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Elenco delle pubblicazioni del Think Tank del PE
https://www.europarl.europa.eu/thinktank
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Ordina Mostra per data
Area geografica "Russia"
292 Risultati(i)
Data di creazione : 13-02-2022US-Russia relations: Geopolitical, security, economic and human dimensions
Tipo di pubblicazione Briefing
Data 08-02-2022
Autore RUSSELL Martin
Settore di intervento Affari esteri
Riassunto After a period of détente, tensions are rising between the two former Cold War enemies again. Fundamental
differences were already apparent during the Yeltsin years and have increasingly strained relations since 2000, under
Vladimir Putin. There are few issues that Washington and Moscow agree on, but none is more divisive than Ukraine.
Russia is determined to prevent further NATO expansion into post-Soviet eastern Europe, which it still sees as a buffer
zone vital to its security and as a sphere of influence. Since late 2021, there are signs that Russia is planning renewed
aggression against Kyiv; the US has promised a robust response if that happens. Both sides are likely to avoid direct
conflict at all costs. Russia is not the military superpower that the Soviet Union was, but it is still a formidable
adversary. Most of the bilateral arms control agreements that helped to maintain the fragile military balance have now
gone, but talks launched at the first Biden-Putin summit in June 2021 aim at maintaining strategic stability. Economics
play a much lesser role in US-Russia relations than geopolitics. Trade and investment between the two countries are
limited, and since 2014, they have been constrained by sanctions. Washington's economic superiority gives it a certain
amount of leverage over Moscow; however, the Russian economy has proved more resilient to US restrictions than
might have been expected. People-to-people contacts could help mitigate geopolitical tensions, but there is little
interaction. Few Russians travel, study or work in the US, and the same applies vice-versa. Surveys show that
diplomatic tensions are reflected in the generally negative views that Americans and Russians have of each other's
countries. This is an update of a Briefing published in October 2018.
Briefing EN
Ensuring the rights of EU citizens against politically motivated Red Notices
Tipo di pubblicazione Studio
Data 01-02-2022
Autore esterno Rasmus H. Wandall
Settore di intervento Adozione della legislazione da parte del PE e del Consiglio | Democrazia UE | Democrazia UE, diritto istituzionale e
parlamentare | Diritti dell''uomo | Diritto internazionale pubblico | Diritto UE: sistema e atti giuridici | Petizioni al
Parlamento europeo | Spazio di libertà, sicurezza e giustizia | Valutazione del diritto e delle politiche nella pratica
Riassunto This paper, commissioned by the European Parliament’s Policy Department for Citizens’ Rights and Constitutional
Affairs at the request of the Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs, analyses Interpol’s system of Red
Notices and the EU-based mechanisms to safeguard citizens against political abuse of Interpol’s system. Recent
reforms of Interpol are significant but many problems remain unaddressed. The paper discusses existing and possible
platforms, including the European Search Portal, as ways to ensure a more effective enforcement of EU-based legal
limits and fundamental rights on a European level.
Studio EN
Security challenges at the EU’s eastern border: which role for CSDP?
Tipo di pubblicazione Analisi approfondita
Data 31-01-2022
Autore esterno Tracey GERMAN, Andriy TYUSHKA
Settore di intervento Sicurezza e difesa
Riassunto This in-depth analysis examines the nature and scope of enduring and emerging threats to the security of the EU and
its Member States, and the challenges to its Eastern Partnership policy, from both the EaP’s protracted conflicts and
instability in Belarus. It assesses the EU’s engagement with these conflicts and addresses the potential role of the
Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP), including (but not solely) missions and operations. Finally, it explores
potential avenues for future co¬operation between the EU and its EaP partners on security and defence (including
under the PESCO+, EPF, and EDF frameworks).
Analisi approfondita EN
Is Russia planning a new conflict in Ukraine?
Tipo di pubblicazione In sintesi
Data 15-12-2021
Autore RUSSELL Martin
Settore di intervento Affari esteri
Riassunto For the second time in 2021, a massive Russian military build-up and increasingly hostile rhetoric point to a planned
attack on Ukraine. Whereas the previous build-up ended in April with the withdrawal of most troops, this time the signs
are more worrying. Russia is demanding a halt to NATO activity in and around Ukraine. The US and the EU are
threatening harsh new sanctions against Russia if the attack goes ahead.
In sintesi EN
13-02-2022 Fonte : © Unione europea, 2022 - PE 1Vincitore del premio Sacharov 2021: Alexei Navalny
Tipo di pubblicazione In sintesi
Data 08-12-2021
Autore RUSSELL Martin
Settore di intervento Affari esteri | Diritti dell''uomo
Riassunto Il rispetto delle libertà fondamentali è un valore fondamentale dell'UE, che essa promuove attraverso la sua politica
esterna. Il premio Sacharov del Parlamento europeo rende omaggio all'attività dei difensori dei diritti umani. Poiché i
diritti umani sono sotto attacco in molte parti del mondo, il premio rimane quanto mai pertinente. Quest'anno è
assegnato all'attivista dell'opposizione russa Alexei Navalny, il cui coraggioso rifiuto di essere messo a tacere ricorda
l'attività di dissidenti dell'epoca sovietica come Andrej Sacharov. Il premio Sacharov sarà presentato nel corso di una
cerimonia durante la sessione plenaria di dicembre del Parlamento europeo, anche se Navalny non potrà essere
presente a causa della sua detenzione.
In sintesi XL, ES, DE, EN, FR, IT, PL
Russia's 2021 elections: Another step on the road to authoritarian rule
Tipo di pubblicazione Briefing
Data 15-09-2021
Autore RUSSELL Martin
Settore di intervento Affari esteri
Riassunto On 17-19 September, Russia will hold elections at local, regional and national level, most importantly to the State
Duma, the lower house of the Federal Assembly. Four hundred and fifty deputies will be elected for a five-year term.
Ever since 2003, the State Duma has been dominated by the pro-Putin United Russia party, which currently holds a
three-quarters supermajority. With the ruling party clearly in charge, the parliament serves as little more than a rubber
stamp for Kremlin and government initiatives. In Russia's system of managed democracy, the main role of the
parliamentary opposition is to preserve an appearance of political pluralism, while carefully excluding most regime
critics. Following the June 2020 constitutional referendum, which opened the door to President Vladimir Putin
potentially staying on until 2036, the authorities moved to eliminate the few remaining pockets of resistance.
