Electoral Politics in Transforming India : A Study of Elections to the Lok Sabha and Vidhan Sabha Post-2014 Shrawan Kumar Pandey1
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Purakala ISSN: 0971-2143 Vol-31-Issue-21-May-2020 (UGC Care Journal) Electoral Politics in Transforming India : A Study of Elections to the Lok Sabha and Vidhan Sabha Post-2014 Shrawan Kumar Pandey 1 Abstract The electoral politics in India indicate the nature of the transforming India, whether it is national elections or state elections. The election in India is a fascinating event and the Lok Sabha election every five years is more often termed as the dance of democracy in India due to amount of people get involved in this. Election to the Lok Sabha is fought on national issues whereas election to the Vidhan Sabha is fought on local issues. The implementation of economic policies and developmental actions takes place at the state-level. Each state launches its programs and policies apart from centrally sponsored schemes and central sector schemes to address regional disparities. The regional issues and promise of taking care of local issues gives an advantage to regional parties in Indian politics. This paper will discuss in detail the structure of politics which work at the national and state level and what matter for voters. Key Words: Election, Political Party, Lok Sabha, Vidhan Sabha, and Government Introduction: In Indian politics, there is nothing like permanent trends. The electoral outcomes often have been seen as an outcome of aggregation of state-level politics. If we have to put it simply it has been a trend that if a party is performing well in the state elections it is supposed to do well in national elections and vice versa. What is important to note that, post-2014 this trend has taken a hit. There have been few fundamental changes which have affected the outcomes of the elections at Union and state level. Prominent among them is the development perspective of an election has started to replace caste and class-based voting patterns. The rise of female voters in the electoral arena is another trend that has come to the surface and Odisha has set the trend in this regard where female voters have crossed their male 1 Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Galgotias University, Gautam Budha Nagar, UP, P a g e | 817 Copyright ⓒ 2020 Authors
Purakala ISSN: 0971-2143 Vol-31-Issue-21-May-2020 (UGC Care Journal) counterparts in terms of the total percentage of voting in Vidhan Sabha election of the state. It is important to mention that the long tenure of any government in power has to have charismatic leadership. Charismatic leadership had been playing its parts since the earliest time also. The legacy of Jawaharlal Nehru (PM 1947-1964), Atal Bihari Vajpayee (PM 1996, 1998, 1999-2004), J. Jayalalithaa, (CM of Tamil Nadu 6 times 1991-2016 ) Jyoti Basu (CM of West Bengal 1977-2000), is well known in the field of electoral politics. At present the charismatic leadership working in the form of Narendra Modi (CM of Gujarat 2001-2014 and PM 2014-present), Naveen Patnaik (CM of Odisha 2000-Present), Shivraj Singh Chauhan (CM of Madhya Pradesh 2003-Present). Among others factors which can be taken into account are delivery of basic services, governance efficiency, and outreach to the electorate etc. It is necessary to analyze how these factors have affected electoral outcomes at the state and central level. Before we proceed to discuss the structural changes we are witnessing in the electoral politics largely since the start of the 21st century and particularly since post- 2014, we need to discuss Structure of Government at National and State Level in India. Structure of Government at National and State Level in India: Lok Sabha is the Lower house of the Parliament of India. It is also known as the House of People as its members are directly elected by the general public through the general elections. They are known as Lok Sabha MPs. Rajya Sabha is the Upper house of the Parliament of India. It is also known as the Council of States as its members are elected not by the general public but by the members of the state legislative assembly. They are known as Rajya Sabha MPs. In a Vidhan Sabha, there cannot be more than 500 and less than 60 members. It can have less than 60 members only through an Act of Parliament as is the case in Goa, Sikkim, Mizoram and the Union Territory of Puducherry. In Rajya Sabha, there can be a maximum of 250 members, according to our Constitution but current Indian laws have provision for 245 members. Out of these, the President can appoint 12 members for their contributions to art, literature, science, and social services2. In Lok Sabha, there can be a maximum of 552 members of which 530 are from the states, 20 are from the Union Territories and 2 are from an Anglo-Indian community who can be appointed by the President. People from the Anglo-Indian community are people with a mix 2 Parliament of India: Lok Sbha House of the People https://loksabha.nic.in/ accessed on 10/02/2020. P a g e | 818 Copyright ⓒ 2020 Authors
