum, where Danish and Swedish MEP’s of the Socialist & Democrats
party, whose countries rely exclusively on collective bargaining have critiqued the
proposal for taking a too political stance on how to set minimum wages.
2. Universal Basic Income
Universal Basic Income, henceforth abbreviated as UBI, is an increasingly common
buzzword (Bregman, 2018; Yang, 2019). having even surfaced during the Primaries of
the Democratic Party in the United States of America (US) as a prominent feature of
Andrew Yang’s policy platform (Mitchell, 2019). UBI, as a concept, is not new having
even almost been imposed during Nixon’s presidency in the United States of America in
the 1970s though UBI has never fully been realized (Bregman, 2018).
To understand the concept, it is useful to divide the concept into two distinct sections:
universality and basic income. Beginning with the latter, basic income refers to regular
earnings, typically monthly, for individuals or households in the form of money provided
by the government. Typically, earnings are derived from services, e.g. work, or goods,
e.g. assets/stocks. In the case of basic income, it typically is provided by governments
to individuals or households who need it to cover their basic needs, e.g. food, water, or
sanitation. The other distinct part of the concept, namely universality, refers to the fact
that UBI is meant to be provided to a population as a whole with effectively no barriers
to eligibility or, in other words, the entire population would receive the basic income.
The driving force behind the growing prominence is undoubtedly the Fourth Industrial
Revolution that is and has the potential to displace a swath of the labour force out of
their jobs (Bregman, 2018; Yang, 2019). The concerning feature of industrial revolutions
is that it is unclear what new professions would appear and to what extent. It would,
however, be wrong to simply assume new jobs will appear for displaced workers as
many of the currently prominent companies, imagine Tesla or Whatsapp (part of Meta),
need only a fraction of the jobs that were previously needed. Given that a significantly
insufficient level of new work appears, this would lead to high levels of inequality where
13a handful of people own the productive assets in society whereas the rest of society
experiences falling levels of living standards with all that that entails.
Work is no longer a necessity for survival with current levels of resources. UBI would
step in here to make sure that everyone’s basic needs are covered. This would provide
the entire population with a safety net allowing them to pursue work that interests them
rather than to put food on the table. With a sufficient safety net in the form of UBI, for
example, a cashier may decide to become a philosopher or an accountant may begin
innovating; these careers are likely to be heavily, if not entirely, automated in the near
future.
Rugter Bregman highlights that there are generally two areas of criticism (2018). Firstly,
‘UBI is too expensive’. Clearly, the immense budgetary size of UBI requires it to be
carefully considered and evaluated. Taking the population of the Netherlands in 2020 of
roughly 17 million people, providing each person 1,000 Euros per month through a UBI
programme, would cost 17 billion Euros per month and 204 billion per year which is
ultimately borne by taxpayers. It would go to members of society that do not need it or
where it may be inconsequential. The priority of UBI, and other safety nets, is to
guarantee that the vulnerable members of society are supported. It may, therefore,
simply be better to tweak the current system to support these members. Implicit in
analyses of UBI, it is assumed that the consumption based on UBI would remain in a
country. If only a certain handful of EU members were to impose UBI, it is likely that this
would adversely impact their trade balance and would likely infringe on the
government’s ability to recover the money through taxes. Secondly ‘UBI would dissuade
people from working’. Having this extra source of income would limit incentives for work.
From the Denver experiment, it was seen that two social cleavages limited their working
hours on average: mothers with young children and students that are older than 20
(Bregman, 2018, p. 38). A decrease of work from both of these, however, are beneficial
as child-raising is intensive and crucial and students being able to focus on their studies
benefit from it much more. Even if a fall average working hours was realized, it would
allow individuals to spend more during their freetime, as supported by UBI, further
pushing up consumption and driving the economy.