Opposition activist Alexey Navalny is now in jail, and many other regime opponents are either facing criminal charges
or have left the country. Even though United Russia faces no real electoral competition, it may struggle to repeat its
2016 performance. Voters are alienated by the party's reputation for corruption and the generally unpromising context
of political and economic stagnation. Opinion polls suggest that its majority will be reduced, possibly below the two-
thirds threshold needed to adopt constitutional changes; nevertheless, the party is virtually guaranteed to win. Many
observers see the elections, and the wave of repression preceding them, as the latest stage in Russia's transition from
flawed democracy to fully fledged authoritarian state.
Briefing EN
La direzione delle relazioni politiche UE-Russia
Tipo di pubblicazione In sintesi
Data 08-09-2021
Autore RUSSELL Martin
Settore di intervento Affari esteri
Riassunto L'annessione della Crimea da parte della Russia nel 2014 ha segnato l'inizio di una nuova e difficile fase delle relazioni
bilaterali. Esse si fondano sui cinque principi concordati dai ministri degli Esteri dell'UE nel 2016, oltre alla
comunicazione congiunta del giugno 2021. Durante la tornata di settembre, il Parlamento europeo dovrebbe tenere
una discussione sulle relazioni politiche UE-Russia e votare un progetto di raccomandazione al Consiglio, alla
Commissione e all'alto rappresentante. Pur riconoscendo che l'approccio dell'UE ha contenuto il rischio di
un'aggressione russa, il progetto di raccomandazione chiede una revisione della politica dell'UE, compreso un
maggiore sostegno ai diritti umani.
In sintesi ES, DE, EN, FR, IT, PL
13-02-2022 Fonte : © Unione europea, 2022 - PE 2The Organization for Security and Co operation in Europe (OSCE) : A pillar of the European security
order
Tipo di pubblicazione Briefing
Data 02-09-2021
Autore RUSSELL Martin
Settore di intervento Affari esteri
Riassunto The OSCE's origins go back to 1975, when the countries in the two opposing blocs in the Cold War signed the Helsinki
Final Act, enshrining principles such as territorial integrity and respect for human rights. The act was followed by a
series of follow-up meetings to monitor implementation, in a process known as the Conference on Security and Co-
operation in Europe (CSCE). Following the adoption of the 1990 Paris Charter envisaging a new post-Cold War
European order, in 1995 the CSCE was put on a more permanent, institutional basis and renamed the OSCE. The
OSCE, like the CSCE before it, is based on a vision of 'comprehensive security' that encompasses human rights and
economic cooperation, as well as traditional 'hard' security. However, hopes that the OSCE could become the central
pillar of a new post-Cold War order faded as divisions re-emerged, between an enlarged EU and NATO on the one
hand, and Russia on the other. The OSCE lacks the legal powers and the resources needed to live up to its ambition
of becoming a platform for pan-European/trans-Atlantic cooperation. With decisions taken by consensus,
disagreements between participating states hamper decision-making and prevent the organisation from becoming
more effective. The OSCE plays a useful though limited role in several areas. The organisation has been powerless to
resolve conflicts in the post-Soviet region, but its observers are the main source of detailed and reliable information on
the situation in eastern Ukraine. OSCE agreements, such as the Vienna Document, help to promote military
transparency, and election observation missions have advanced democratic reforms in several countries.
Briefing EN
Multimedia The Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE): A pillar of the European security order
EU preparedness and responses to Chemical, Biological, Radiological and Nuclear (CBRN) threats
Tipo di pubblicazione Studio
Data 16-07-2021
Autore esterno Alexandra RIMPLER-SCHMID, Ralf TRAPP, Sarah LEONARD, Christian KAUNERT, Yves DUBUCQ, Claude
LEFEBVRE, Hanna MOHN
Settore di intervento Affari esteri | Pianificazione preventiva | Sicurezza e difesa | Valutazione del diritto e delle politiche nella pratica
Riassunto This study on ‘EU preparedness and responses to Chemical, Biological, Radiological and Nuclear (CBRN) threats’ was
requested by the European Parliament’s (EP) Subcommittee on Security and Defence (SEDE) in the context of, but
not limited to, the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic. Building on reports and expert input, this study first provides an
update of the current level of each of the C, B, R and N threat elements, including the type of actor from which such
threats might stem. It furthermore takes stock of the existing preparedness and response mechanisms and matches
these against the updated threat landscape to determine the current state of play of the EU’s response tools and its
remaining gaps where improvement may be needed. The study puts forward a number of recommendations on
specific issues. The core of the recommendations builds on using a ‘Team Europe’ approach to create and maintain a
strong task force based response capacity, with additional authority and competence given by EU Member States to
the EU. This would enable the EU to better support and manage an EU-wide crisis response in the CBRN field in a
timely and effective manner.
Studio EN
Mapping threats to peace and democracy worldwide: Normandy Index 2021
Tipo di pubblicazione Studio
Data 06-07-2021
Autore LAZAROU Eleni | STANICEK BRANISLAV
Settore di intervento Affari esteri | Democrazia UE | Sicurezza e difesa
Riassunto The Normandy Index, now in its third year, aims at measuring the level of threat to peace, security and democracy
around the world. It was presented for the first time on the occasion of the Normandy Peace Forum in June 2019, as a
result of a partnership between the European Parliament and the Region of Normandy. The Index has been designed
and prepared by the European Parliamentary Research Service (EPRS), in conjunction with and on the basis of data
provided by the Institute for Economics and Peace. This paper sets out the findings of the 2021 exercise, and explains
how the index can be used to compare peace – defined on the basis of a given country's performance against a range
of predetermined threats – across countries and regions. It is complemented by 51 individual country case studies,
derived from the Index. The paper forms part of the EPRS contribution to the Normandy World Peace Forum 2021. It is
accompanied by two papers, one on the EU's contribution to peace and security in 2021, the other on the EU's
relations with Turkey.
Studio DE, EN, FR
Multimedia Peace and Security: Non-traditional threats
Peace and Security animated infographic
Normandy Index, 2021
13-02-2022 Fonte : © Unione europea, 2022 - PE 3Disinformation campaigns about LGBTI+ people in the EU and foreign influence
Tipo di pubblicazione Briefing
Data 02-07-2021
Autore esterno Cecilia STRAND, Jakob SVENSSON, Roland BLOMEYER, Margarita SANZ
Settore di intervento Affari esteri | Democrazia UE | Democrazia UE, diritto istituzionale e parlamentare | Diritti dell''uomo | Questioni di
genere, uguaglianza e diversità | Spazio di libertà, sicurezza e giustizia
Parole chiave bambino | disinformazione | educazione sessuale | impatto delle tecnologie dell'informazione | media sociali |
minoranza sessuale | pedofilia | propaganda politica | rapporto di ricerca | uguaglianza di genere
Riassunto The purpose of this briefing is to give a concise overview of disinformation, misinformation and propaganda campaigns
about LGBTI+ persons and rights, originating from or being supported and/or multiplied by actors outside the EU.