Purakala ISSN: 0971-2143 Vol-31-Issue-21-May-2020 (UGC Care Journal) of Indian and British ancestry. Current Indian laws have provision for 545 seats of which 530, 13 and 2 are the respective distribution. Vidhan Sabha or the Legislative Assembly is the lower house of the state legislature. The upper house though in existence but it exists only in the seven states with a bicameral legislature is called the Legislative Council, or Vidhan Parishad. They are Andhra Pradesh, Bihar, Jammu and Kashmir, Karnataka, Maharashtra, Telangana, and Uttar Pradesh. It is important to note that The Andhra Pradesh legislative assembly recently unanimously passed a resolution on January 27, 2020, to abolish the state legislative council. The members of a Vidhan Sabha are elected by the general public through the state elections. They are known as MLAs or Members of the Legislative Assembly3. Changing Pattern of National and Regional Aspirations: Development an Issue: Elections in India were used to be fought on the issues of caste, class, religion, and identity- based. But since last two decades’ elections are being now looked at from the lens of development. The economic policies of the government are now looked at before election by the people and how people have been benefited out of this becomes a parameter for preference for the electorate. Earlier parties were trying to get support in the name of development slogans only but now after seven decades of independence electorate have enough information to judge their respective representatives. What is important to mention that, every political party declare their election manifesto before the election to attract voters in their favor. Once party gets elected after election their manifesto declaration is watched closely by opposition parties and they put pressure on ruling parties to fulfill the promises they made with the masses before the election. Now the electorate who gave votes to the party in lieu of their promise for freebies becomes an important in deciding next election. Electorate now judges on the basis whether parties have fulfilled the same or not. The other aspect of the concept of development in the election is related to state being portrayed as the model of development. States have championed the cause of welfare measures in different sectors, for example the state of Chhattisgarh in execution of 3 Andhra Pradesh Assembly accessed at https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/andhra-pradesh/andhra- pradesh-assembly-passes-resolution-to-abolish-legislative-council/article30666672.ece on 10/02/2020 P a g e | 819 Copyright ⓒ 2020 Authors
Purakala ISSN: 0971-2143 Vol-31-Issue-21-May-2020 (UGC Care Journal) Public Distribution System, Kerala in Health Sector Schemes, and Jharkhand in Direct Benefit Transfer. Why these models are being talked about because these states have done well in above mentioned sectors in their own specific methods. The other states can also replicate these models in their own respective regions. Although we can talk about states like Gujarat, Tamil Nadu, and Maharashtra but these states have done well in welfare measures because they have strong economic bases. But if states like Chhattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh and Odisha are going to doing well, they become model for states of similar nature. These states having the tag of BIMARU states have been able to overcome this tag by their developmental achievements. Rise of female voters: Female voters and male voters both have a similar value for their votes. Female participation in the elections in India has not been at par with male voters. In the first few decades, the difference between male and female voters participating in the election were quite high but at the turn of the new century, female voters are on the rise. Participation through Panchayats and Municipals election and gender-sensitization program organized by the government has helped female voters to match with their male counterparts. The effect of this seems to have been positive on the lives of women. The political parties now more often look after the issues of women. It is important to note that reservation for women has seen upward movement across States. As many as 20 states have given 50% reservation to women at the level of Panchayats. This encourages the participation of women in electoral politics. The states of Andhra Pradesh, Bihar, Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, Kerala, Maharashtra, Orissa, Rajasthan, Tripura, and Uttarakhand have made legal provision for 50% reservation for women among members and Sarpanches 4. Earlier when elections were held in India, the margin of difference between male and female voters was high as much as 19% in 1952 Lok Sabha election but in 2014 Lok Sabha election it came down to 1.5% (Prannoy Roy & Dorab R. Sopariwala). The rise of female voters in the elections speaks about the volume of their importance in the elections. In last two decades there has been a rise in turnout of female voters faster than male voters in elections. The rise of female voters is even more fascinating 4 Reservation for women in states accessed at Ministry of Panchayati Raj https://www.panchayat.gov.in/ on 12/03/2020. P a g e | 820 Copyright ⓒ 2020 Authors