The largest and most notable experiments and pilots have taken place in the US and
Canada. It should be noted that the entire state of Alaska is quintessentially the largest
and longest running UBI to ever take shape though the income is not enough to cover
all basic needs (Yang, 2019, p. 177-178). Across the pond, UBI experiments and pilots
have taken place in the likes of Finland, Germany, the Netherlands, and Spain but to a
much more limited extent at least regarding participants (Samuel, 2020). Some of these
experiments, especially in Germany, were crowdfunded and alongside the European
14Citizens’ Initiative for Unconditional Basic Income 2020-22 reflects growing interest
(European Citizens’ Initiative, 2020; Samuel, 2020). The limited action in the EU UBI
exists despite that the Council of the European Union, the European Parliament and the
European Commission jointly stating, in 2017, that “the EU and its member states will
also support efficient, sustainable and equitable social protection systems to guarantee
basic income” (European Citizens’ Initiative, 2020).
To surmise, there is currently a lack of information on UBI in understanding and
effectively implementing, whether even at all, it on the national level requiring large-
scale pilot programmes and experiments to take place. These pilot programmes and
experiments, moreover, would need to be carefully implemented with deliberations on
bearing the costs, its duration, and much more. Alongside this, there are notable
alternatives to UBI that may rather be pursued including but not limited to negative
income tax, universal basic services or universal public services, and minimum income
guarantee. [A note from the chairs, it is not expected that delegates research these
alternatives before the conference, but if these are to be discussed during the debates
we would kindly ask that you first take the time to explain the basics of the concepts to
guarantee that everyone is on the same page.]
3. Working Conditions in the GIG Economy
Another area where the Commission sets out to protect the safety and dignity of the
workers is the GIG economy (also known as the “platform work”). Familiar to most of us
from apps like Uber or Airbnb, the gig economy refers to the part of the economy where
large numbers of people work in part-time or temporary positions or as independent
contractors (Investopedia, 2021). Although we might have a certain image of gig
workers in our minds due to these day-to-day apps that a lot of us use, the people
involved in this form of economy might differ widely. People driving for apps like Lyft or
delivering food, recent university graduates from IT related majors who write codes to
generate extra income, or perhaps even professors who write freelance articles may all
fall within this framework. A lot of corporations or even educational institutions prefer
employing these kinds of workers in order to minimize long-term costs, and since the
outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic, this form of employment has only become even
more popular, both for the employers and employees.
Today, it is estimated that around a third of the working force in the United States is
already in some gig capacity, and this number is expected to rise in the coming years
too (Investopedia, 2021). The situation in Europe isn’t much different either, especially
15since the rapid increase in the use of aforementioned platforms all over the continent.
According to the European Commission, over 28 million people in the EU work through
digital labour platforms, and their number is expected to reach 43 million people in 2025
(European Commission, 2021). The rapid increase of people choosing the gig economy
was also reflected in its total value. During the 4-year period between 2016 and 2020,
the revenues in the ‘platform economy’ grew almost fivefold from an estimated €3 billion
to around €14 billion (European Commission, 2021).
Statistics of people who generate income from gig work. Source: BCG, Future of Work
However, despite this immense population of people generating some level of income
from this form of employment, the legal framework concerning the rights and protection
of them has been very fragmented. The Commission estimates that around 5.5 million
of these people are incorrectly classified as ‘self-employed’, which makes it very difficult
for them to have access to all of their rights. For instance, many EU member states
continue to define platform workers as ‘contractors’, whereas Spain and the
Netherlands are among those considering introducing rules that would assume a
platform worker is in fact employed by the platform (Meyer, 2021). This in turn would
also mean that the employee might be eligible for minimum wage and annual paid
leaves.
A notable example of a company which tried to change the status quo in Europe was
Uber’s attempt in February 2021. The company released a white paper arguing for a
similar regulatory approach to that taken in California, where voters last November
backed a ballot initiative cementing independent contractor status for Uber and Lyft’s
drivers (Meyer, 2021). However, it didn’t take long for U.K.’s Supreme Court to
16undermine that argument, and within days, the court unanimously ruled that Uber’s
drivers are in fact workers rather than independent contractors. This was a significant
decision because (as mentioned above) being defined as ‘worker’ would mean that
Uber drivers would therefore deserve the minimum wage and annual paid leave. It is
worth mentioning that the U.K. is indeed no longer a member of the EU, yet the
reasoning of that ruling (that Uber strictly controls fares, work flexibility, and other
elements of its working conditions, which as a result, makes its drivers anything but
independent) is certainly expected to have some resonation in other fellow European
countries as well (Meyer, 2021).