Based on a review of existing literature, the briefing examines the main narratives used, supported and circulated, as
well as which actors or group of actors are involved. Where available, information on methods, funding and impacts on
European values is provided. The main narratives identified include negative othering, opposing a ‘gender ideology’,
‘heteroactivism’, restoring a ‘natural’ order, ‘colonialism’ and child safety. The briefing concludes that there is a need
for more research, further harmonisation of legal frameworks, the scrutiny of financial flows and strengthened capacity
to detect disinformation, misinformation, propaganda and hate speech.
Briefing EN
The Nord Stream 2 pipeline: Economic, environmental and geopolitical issues
Tipo di pubblicazione Briefing
Data 01-07-2021
Autore RUSSELL Martin
Settore di intervento Affari esteri | Energia
Riassunto The EU's dependence on Russian gas imports shows no signs of lessening. Although the Green Deal envisages a
carbon-neutral Europe by 2050, natural gas remains a key part of the energy mix as coal is phased out and renewable
energy is not yet ready to fully take up the slack. EU domestic gas production is fast declining, and there is not enough
gas at affordable prices from alternative suppliers to replace Russian production. Launched in 2015, the Nord Stream 2
pipeline connects Russia and Germany directly via the Baltic Sea, following a similar route to Nord Stream 1
completed in 2011. Construction has taken several years, with delays due to protracted legal battles and, since 2019,
US sanctions. Nevertheless, pipe-laying continues and is on track for completion in the next few months. Few energy
projects have ever been as hotly debated as Nord Stream 2. Pipeline owner Gazprom, a Russian state-controlled
company, argues that it is needed to meet the EU's growing demand for gas imports. Germany's energy sector also
sees the pipeline as a viable commercial project. Some opponents point to the environmental impact of the pipeline's
construction, as well as the contradiction between the EU's climate goals and long-term investments in fossil fuel
import infrastructure. However, the pipeline's geopolitical implications are its most controversial aspect. Critics,
including several EU Member States, describe Nord Stream 2 as a Kremlin project to export malign Russian influence
as well as gas to Europe. They note that, combined with the new TurkStream pipeline delivering Russian gas to south-
eastern Europe, it will eventually enable Russia to starve Ukraine's ailing economy of much needed transit fee
revenue. The pipeline looks set to perpetuate Russia's stranglehold on EU energy markets and compromise European
strategic autonomy.
Briefing EN
Sakharov's legacy on the centenary of his birth
Tipo di pubblicazione In sintesi
Data 18-05-2021
Autore RUSSELL Martin | ZAMFIR Ionel
Settore di intervento Affari esteri
Riassunto Andrey Sakharov was a Soviet physicist who played a leading role in his country's nuclear weapons programme.
However, in the 1960s he fell out of favour with the regime due to his activism for disarmament and human rights. On
the 100th anniversary of his birth, Sakharov's legacy is more relevant than ever. Since 1988, the European Parliament
has awarded an annual prize for freedom of thought named after him.
In sintesi EN
Russia–Ukraine stand-off ends – For now
Tipo di pubblicazione In sintesi
Data 23-04-2021
Autore PRZETACZNIK Jakub | RUSSELL Martin
Settore di intervento Affari esteri
Parole chiave intervento militare | mantenimento della pace | movimento autonomo | NATO | OSCE | questione della Crimea | Russia
| sanzione internazionale | sicurezza internazionale | Ucraina
Riassunto After a period of relative calm, the seven-year-old conflict in eastern Ukraine is heating up again. On the Russian side
of the border, recent mass deployments of troops and weapons, now ended, led to fears that Moscow was considering
further military aggression against Kyiv. The EU and its Western partners have expressed concern about escalating
tensions, and affirmed their strong support for Ukraine.
In sintesi EN
13-02-2022 Fonte : © Unione europea, 2022 - PE 4The New START Treaty between the US and Russia: The last surviving pillar of nuclear arms control
Tipo di pubblicazione Briefing
Data 22-03-2021
Autore RUSSELL Martin
Settore di intervento Affari esteri
Parole chiave accordo START | arma nucleare | Cina | controllo degli armamenti | euromissile | geopolitica | missile intercontinentale
| non proliferazione degli armamenti | non proliferazione di armi nucleari | Russia | Stati Uniti
Riassunto The US and Russia both have formidable arsenals of potentially destructive nuclear weapons. Although a nuclear-free
world remains a distant dream, the two countries have taken steps to limit the risk of nuclear conflict, through a series
of arms control agreements limiting the number of strategic weapons that each can have. In force since 2011, the New
Strategic Arms Reductions Treaty (New START) is the latest of these agreements. Under New START, Russia and the
US are limited to an equal number of deployed strategic warheads and weapons carrying them, such as
intercontinental ballistic missiles. To ensure compliance, there are strict counting rules and transparency requirements,
giving each side a reliable picture of the other's strategic nuclear forces. The 2019 collapse of the Intermediate-range
Nuclear Forces (INF) Treaty left New START as the only major surviving US-Russia arms control agreement. In early
2021, with New START due to expire in February and the two sides deadlocked over the conditions for extending it, it
looked as if the last remaining restrictions on the world's two main nuclear powers were about to lapse. Following a
last-minute reprieve by newly elected US President, Joe Biden, the two parties agreed to extend New START until
2026, thereby giving each other welcome breathing space to negotiate a replacement treaty. There are still many
unanswered questions about the kind of weapons that a future treaty could include.
Briefing EN
Russia's armed forces: Defence capabilities and policy
Tipo di pubblicazione Briefing
Data 10-03-2021
Autore RUSSELL Martin
Settore di intervento Affari esteri
Parole chiave armamento | controllo degli armamenti | esercito | guerra dell'informazione | intervento militare | NATO | non
proliferazione degli armamenti | non proliferazione di armi nucleari | opinione pubblica | politica estera | Russia | spese
di difesa
Riassunto Reforms launched under Vladimir Putin have restored some of the Russian armed forces' former glory. Russia now
has a streamlined, mobile and mostly professional military, equipped with modern weapons. The impact of these
changes was visible in Syria, Russia's first military intervention outside the post-Soviet region. Despite this increased
capability, there are demographic and financial constraints on Russian military power. The armed forces are not
attracting enough recruits to go fully professional, and therefore still need conscripts – who are less well-trained than
career soldiers – to make up the numbers. Moscow has spent billions of dollars on new weapons, such as the
innovative nuclear missiles unveiled by President Putin in 2018, but not all branches of the armed forces are equally
well equipped. Russia's increasingly assertive foreign policy raises the question of how much of a threat its military
represents. Officially, the role of the armed forces is to defend Russian territory, but in practice Moscow uses military
force to assert control over its post-Soviet sphere of influence, for example in Ukraine. Russia also uses hybrid
methods such as cyber-attacks, including against North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) countries. NATO's overall
numerical superiority means that Russia is likely to avoid all-out war with the alliance. However, the risk that it might
use nuclear weapons and other niche strengths to escape retaliation for a limited attack (for example in the Baltic
region) cannot be entirely discounted.