Purakala ISSN: 0971-2143 Vol-31-Issue-21-May-2020 (UGC Care Journal) in assembly elections. In the state assembly election of Odisha in 2014 saw female voter surpassed the male voters. Charismatic leadership Leadership in India politics have a great impact on the performance of parties in elections whether it is national or local election. When any party wins’ election and form the government in the state first step is, all the elected representative elects their leader of the house, that leader of the house takes a charge of the state. It is important to note that, any leader is known by the kind of the work he or she have done for the state and here the charisma of leadership take birth. The charisma in leadership relies on the charm and persuasiveness of the leader. Charismatic leaders are driven by their convictions and commitment to their cause. It is when a leader is believed to have committed for the betterment of his or her state and people tend to attach themselves with that leader. A leader becomes charismatic when people believe he is best who can do well for them. Charismatic leadership has become the basis for long term rule in the states. There have been many leaders who in the past remained leader for longer period of time and that have been possible because charismatic leadership were able to create political stability in the states. For example, Chief Minister of Madhya Pradesh Shivraj Singh Chauhan from 2003 to 2018, Chief Minister of Chhattisgarh Raman Singh from 2003 to 2018, and Chief Minister of Odisha from 2000 till present. These are some of the leaders in recent time who have been able to lead from the front. These leaders have been able to create a bond with the people due to their style of functioning. It is their charismatic leadership which influenced people in tern supporting the government for consecutive terms. Other issues affecting electoral outcomes: The other trends which has come to fore is working for his/her constituency does not guarantee the Member of Parliament or Member of Legislative Assembly to win the Lok Sabha elections and Assembly elections respectively but if the electoral promises are unfulfilled the chances of losing increases. In Lok Sabha and legislative assembly elections, a sitting member can be confident of his/her re-election if promises made in previous tenure are delivered. However, in the case of non-fulfilment of electoral promises, the probability of loss notches up to greater extent. P a g e | 821 Copyright ⓒ 2020 Authors
Purakala ISSN: 0971-2143 Vol-31-Issue-21-May-2020 (UGC Care Journal) In the central and state elections the voting pattern unveils how different identities & issues shape the election narrative and results. While local issues play a pivotal role in defining the state elections, the central level elections are fought on issues of national importance. Hence, outcomes of Lok Sabha and legislative elections depend on different factors. The recent trends in the electoral system of India says the charisma of Prime Minister decides the victory of M.P in India whereas at in the assembly elections MLA importance has become ever so important in deciding the face of Chief Minister. Recent electoral outcomes and turnaround post-elections have put question mark on MLAs. Electoral politics in state has turned politics of resort whereas political parties to safeguard MLAs from horse-trading shift their MLAs to hidden places. National and Regional Aspirations: Post-2014 Looking at the performance of BJP in 2014 and 2019 general elections, it was expected that so-called honeymoon period will continue for BJP but upside down has happened. Although BJP increased its tally since the 2014 Lok Sabha election, BJP has faced anti-incumbency in state elections it’s fighting. The party now governs 35% of the country landmass in comparison to over 71% at one in 2017 as per recent trends. The BJP has lost states of Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, Maharashtra, and Punjab. In Table 1 we can see that BJP since 2014 has lost seats in all the state assembly elections barring Uttar Pradesh where it came to power after two decades. In the state election of Maharashtra, Jharkhand, Punjab, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Chhattisgarh, BJP was dethroned from power. Whereas in the state of Haryana and Gujarat it lost its seats from last time. Table: 1 Performance of BJP since 2014 in Assembly Elections State 2014 2015 2017 2018 2019 Maharashtra 122 (288) 105 (288) Haryana 47 (90) 40 (90) Jharkhand 37 (81) 25 (81) Bihar 53 (243) Punjab (3) 117 UP 312 (403) P a g e | 822 Copyright ⓒ 2020 Authors