i. Previous Proposals
In December 2021, after two separate rounds of consultations with different European
social partners throughout the year, the European Commission published a press
release titled “Commission proposals to improve the working conditions of people
working through digital labour platforms”. Although these proposals touched upon a few
different aspects concerning the ‘digital labour platforms’ in the EU, they were mainly
aimed at ensuring that people working through these platforms would enjoy the labour
rights and social benefits they are entitled to. Depending on the total number of
platforms which will meet at least two of the five criteria to be considered as “employer”
(which includes terms about remuneration, supervision, working hours and appearance
rules), anywhere between 1.7 to 4.1 million people’s legal status could change as
“employee” (Liboreiro, 2021).
First and foremost, the proposals seek to clarify the legal status of these companies,
and thus puts forward a set of criteria (mentioned above). If the companies meet at least
two of those, then they are legally considered as employers. Once a company gets this
status, the people who work through this company (or app) would therefore be entitled
to the labour and social rights that come with the status of “worker”. Secondly, the
proposals also touch upon the issue of algorithmic management, especially to those
situations where the people are directed by the automated decisions of the platform.
The Directive sets out standards to make sure that human monitoring would be present
on their working conditions, and that the workers would have the right to object to the
automated decisions if they deem necessary.
Finally, another very important issue that the EU lawmakers tried to touch upon was
transparency and enforcement. Since most of these platforms operate in different
Member States, national authorities have often found it difficult to access the data on
the platforms and/or concerning people working through them. In this regard, the
Commission's proposal is expected to bring more transparency by clarifying existing
17obligations to declare work to national authorities and asking platforms to make key
information about their activities and the people who work through them available to
national authorities (European Commission, 2021). This is a very significant aspect of
the Directive, since it might serve as an example to other international standards in
order to ensure high-quality platform work. The Commission's proposals for a Directive
will now be discussed by the European Parliament and the Council, and once adopted,
Member States will have two years to incorporate the Directive into national law
(European Commission, 2021).
4. Other Topics
i. Lifelong Learning
The digital transformation of the workplace poses one of the most daunting tasks for
European institutions. Millions of stable jobs are in the balance and with them, countless
livelihoods. This macroeconomic problem of great magnitude requires solutions of equal
proportions. How do we accompany the many generations of individuals in this
transition without alienating them?
Lifelong learning, also known as adult learning, is defined by the Commission of the
European Communities as ‘all forms of learning undertaken by adults after having left
initial education and training , however far this process may have gone (e.g., including
tertiary education)’(Commission of the European Communities, 2006). Legally, the
duties to ensure lifelong learning are supported by Article 3 of the Treaty on European
Union (TEU) as well as Articles 9, 10, 19, 45-48, 145-150 and 151-161 of the Treaty on
the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU) (European Parliament, 2021a). The
European Parliament has taken on a consultative and supervisory role regarding this
issue.
Consequently, under its European Pillar of Social Rights Action Plan, lifelong learning
was proclaimed as a pillar at the 2017 Gothenborg Summit. It reads as follows:
“Everyone has the right to quality and inclusive education, training and life-long learning
in order to maintain and acquire skills that enable them to participate fully in society and
manage successfully [sic] transitions in the labour market” (European Commission,
2021a).
18The European Commission has set three targets for 2030 concerning lifelong learning
(European Commission, 2021a):
1. At least 78% of the population between age 20 and 64 should be employed;
2. At least 60% of adults should engage in training every year;
3. The number of people at risk of poverty or social exclusion must be reduced
by at least 15 million.