Briefing EN
Support for democracy through EU external policy: New tools for growing challenges
Tipo di pubblicazione Briefing
Data 26-02-2021
Autore ZAMFIR Ionel
Settore di intervento Affari esteri
Parole chiave aiuto allo sviluppo | criterio di adesione | democrazia | diritti umani | misura restrittiva dell'UE | politica dell'UE | regime
autoritario | relazioni diplomatiche | ruolo internazionale dell'UE | verifica dello scrutinio
Riassunto The crisis of democracy and the rise of authoritarianism across the globe, compounded by the coronavirus pandemic,
highlight the importance of taking a more strategic and autonomous approach to supporting democracy worldwide – an
objective often balanced against other external policy aims until now. Since the start of the current parliamentary term,
the EU has reviewed its political guidance on democracy and human rights. It has adopted or is about to adopt
important measures to strengthen support for democracy (including better monitoring and enforcement of relevant
provisions in trade arrangements). The adoption of the new multiannual financial framework (MFF) and of a new
development aid instrument bringing together all former external aid instruments provides new opportunities for better
implementing EU funding and better exploiting the EU's leverage as a major provider of development aid. Digital
challenges and the narrowing space for civil societies are among the priorities to be addressed. The challenge of
engaging more difficult partners, such as China and Russia, has inspired calls to broaden the scope of a values-based
agenda to other economic relations, such as investments. These new measures complement an already broad and
complex toolbox integrating various external policies. Using the enhanced powers in external affairs provided by the
Treaty of Lisbon, the EU has set up extensive political and diplomatic dialogues to enhance partnerships beyond the
more asymmetric, specific development assistance and trade leverage going back to the 1990s. While the EU has
responded to violations of democratic norms by reducing aid and withdrawing trade preferences, it has consistently
sought to build equal partnerships based on constructive and open dialogues, rather than use its economic and
commercial traction in a coercive manner. This is an update of a Briefing from February 2018.
Briefing EN
13-02-2022 Fonte : © Unione europea, 2022 - PE 5Russia–Turkey relations: A fine line between competition and cooperation
Tipo di pubblicazione Briefing
Data 11-02-2021
Autore RUSSELL Martin
Settore di intervento Affari esteri
Riassunto In November 2015, Turkey shot down a Russian fighter plane on its way to Syria. The incident led to a diplomatic
freeze, highlighting the tensions between the two countries, which compete for influence in their Middle Eastern and
Eurasian neighbourhoods. Syria is one of several theatres where Turkey and Russia back opposing sides – sometimes
covertly, deploying foreign mercenaries, sometimes openly, deploying troops and weapons; Libya is another. The
conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan, which broke out in September 2020, threatened to become not just a proxy
war between Turkey and Russia, the two countries' respective backers, but perhaps even a direct military clash
between them. Although there are many frictions between them, Moscow and Ankara also have many good reasons to
cooperate. Not only are there important economic ties between them, but the two countries are natural allies,
increasingly assertive regional powers whose geopolitical ambitions have created strains with the West. Their overall
relationship is therefore one of cooperation, in which individual areas of contention can be accommodated. While
Turkey benefits from cooperating with Russia, overall its economic and security interests are best served by staying
aligned with the West. Therefore, Ankara is unlikely to want to leave NATO or its customs union with the EU.
Briefing EN
Navalny vs Kremlin: Latest developments
Tipo di pubblicazione In sintesi
Data 04-02-2021
Autore RUSSELL Martin
Settore di intervento Affari esteri
Riassunto Alexey Navalny is one of Vladimir Putin's most outspoken critics. After surviving an assassination attempt and
recovering in Germany, he returned to Russia in January 2021 to face arrest and imprisonment. Mass protests over his
detention and revelations of high-level corruption show that an increasingly repressive Kremlin has not succeeded in
crushing opposition to Putin's rule.
In sintesi EN
The link between biodiversity loss and the increasing spread of zoonotic diseases
Tipo di pubblicazione Analisi approfondita
Data 22-12-2020
Autore esterno Frank VAN LANGEVELDE, Hugo René RIVERA MENDOZA, Kevin D. MATSON, Helen J. ESSER, Willem F. DE
BOER, Stefan SCHINDLER
Settore di intervento Ambiente | Coronavirus | Mercato interno e Unione doganale | Sanità pubblica
Parole chiave biodiversità | ecosistema | malattia animale | malattia infettiva | prevenzione delle malattie | rischio sanitario | vita
selvatica | zona protetta | zoonosi
Riassunto Over the last decades, a variety of fatal infectious diseases have had zoonotic origins. The linkages between hosts,
vectors, parasites and pathogens can be influenced by a multitude of factors, such as biodiversity, wildlife and land
use.
High levels of biodiversity may be a potential source of pathogen transmission, but biodiversity loss can also promote
transmission by increasing the number of competent hosts for a pathogen.
Biodiversity conservation reduces the risk of zoonotic diseases when it provides additional habitats for species and
reduces the potential contact between wildlife, livestock and humans. Additionally, host and vector management is a
viable option.
Other crucial measures include the restriction and sanitary control of wildlife trade, while considering the needs of
indigenous peoples and local communities.
Each case requires an assessment of the best way to reduce risk while considering implications for other ecosystem
functions or services.
This document was provided by the Policy Department for Economic, Scientific and Quality of Life Policies at the
request of the committee on the Environment, Public Health and Food Safety (ENVI).
Analisi approfondita DE, EN
13-02-2022 Fonte : © Unione europea, 2022 - PE 6Nuclear arms control regimes: state of play and perspectives
Tipo di pubblicazione Analisi approfondita
Data02-12-2020
Autore esterno Clara PORTELA
Settore di interventoAffari esteri | Sicurezza e difesa
Parole chiave accordo bilaterale | Cina | limitazione degli armamenti | non proliferazione di armi nucleari | Parlamento europeo |
politica estera e di sicurezza comune | rapporto di ricerca | relazione multilaterale | riduzione delle forze | ruolo
internazionale dell'UE | Russia | Stati Uniti
Riassunto The EU is facing important challenges in the arms control and disarmament domain: firstly, the gradual abandonment
of bilateral agreements between the US and Russia that protected European territory, and secondly, an increasing
polarisation among the parties to the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), evidenced by the controversy sparked by the
Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW). Both developments combined weaken the arms control and
disarmament regime, increasing the likelihood of a global nuclear arms race. While the EU has progressively
enhanced its role in arms control, non-proliferation and disarmament, it is afflicted by the same cleavage over
disarmament that characterises the NPT framework. Based on a review of the drivers of the current crisis and the
options for addressing them, the present briefing illuminates the EU’s record, and identifies ways in which the
European Parliament can support the nuclear arms control agenda despite its lack of formal competence in the field.