Purakala ISSN: 0971-2143 Vol-31-Issue-21-May-2020 (UGC Care Journal) Gujarat 99 (182) Madhya 109 (230) Pradesh Rajasthan 73 (200) Karnataka 104 (224) Chhattisgarh 15 (90) Source: Election Commission of India Note: *Only those states have been taken into the account where BJP was in power. *Number of seats given in brackets is the total number of seats in the state Vidhan Sabha and outside of the bracket BJP secured in the elections. Changing voter’s behavior since 2014 There has been a change in voting behavior in Indian politics since the arrival of BJP under Narendra Modi. The rise of BJP has been the extent of variation in voting behavior during Lok Sabha and state assembly elections. If we go back in history we find that during the 1990s, state-level dynamics determined voting behavior during national elections too. But since 2014, there is a national mood during the Lok Sabha elections that dissolves state- specificities, but the same specificities come back with greater vigor during assembly elections. The recent election of Jharkhand and Delhi is the testimony of this fact. In Jharkhand, BJP lost the election to Jharkhand Mukti Morcha (JMM) on regional issues of tribal people. Similarly recently hard-fought Delhi election where BJP had won seven out of seven seats during 2019 Lok Sabha election could increase its tally to eight seats from three seats. The BJP, with its centralized leadership and the nationally coordinated campaign, is finding it difficult to break through this emerging divergence in people’s voting preferences. Conclusion: For voters what matters is who fulfill their aspiration. The satisfaction level of the voters with the incumbent or dissatisfaction matters for them for putting parties of their likeness in power or to overthrow them. The rise of female voters in large numbers is also of the reason behind parties performing well in elections. The manifestation of voter’s interest at the national and P a g e | 823 Copyright ⓒ 2020 Authors
Purakala ISSN: 0971-2143 Vol-31-Issue-21-May-2020 (UGC Care Journal) state level is different and that has come at the forefront. Their regional aspiration differs from their national aspiration. So it can be said that no parties can take voters for granted. They have to perform at every count to be in power or they will be replaced by challenger on the promise of bridging the gap left by them. This what the transforming India stand for in 21st century. P a g e | 824 Copyright ⓒ 2020 Authors
Purakala ISSN: 0971-2143 Vol-31-Issue-21-May-2020 (UGC Care Journal) References: Prannoy Roy & Dorab R. Sopariwala, The Verdict: Decoding India's Elections, Penguin Random House, 2019, Gurgaon. Sartori, Giovanni. Parties and Party Systems: A Framework for Analysis. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,1976. Sarangi, Prakash. “Economic reforms and Changes in the Party System.” In The Politics of Economic Reforms in India, edited by Jos Mooji ,New Delhi: Sage publication 2005. Weiner, Myron. “The Regionalisation of Indian Politics and the Implications of Economic Reforms.” In India in the Era of Economic Reforms, edited by Jeffrey D Sachs, Ashutosh Varshney and Nirupam Bajpai, New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1999. Parliament of India: Lok Sbha House of the People https://loksabha.nic.in/ accessed on 10/02/2020. Andhra Pradesh Assembly accessed at on 02/02/2020 https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/andhra-pradesh/andhra-pradesh-assembly-passes- resolution-to-abolish-legislative council/article30666672.ece on 10/02/2020 Election Commission of India Reports accessed at https://eci.gov.in/statistical-report/statistical- reports/ on 10/02/2020 The Print accessed at https://theprint.in/opinion/four-reasons-why-bjp-is-losing-to-congress-and- regional-parties-in-assembly-elections/340923/ on 10/02/2020. Reservation for women in states accessed at Ministry of Panchayati Raj https://www.panchayat.gov.in/ on 12/03/2020. P a g e | 825 Copyright ⓒ 2020 Authors
Purakala ISSN: 0971-2143 Vol-31-Issue-21-May-2020 (UGC Care Journal) If we look at the political journey of the country since independence the national government was strong and state governments were working as a satellite of the national government till the 1990s. The post-liberalization saw the rise of competitive aspiration among states to bring their state at the top. A new dimension of development opened and state governments started to act according to economic changes they saw happening around them. The aspirational and informed society developed with the time in the form of the academic intelligentsia had a serious demand that the benefits of reforms should reach to the last Indian. It is important to mention that people in any society would like to get higher income and more stable and secure livelihoods and people in India are not different. They also want economic and social services such as health and education, and better infrastructure such as Bijali, Pani and Sadak. Since voters demand more economic benefits and India has a strong anti-incumbency preference, politicians and parties have realized the need to construct cross-caste coalitions and make election promises focused on local and national public goods like road, electricity, water, education, health, etc. The present government at the union level of Bharatiya Janata Party [BJP] came to power promising a national public good, national security and Nationalism5. 5 Prannoy Roy & Dorab R. Sopariwala, The Verdict: Decoding India's Elections, Penguin Random House, 2019, Gurgaon Pg. No.4 P a g e | 826 Copyright ⓒ 2020 Authors
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