Following the successful declaration of the commitments of each EU Member State at
the Porto Social Summit from January to June 2021, the action plan that each EU
Member State needs to implement includes the creation of more and better jobs, the
promotion of qualifications and equality and the improvement of social protection and
inclusion (Council of the European Union, 2021a). Especially for lifelong learning, the
emphasis is put on training (at least 60% of adults with annual participation in trainings)
and on digital learning (at least 80% of aged 16 to 74 with access to basic digital skills)
(Council of the European Union, 2021b). These ideas were reiterated, summarised and
declared under paragraph 8 of the Porto Declaration (European Council, 2021). In the light
of these commitments, the European Parliament shall concretely address measures to
facilitate, on one hand learning through vocational training, reskilling, upskilling and on
the other hand facilitate the access of different generations to digitalisation and to the
new work practises such as teleworking.
ii. Workers’ Health
The topic of health and safety at work is covered by Articles 91, 114, 115, 151, 153 and
352 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU). The European
Parliament has succeeded in passing legislation with the aim to reinforce protection and
minimize work-related risks, afflictions and injuries(European Parliament, 2021b).
The health of workers is addressed in the European Pillar of Social Rights Action Plan
as the tenth pillar and identifies the following priorities(European Commission, 2021a):
1. Workers have the right to a high level of protection of their health and safety
at work;
2. Workers have the right to a working environment adapted to their
professional needs and which enables them to prolong their participation in the
labour market;
193. Workers have the right to have their personal data protected in the
employment context.
With this in mind, the European Agency for Health and Safety at Work (EU-OSHA) has
set the following priorities in its 2021-2027 strategic framework:
1. anticipating and managing change in the context of green, digital and
demographic transitions;
2. improving the prevention of work-related accidents and diseases, and
striving towards a Vision Zero approach to work-related deaths;
3. increasing preparedness to respond to current and future health crises.
The Commission will mostly focus on issues related to hazardous chemicals such as
asbestos, the biggest cause for work-related deaths according to EU-OSHA. Further
revisions on passed legislations are planned, such as the famous ‘right to disconnect’, a
topic that was discussed and tabled in 2021 by the Parliament (European Commission,
2021b). A particular attention is also given to psychosocial risks, as mental health
issues and suicide rates have been causes for concern even before the pandemic. In
the post-Covid European Union, younger people and people with lower social-economic
status will especially be at risk (European Commission, 2020a, pp. 130-131).
In an ever-increasingly digitalized workplace, legislation must be passed to facilitate a
smooth transition to teleworking and to not only acknowledge the pros and cons in
productivity, but also mitigate the consequences of remote working on work-life balance
and mental health(European Commission, 2020b). EU Member States have already
taken steps to address teleworking and the impact of its new challenges on workers’
health through for example the ‘right to disconnect’, yet, no legislation currently exists
for it so far at the European echelon(European Parliament, 2020).
iii. Gender Equality
Equality between men and women is covered for the large part of our frame by Articles
19 (combatting discrimination), 153 (para. 1 sec. I on EU support for initiatives on
gender equality) and 157 (equal pay) of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European
Union (European Parliament, 2021c). The Commission has set out to eliminate the
gender pay gap and to facilitate the inclusion of underrepresented minorities in the
workplace.
A few figures might illustrate the gender gap effectively. On average, women in the EU
earn 16% less per hour than men. 67% of women are employed as opposed to 78% of
20men.The pensions of female workers are on average 30% lower than male pensions.
75% of unpaid care and domestic work are performed by women. Furthermore, only
7.5% of board chairs and 7.7% of CEOs in the EU are women. To address these
systemic issues, the Commission has targeted pay transparency, the implementation of
legislation on work-life balance, the improvement of child care services and by
promoting targets on gender balance both in boards and in the workplace (European
Commission, 2020c).
The European Commission understands the issue of gender equality in pay through the
lense of the minimum wage debate, as most minimum wage earners are
women(European Commission, 2021c, p. 31). Furthermore, although the Work-Life
Balance Directive of the European Commission was proposed and adopted, its
transposition into national law by itself will not reduce the gender pay gap. Measures
that explicitly address and facilitate the participation of women in the labor market, such
as the quality and availability of childcare infrastructure and other long-term care
services are not only demanded, but required (Ibid, pp. 32-33).