These notably include developing a modus vivendi with the TPNW, and encouraging the Council to lay the groundwork
for a multilateral arms control treaty system.
Analisi approfondita EN
G20 Summit of November 2020: Great expectations despite boycott calls
Tipo di pubblicazione Briefing
Data 19-11-2020
Autore ZAMFIR Ionel
Settore di intervento Affari esteri | Coronavirus
Parole chiave Arabia Saudita | cooperazione economica | cooperazione internazionale | crisi monetaria | diritti umani | G20 | incontro
al vertice | movimento per i diritti dell'uomo | ripresa economica | sanzione internazionale
Riassunto On 21-22 November, under Saudi Arabia's presidency, the G20 will hold its first regular summit in a virtual format.
Unavoidably the focus will be on the current crisis, more specifically on protecting lives and livelihoods and restoring
growth. Given the crucial role it played in tackling the 2008-2009 financial crisis, hopes are high regarding the G20's
potential role in proposing a financial and economic solution to deal with the ongoing downturn. Several major G20
members have invested massive amounts of money to keep their economies afloat, in line with the decision of the
extraordinary G20 summit held in the spring, but the depth of the current crisis requires additional action. Some critics
have argued that the G20 is not up to its perceived role. The lack of US leadership in particular has been seen as an
obstacle preventing the group from living up to its full potential. One of the crucial measures adopted by the G20 has
been to freeze the official debt payments of developing countries, with the measure recently being extended. Many
voices consider that this will not be enough to avoid state defaults however. Saudi Arabia, the first Arab country to hold
the presidency, has been eager to use the opportunity provided by its G20 presidency to showcase its ambitious
internal reform programme and its economic potential. The Saudis' leadership of the G20 in these times of turmoil has
not escaped criticism, first of all because of the perceived inconsistency between stated objectives at G20 level and
internal reality in the country, but also because of the role the country played in the oil price crash of 2020. Given the
dire human rights situation in Saudi Arabia and in its fighting in Yemen, calls for a boycott of the summit have been
multiplying. The European Parliament has suggested that the EU should downgrade its presence at the summit.
Briefing EN
40 years of the Hague Convention on child abduction: legal and societal changes in the rights of a child
Tipo di pubblicazione Analisi approfondita
Data06-11-2020
Autore esterno Adriana DE RUITER
Settore di interventoDiritti dell''uomo | Diritto internazionale privato e cooperazione giudiziaria in materia civile | Diritto internazionale
pubblico | Diritto UE: sistema e atti giuridici | Questioni di genere, uguaglianza e diversità | Spazio di libertà, sicurezza
e giustizia
Parole chiave cooperazione di polizia | diritti del bambino | diritto di visita | politica familiare | protezione dell'infanzia | sequestro di
persona
Riassunto This in-depth analysis has been commissioned by the European Parliament’s Policy Department for Citizens’ Rights
and Constitutional Affairs at the request of the JURI Committee in the context of the workshop to mark the 40th
Anniversary of the Hague Convention on the Civil Aspects of International Child Abduction. It looks into the
implementation of the 1980 Convention, as regards the respect of autonomy of parts, validity of agreements and
mediation, and describes, from a practitioner’s point of view, how the parents and children see the process. The paper
concludes that in order to protect the interest of the child, the 1980 Convention should be maintained with restricted
exceptions, but more should be done in terms of prevention. The new measures should include, in particular,
harmonisation of the relocation proceedings and principles, enforceability of mediation agreements, and increasing of
the autonomy of the parties through the inclusion of residence and custody plans in prenuptial agreements.
Analisi approfondita EN, PL
13-02-2022 Fonte : © Unione europea, 2022 - PE 7Responsabilità sociale delle imprese (RSI) e relativa attuazione nel diritto societario dell'UE
Tipo di pubblicazione Studio
Data05-11-2020
Autore esterno Kletia Noti ; Prof. Federico Maria Mucciarelli; Dr Virginia dalla Pozza; Carlo Angelici Mattia PILLININI.
Settore di interventoCommercio internazionale | Diritti dell''uomo | Diritto contrattuale, diritto commerciale e diritto societario
Parole chiave catena di approvvigionamento | commissione PE | diritti umani | diritto delle società | misura nazionale di esecuzione |
norma di lavoro | OCSE | Organizzazione internazionale del lavoro | protezione dell'ambiente | rapporto di ricerca |
responsabilità sociale dell'impresa | Stato membro UE
Riassunto Questo studio, commissionato dal dipartimento tematico Diritti dei cittadini e affari costituzionali del Parlamento
europeo su richiesta della commissione giuridica (JURI), valuta in che misura gli Stati membri stiano sostenendo lo
sviluppo e l'attuazione delle strategie in materia di responsabilità sociale delle imprese (RSI) nel mondo degli affari,
con un'attenzione particolare alle prescrizioni relative al dovere di diligenza. Fornisce altresì raccomandazioni per lo
sviluppo di un approccio globale e strutturato all'RSI per tutta l'UE.
Studio EN
Sintesi ES, DE, EN, FR, IT, PL
THE CHILD PERSPECTIVE IN THE CONTEXT OF THE 1980 HAGUE CONVENTION
Tipo di pubblicazione Analisi approfondita
Data 31-10-2020
Autore esterno Marilyn FREEMAN
Settore di intervento Diritti dell''uomo | Diritto internazionale privato e cooperazione giudiziaria in materia civile | Diritto internazionale
pubblico | Diritto UE: sistema e atti giuridici | Questioni di genere, uguaglianza e diversità | Spazio di libertà, sicurezza
e giustizia
Parole chiave convenzione internazionale | dimensione transfrontaliera | diritti del bambino | epidemia | impatto sociale | malattia da
coronavirus | protezione dell'infanzia | sequestro di persona | udienza giudiziaria
Riassunto This in-depth analysis, commissioned by the Policy Department for Citizens’ Rights and Constitutional Affairs at the
request of the Committee on Legal Affairs in the context of the Workshop to mark the 40th Anniversary of the Hague
Convention on the Civil Aspects of International Child Abduction, examines the way in which subject children feature
within Convention proceedings. It considers the aims of the Convention, and the lack of supranational control of its
application. It draws on empirical research relating to the effects and consequences of child abduction to discuss the
opportunities for children and young people to participate within Convention proceedings, and highlights the
international obligations for such participation within the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child, The
Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union, and other regional instruments. Different jurisdictional
approaches are explained, and the role of culture in this context is probed. The impact of COVID-19 on abducted
children is also explored.
Analisi approfondita EN, PL
Armenia and Azerbaijan on the brink of war
Tipo di pubblicazione In sintesi
Data 06-10-2020
Autore RUSSELL Martin
Settore di intervento Affari esteri
Parole chiave Armenia | Azerbaigian | cessate il fuoco | diritto territoriale | geopolitica | guerra | instaurazione della pace | Russia |
sovranità nazionale | Turchia | unificazione nazionale
Riassunto Armenia and Azerbaijan are bitterly opposed over Nagorno-Karabakh, an Armenian-backed separatist territory that
international law recognises as part of Azerbaijan. The fighting, which began in September 2020, is the worst since
1994, when a ceasefire ended a two-year bloody war. With Turkey openly backing Azerbaijan, there are fears that this
could trigger conflict with Russia, Armenia’s main ally.
In sintesi EN
13-02-2022 Fonte : © Unione europea, 2022 - PE 8Russia, arms control and non-proliferation
Tipo di pubblicazione Briefing
Data29-09-2020
AutoreRUSSELL Martin
Settore di interventoAffari esteri
Parole chiave Cina | commercio di armi | geopolitica | limitazione degli armamenti | non proliferazione degli armamenti | non
proliferazione di armi nucleari | Russia | Stati Uniti
Riassunto Multilateral non-proliferation treaties have curbed the spread of the world's dangerous weapons. The international
security order also builds on a series of bilateral agreements between the two leading nuclear powers, the Soviet
Union/Russia and the United States (US), mostly concluded towards the end of the Cold War or soon afterwards.
Although the multilateral treaties are still in place, the bilateral elements have mostly come unstuck. In 2019, the US
pulled out of the Intermediate-range Nuclear Forces Treaty, and it is probable that the New Strategic Arms Reduction
Treaty (New START), the last remaining major bilateral arms control agreement, will expire in 2021. Russia's
systematic violation of its arms control commitments is partly to blame. Other factors include increased US
unilateralism and the failure of both sides to adapt the system to changing realities such as China's rise as a military
power. Russia is investing heavily in its nuclear forces and developing new and more powerful weapons. Its arsenal is
equal to that of the US and in some areas it may even have at least temporary superiority, partially compensating for
weaknesses in terms of conventional weapons. As geopolitical tensions rise, arms control has become more
necessary than ever. However, it seems unlikely that the US, Russia and possibly China will manage to conclude a
new generation of agreements. The implications are not yet clear: neither a major shift in the military balance nor a
new arms race are expected, but the lack of formal constraints creates uncertainty.
Briefing EN
Geopolitical implications of the COVID-19 pandemic
Tipo di pubblicazione Studio
Data 29-09-2020
Autore esterno Florence GAUB, Lotje BOSWINKEL; EUISS
Settore di intervento Affari esteri | Ambiente | Coronavirus | Democrazia UE | Governance globale | Sanità pubblica
Parole chiave conseguenza economica | epidemia | impatto sociale | malattia da coronavirus
Riassunto Since the Coronavirus began its spread across the world, many analysts have speculated about its impact: would it
merely accelerate previously-existing trends, or would it prove to be a geopolitical ‘game-changer’, creating a world
profoundly different than before? The answer is much more complex than either or: the world during and after COVID-
19 will have elements of both, the old and the new, the known and the unknown. This study explores both dimensions
of the pandemic’s impact: how does it affect the geopolitical context it erupted into, and what possibility space does it
open up? The first section assesses the geopolitical trends antedating the pandemic and measures its present and
expected impact on them, while the second section lays out the space for action and change created by the disruption.
In the third section, the interplay of trends and uncertainties is explored in three scenarios set in 2025: Strategic
Distancing; Europe in Self-isolation; and Lockdown World.
The study finds that European foreign policy is entering an era of re-definition in which the European Parliament should
play a crucial role. This means outlining the elements of strategic autonomy, but also streamlining them with each
other. As such, classical foreign policy needs to join forces with other policy areas such as environmental and
technological matters, trade, strategic communication – and of course, health. In that sense alone, the pandemic is
already proving to be a game-changer.
Studio EN
The poisoning of Alexey Navalny
Tipo di pubblicazione In sintesi
Data 21-09-2020
Autore RUSSELL Martin
Settore di intervento Affari esteri | Democrazia UE
Parole chiave arma chimica | delitto contro la persona | eleggibilità | Francia | gasdotto | Germania | misura restrittiva dell'UE |
opposizione politica | Russia | Stati Uniti | violenza di Stato
Riassunto EU-Russia relations hit a new low in August 2020, after Alexey Navalny, one of Russia's leading opposition activists,
was poisoned by a banned nerve agent. Although the perpetrators have not yet been identified, the attack has to be
seen in the context of repression and growing discontent against Putin. In response to this clear breach of international
law and human rights, the EU is considering additional sanctions against Moscow.
In sintesi EN
13-02-2022 Fonte : © Unione europea, 2022 - PE 9Outcome of the European Council video-conference of 19 August 2020
Tipo di pubblicazione In sintesi
Data 25-08-2020
Autore DRACHENBERG Ralf
Settore di intervento Democrazia UE
Parole chiave Bielorussia | colpo di Stato | crisi politica | democrazia | elezioni presidenziali | frode elettorale | Mali | Stato di diritto |
teleconferenza | trivellazione in mare | Turchia | violenza di Stato
Riassunto The European Council video-conference meeting of 19 August 2020 was called by the President of the European
Council, Charles Michel, due to the increasingly worrying situation in Belarus after the recent national elections. As
Ursula von der Leyen, President of the European Commission, summarised, the European Council decided to convey
three clear messages from the meeting: i) the EU stands with the Belarussian people; ii) the EU will place sanctions on
all those responsible for violence, repression and the falsification of election results; and iii) the EU is ready to
accompany the peaceful democratic transition of power in Belarus. While mainly focusing on Belarus, the Heads of
State or Government also discussed two further issues during the video-conference meeting. First, as regards the
tense situation in the eastern Mediterranean as a result of increasingly hostile Turkish activity, the European Council
expressed its full solidarity with Greece and Cyprus, recalling and reaffirming its previous conclusions on the illegal
drilling activities, and called for de-escalation. Second, on the situation in Mali, EU leaders expressed their deep
concern over the events in the country, which have a destabilising impact on the entire region and on the fight against
terrorism, and called for an immediate release of prisoners and restoration of the rule of law.