5. Main Actors
i. European People’s Party - EPP
The EPP, largest bloc in the Parliament, holds vocational training, the free movement of
workers and pensioners and the fight against discrimination in the workplace in high
regard. It strives to strengthen the bargaining powers of social partners in wage
negotiations, yet only favors a setting of the minimum wage at the national level (EPP,
2020). The EPP is spearheading efforts in diminishing the skills gap, namely through
the 2021/2233(INI) Draft Report and helping to address mental health in 2021/2098(INI)
(EPP, 2022). The EPP tackles the gender equality debate through a focus on childcare
choices within the household and enabling flexibility in that regard (EPP, 2019).
ii. Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats - S&D
The Socialists and Democrats are at the front of the minimum wage, arguing for either a
statutory European minimum wage or the European empowerment of collective
bargaining agreements. S&D are very engaged in the work-life balance debate. The
online platform of S&D decrees the adoption of the ‘right to disconnect’ into law.
Through the Porto Agenda set up at the 2021 Porto Summit, S&D support the three
21main conclusions on employment, training and digital learning (S&D group, 2021a).
They support the elimination of the gender pay gap through setting a European
minimum wage (S&D group, 2021b).
iii. Renew Europe - Renew
The majority of the MEPs of Renew Europe address the minimum wage debate through
the setting of minimum wage at national levels, yet some members would rather only
tackle the issue through the increase in power of collective bargaining measures.
Renew is keen to compromise on the issue (EDP, 2020). Renew emphasizes greatly on
training and skills, especially in the digital and entrepreneurial areas, and their
accessibility to more vulnerable minorities (Renew Europe, 2021a). It gives high
importance to mental health in the digital era and aims at curbing psychosocial risks
arising from digitalization and achieving a healthy work-life balance in that respect
(Renew Europe, 2021b). Renew supports equal pay between genders under their
commitment to the Simone Veil Pact (Renew Europe, 2022).
iv. Greens–European Free Alliance - Greens-EFA
The Greens/EFA have identified several conditions on which a statutory minimum wage
shall be fixed at a European level, yet recognize that wage setting systems with well-
functioning collective bargaining mechanisms should be left out of minimum wage
setting if properly evaluated (Greens/EFA, 2020). The European Greens actively
engage themselves in defense of the socio-economic conditions of gig workers. They
believe that the Work-Life balance directive did not go far enough to promote cultural
changes and challenging gender roles (Greens/EFA, 2019). Greens/EFA look favorably
upon pay transparency initiatives to eliminate the gender pay gap (Greens/EFA, 2021).
v. Identity and Democracy - ID
Most parties in Identity and Democracy adopt a laissez-faire approach and recommend
that no minimum wage shall be enforced at a European level, but that the countries that
have traditionally followed a system based on the dialogue between social partners
shall keep it that way (LSM, 2021). Not much is known about the other policies of the
group, but it can be assumed that like on other topics, the political group follows a
traditionalist, sovereigntist, reactionary and nationalist ideology.
22vi. European Conservatives and Reformists - ECR
Members of the European Conservatives and Reformists oppose minimum wage setting
on the grounds that Member States should be allowed to decide on the tools that suit
their needs, namely national minimum wage or collective bargaining (ECR, 2021). The
ECR seems to identify an urgent needs for reskilling and upskilling opportunities to
match citizens with the current labor market. As to gender equality, the ECR prioritizes
the access of women to entrepreneurship through micro-loans and the representation of
women in company boards (ECR, 2013).
vii. The Left in the European Parliament – GUE/NGL
Long-time defenders of lower social classes, left-wing parties in GUE/NGL welcome the
initiatives for a European framework on minimum wage, yet warn against arbitrary
settings of a statutory wage that would disregard costs of living (GUE/NGL, 2021a). The
Left supports protection of gig workers and improvement of working conditions in the gig
economy and is fighting with trade unions for gig workers’ rights and status (GUE/NGL,
2021b). The Left have been full supporters of the Work-Life balance directive
(GUE/NGL, 2018). Parallel to S&D, The Left seeks to resolve the gender pay gap
problem through setting and, even further, raising minimum wages across Europe. It
also sees the betterment of childcare services as crucial to resolving the issue
(GUE/NGL, 2020).