In sintesi EN
The EU and Russia: Locked into confrontation
Tipo di pubblicazione Briefing
Data 28-07-2020
Autore RUSSELL Martin
Settore di intervento Affari esteri
Parole chiave cooperazione transfrontaliera | politica europea di vicinato | Russia | sanzione internazionale
Riassunto Following the post-Cold War reset of the 1990s, EU-Russia relations have become increasingly tense. Although initially
seen as a pro-Western reformer, since the start of his first presidency in 2000 Vladimir Putin has shown increasingly
authoritarian tendencies, and his efforts to assert Russian influence over post-Soviet neighbours threaten the
sovereignty of those states. Russia's 2008 war against Georgia led to no more than a temporary cooling of relations
with the European Union (EU). However, its 2014 annexation of Crimea caused a more permanent rupture.
Responding to Russian aggression in Ukraine, the EU adopted hard-hitting sanctions. In 2016, the EU decided to base
its Russia policy on five principles, which remain as valid as ever in 2020. They are: insistence on full implementation
of the Minsk Agreements on eastern Ukraine as a condition for lifting sanctions against Russia; efforts to strengthen
relations with Russia's former Soviet neighbours; greater EU resilience to Russian threats; selective engagement with
Russia on certain issues such as counter-terrorism; and support for EU-Russia people-to-people contacts. After six
years of deadlock, French president Emmanuel Macron is among those calling for renewed EU-Russia dialogue.
Improved relations between Ukraine and Russia following the election of President Volodymyr Zelenskiy in spring 2019
raised hopes of a solution to the Donbass conflict, which is still the main obstacle to better relations between the two
sides. However, there is still no sign of a breakthrough.
Briefing EN
Multimedia The EU and Russia: Locked into confrontation
Constitutional change in Russia: More Putin, or preparing for post-Putin?
Tipo di pubblicazione Briefing
Data 27-05-2020
Autore RUSSELL Martin
Settore di intervento Affari esteri
Parole chiave Capo di Stato | revisione della costituzione | ripartizione delle competenze | Russia
Riassunto In January 2020, Russia's President, Vladimir Putin, opened the constitutional debate by outlining a series of
amendments that, according to him, aimed to improve the balance of power and adapt the Constitution to the changes
that had taken place since 1993, when the original text was adopted. With Putin's fourth and – as it seemed till recently
– final presidency due to end in four years, observers speculated that the proposed amendments were intended to give
Putin options for continuing to rule the country from behind the scenes, beyond 2024. Events took an unexpected turn
in March 2020, when lawmaker and former cosmonaut, Valentina Tereshkova, tabled a last-minute amendment. Her
proposal envisaged re-setting the clock for presidential terms, allowing Putin to stay on as president for another 12
years, should he choose to do so. Shortly afterwards, the bill was rubber-stamped by both houses of the federal
parliament, and all of Russia's 85 regional parliaments. Altogether, the amendments revise nearly one-third of the
Constitution's 137 articles. Apart from presidential term limits, they also clarify the role of Russia's main institutions,
with some additional powers for the parliament. Reflecting growing nationalism and suspicions of liberal Western
influences, other provisions bar senior government figures from holding foreign citizenship or bank accounts, give the
Constitution primacy over decisions made by international bodies, and affirm traditional values. Socioeconomic
changes include annual indexation of pensions and a guarantee that the minimum wage will not fall below the poverty
threshold. Before they can come into effect, the amendments must first be approved by a nationwide vote on a date
yet to be scheduled. Surveys suggest that public opinion is divided on the changes; as the economy deteriorates due
to the coronavirus crisis, there is a growing risk of a 'no' vote, which would be an unprecedented setback for Putin.
Briefing EN
13-02-2022 Fonte : © Unione europea, 2022 - PE 10Coronavirus and international sanctions: Should sanctions be eased during the pandemic?
Tipo di pubblicazione Briefing
Data20-05-2020
AutoreGOMEZ RAMIREZ Enrique | RUSSELL Martin
Settore di interventoAffari esteri | Coronavirus
Parole chiave epidemia | malattia da coronavirus | medicinale | misura restrittiva dell'UE | prodotto alimentare | restrizione agli scambi
| sanzione internazionale
Riassunto The coronavirus pandemic has raised concerns that international sanctions may be exacerbating the risk of a
humanitarian crisis. In March 2020, United Nations Secretary-General António Guterres called on world leaders to
waive restrictions on food and medicines that are affecting the world's most vulnerable countries. Especially since the
suffering caused by the international trade embargo against Iraq in the 1990s, the European Union has sought to
design its sanctions for maximum effect at the least possible humanitarian cost. Usually it does this by targeting
restrictions at key individuals or organisations, and in some cases sectors, rather than a country's economy as a
whole. Critics of sanctions claim that US-imposed trade restrictions have prevented Iran from purchasing essential
medical supplies needed to fight the pandemic. They also argue that EU and US sanctions make desperately
impoverished Zimbabwe and Sudan even more vulnerable than they would otherwise be. Both the European Union
and the United States defend their policies, but acknowledge the importance of humanitarian exceptions. Although the
European Union has not said that it will lift any of its restrictive measures, it has offered various forms of support to
several sanctions-hit countries.
Briefing EN
Discriminatory Laws Undermining Women’s Rights
Tipo di pubblicazione Analisi approfondita
Data 20-05-2020
Autore esterno Mr. Paul DALTON, Ms. Deniz DEVRIM, Mr. Roland BLOMEYER, Ms. Senni MUT-TRACY
Settore di intervento Diritti dell''uomo | Problemi economici e monetari | Questioni di genere, uguaglianza e diversità | Sviluppo e aiuti
umanitari
Parole chiave condizione della donna | diritti della donna | diritti umani | discriminazione sessuale | donna | eguaglianza davanti alla
legge | movimento femminista | paesi terzi | partecipazione delle donne | rapporto di ricerca | uguaglianza di genere
Riassunto This paper provides insight into the current situation and recent trends in the abolition or reform of discriminatory laws
undermining women's rights in countries outside the European Union (EU). The paper aims to provide a nuanced
understanding of processes through which legal reforms take place. Among the factors that have proven to facilitate
legal reform are the ratification of international human rights treaties, feminist activism, legal and public advocacy by
women’s rights and other human rights non-governmental organisations (NGOs), political dialogue, and increased
women's representation in decision-making processes. Incremental steps supported by the EU towards the abolition of
discriminatory laws across all legal categories, EU engagement with a broad range of stakeholders at both national
and local levels, programmes supporting the gathering of gender-disaggregated data across all sectors and the
publicising of data to draw attention to gender inequality in law and practice, among others, can all contribute towards
successful reform of discriminatory laws. Striking the right balance between funding programmes that mainstream
gender and funding dedicated to gender-targeted programmes, together with the increased use of country gender
profiles, are essential in order to achieve quality legal reforms.
Analisi approfondita EN
Russia and the coronavirus crisis
Tipo di pubblicazione In sintesi
Data 22-04-2020
Autore RUSSELL Martin
Settore di intervento Affari esteri | Coronavirus | Sanità pubblica
Parole chiave conseguenza economica | disinformazione | epidemia | malattia da coronavirus | politica estera e di sicurezza comune
| propaganda politica | Russia
Riassunto Official data suggest that Russia has been less affected by the Covid-19 pandemic than most other countries so far.
However, the authorities’ slow response and the poor state of the healthcare system risk aggravating the situation. For
Vladimir Putin, the crisis has at least made it easier for him to push through constitutional changes potentially giving
him 12 more years in power. Moscow is also accused of taking advantage of the crisis for geopolitical ends, for
example by spreading destabilising disinformation targeted at Western countries.
In sintesi EN
Constitutional and political change in Russia
Tipo di pubblicazione In sintesi
Data 07-02-2020
Autore RUSSELL Martin
Settore di intervento Affari esteri
Parole chiave cambiamento di regime politico | Capo di Stato | mandato elettivo | revisione della costituzione | Russia
Riassunto In January 2020, Vladimir Putin proposed sweeping constitutional amendments. These have been widely seen as
preparing the way for him to retain political influence after the end of his fourth and probably final presidency in 2024.
Putin's announcement was followed by the resignation of the government. Dmitry Medvedev, who has been Prime
Minister since 2012, has made way for Mikhail Mishustin. While these changes open up new possibilities for Putin's
post-2024 future, his actual intentions are still unclear.
In sintesi EN
13-02-2022 Fonte : © Unione europea, 2022 - PE 11Commitments made at the hearing of Josep BORRELL FONTELLES, High Representative of the Union
for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy / Vice-President-designate of the European Commission
Tipo di pubblicazione Briefing
Data22-11-2019
AutoreLEGRAND Jérôme | LERCH Marika | TVEVAD Jesper
Settore di interventoAdozione della legislazione da parte del PE e del Consiglio | Affari esteri | Diritti dell''uomo | Sicurezza e difesa
Parole chiave allargamento dell'UE | alto rappresentante dell’Unione per gli affari esteri e la politica di sicurezza | cambiamento
climatico | commercio di armi | diritti umani | disinformazione | guerra dell'informazione | interrogazione orale | non
proliferazione di armi nucleari | politica estera e di sicurezza comune | politica europea di vicinato | politica migratoria
dell'UE
Riassunto The High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy / Vice-President designate of the
European Commission, Josep Borrell, appeared before the European Parliament on 7 October 2019 to answer MEPs’
questions. During the hearing, he made a number of commitments which are highlighted in this document.
Briefing EN
Commitments made at the hearing of Olivér VÁRHELYI, Commissioner-designate - Neighbourhood and
Enlargement
Tipo di pubblicazione Briefing
Data 22-11-2019
Autore DE MUNTER André | JIRACEK MICHAL | JONGBERG Kirsten
Settore di intervento Affari esteri
Parole chiave allargamento dell'UE | audizione pubblica | Balcani occidentali | candidato | commissario europeo | programma politico
| relazioni dell'Unione europea
Riassunto Commissioner-designate Olivér Várhelyi appeared before the European Parliament on 14 November 2019 to answer
questions from MEPs in the Committee on Foreign Affairs (the Committee on International Trade was invited). This
document highlights a number of commitments which he made during the hearing. They refer to his portfolio, as
described in the mission letter sent to him by Ursula von der Leyen, President-elect of the European Commission,
including:
Western Balkans and Turkey;
Eastern Neighbourhood;
Southern Neighbourhood.
Briefing EN
The end of the INF Treaty? A pillar of European security architecture at risk
Tipo di pubblicazione Briefing
Data 04-02-2019
Autore IMMENKAMP Beatrix
Settore di intervento Sicurezza e difesa
Parole chiave controllo degli armamenti | denuncia d'accordo | euromissile | non proliferazione di armi nucleari | Russia | Stati Uniti
Riassunto The US administration announced on 1 February 2019 that it was suspending its obligations under the Intermediate-
Range Nuclear Forces (INF) Treaty, with effect from 2 February 2019, and that it was giving Russia six months' notice
of complete withdrawal. Russia reacted by announcing that it was also suspending its obligations under the Treaty.
Both parties said they would begin developing new nuclear-capable missiles banned by the treaty. The 1987 INF
Treaty is a landmark nuclear-arms-control treaty between the United States (US) and the former Union of Soviet
Socialist Republics (USSR) that eliminated and prohibited ground-launched intermediate ballistic and cruise missiles
with ranges between 500 and 5 500 km. The US announcement follows years of allegations that the Russian
Federation has acted in breach of the agreement. Russia, for its part, has also accused the US of violating the treaty.
Both deny the allegations. Moreover, both parties consider that the agreement puts their countries at a strategic
disadvantage vis-à-vis other nuclear powers, especially China. The parties' announcements undermine a cornerstone
of the European security order. The signing of the INF Treaty in 1987 led to the removal and destruction of nearly 3
000 US and Soviet short-, medium- and intermediate-range nuclear-capable missiles stationed in or aimed at Europe.
The EU has called on the US to consider the consequences of its possible withdrawal from the INF for its own security,
the security of its allies and that of the whole world. The EU has also called on both the US and Russia to remain
engaged in constructive dialogue to preserve the INF Treaty, and on Russia to address the serious concerns regarding
its compliance with the treaty. NATO considers Russia to be in violation of the INF Treaty, and the alliance has called
on Russia to return urgently to full and verifiable compliance with the agreement. Any redeployment of intermediate-
range missiles will put Europe once more in the line of fire of strategic nuclear weapons. If the INF Treaty is abrogated,
Europeans will be faced with stark choices all carrying inherent security risks, including engaging in a deployment race
with Russia, or refusing re-deployment of US missiles on European soil, potentially leaving European countries
exposed to Russian intimidation. Efforts over the next six months will focus on preserving the INF Treaty against all
odds.
Briefing EN
13-02-2022 Fonte : © Unione europea, 2022 - PE 12You can also read