236. Further Research
General
- Model Resolution
- https://www.europarl.europa.eu/doceo/document/TA-9-2022-0012_EN.pdf
- Treaty on European Union - TEU - 2009
o https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Consolidated_version_of_the_Treaty_on_Eu
ropean_Union
- Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union - TFEU - 1957
o https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Consolidated_version_of_the_Treaty_on_the
_Functioning_of_the_European_Union
i. Common Minimum Wage
● Cf. footnotes
ii. Universal Basic Income
● Cf. footnotes
iii. Working Conditions in the GIG economy
● Cf. footnotes
iv. Lifelong Learning
● Social Employment Policy
https://www.europarl.europa.eu/ftu/pdf/en/FTU_2.3.1.pdf
● Educational and Vocational Training
https://www.europarl.europa.eu/ftu/pdf/en/FTU_3.6.3.pdf
● Recommendation of the Commission on individual learning
https://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-
content/EN/TXT/PDF/?uri=CELEX:52021DC0773&from=EN
24v. Workers’ Health
● ‘right to disconnect’
○ At a glance
https://www.europarl.europa.eu/RegData/etudes/ATAG/2021/659443/EPR
S_ATA(2021)659443_EN.pdf
○ Briefing
https://www.europarl.europa.eu/RegData/etudes/BRIE/2020/642847/EPR
S_BRI(2020)642847_EN.pdf
● Draft Report of the Parliament on mental health in digital work
https://www.europarl.europa.eu/doceo/document/EMPL-PR-695232_EN.pdf
● Telework in the EU
https://ec.europa.eu/jrc/sites/default/files/jrc120945_policy_brief_-
_covid_and_telework_final.pdf
vi. Gender Equality
● Gender Equality Strategy 2020-2025
https://ec.europa.eu/info/sites/default/files/aid_development_cooperation_fundam
ental_rights/gender_equality_strategy_factsheet_en.pdf
● New visions for gender equality 2019
https://ec.europa.eu/info/sites/default/files/saage_report-
new_visions_for_gender_equality-2019.pdf
● 2021 report on gender equality in the EU
https://ec.europa.eu/info/sites/default/files/aid_development_cooperation_fundam
ental_rights/annual_report_ge_2021_en.pdf
258. Expectations of the Committee
As the European Parliament, together with the Council of the European Union is
presented at EuroMUN within the context of the Trilogue, in collaboration with the
European Careers Association (ECA) of the University of Maastricht, the Parliament will
essentially debate a piece of legislation forwarded by the European Commission,
authored by the ECA. Under the ordinary legislative procedure, the resolution shall only
pass with the approval of both the EP and the CoEU. To that effect, the European
Parliament shall draft amendments in order to modify the original text of the legislation
to its liking.
As such, the size of the final adopted resolution may be considerable. We would
therefore invite you to treat the subject matter as it appears in terms of priority. If less
pages are dedicated to a specific subject in this document, it is less crucial during the
plenary sessions and subsequent adoption. We hold the first three topics of minimum
wage, universal basic income and the gig economy as equally relevant, while we would
regroup the issues of lifelong learning, workers’ health and gender equality as
secondary, yet necessary in order to achieve a comprehensive, holistic and inclusive
resolution. You can find a typical example of a resolution in the further readings section.
Make good use of the details of your assigned role. The speciality of this edition of the
European Parliament is that you will not only be part of a major European political
formation, but also a member of your national party with an assigned country. We
understand the issues that the Parliament treats as complex and multidimensional, and
wanted to let you experience how even within a European group, national differences in
ideology and policy can bring further challenges. Therefore, please research both the
policies of your European political group and the platform of your national party.
Some guiding questions for your debate include, but are not limited to:
- Should a minimum wage be set at the European level?
- If not, can guarantees or mechanisms be put in place to enhance collective bargaining or
an alternative form of universal basic income?
- How can the rights of gig workers be protected? What professional status should they
possess?
- In which concrete ways can digital skills be taught to older generations of workers?
- What should the ‘right to disconnect’ entail and should it be part of EU work law?
- To what extent should gender equality be ensured to the reduction of the gender gap
and further egalitarian measures in the workplace?
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