Elections and TV News in South Africa
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Elections and TV News in South Africa “Those interested in either political journalism or South African politics will find this book a valuable read. It eloquently unpacks how the media constructed their stories of South Africa’s first six post-apartheid elections. Importantly the book also helps build our theoretical understanding of political journalism by critiquing the journalistic practices it uncovers and by suggesting ways that political journal- ism can be improved.” Professor P. Eric Louw, University of Queensland “This book chronicles the television coverage of the birth and growth of South African democracy. By contrasting local and international perspectives on one of the most tumultuous and exciting periods in the country’s history, Jones asks questions about how the global mediatization of politics has played out in this young African democracy. Covering more than two decades of history in an engag- ing and accessible way, the book will appeal to scholarly and general audiences interested in the intersection of politics, media and visual discourse.” Professor Herman Wasserman, University of Cape Town “South Africa’s struggle for freedom was one of the defining events in modern history. It was important not only for South Africans, but globally. In the eyes of the world, its future was our future. South Africa was a beacon of hope that democracy would always eventually triumph. We now live in a different world. Almost 30 years on from the election that brought Nelson Mandela to power, Bernadine Jones explores the legacy of that election, the interplay of politics and the media, and the way the ‘foundation story’ of South Africa has been mytholo- gised by the ANC. Incisive, and ofttimes chilling, it is a wake-up call for those who hoped to see South Africa take its place as a role model for democracy in a world where tyranny thrives, and where nations—once thought to be stalwarts of demo- cratic politics—are falling prey to conspiracists and populists.” Mr Tom Collins, OBE, Journalist
Bernadine Jones Elections and TV News in South Africa Desperately Seeking Depth
Bernadine Jones University of Stirling Stirling, UK ISBN 978-3-030-71791-9 ISBN 978-3-030-71792-6 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-71792-6 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the pub- lisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institu- tional affiliations. Cover design: eStudioCalamar This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Switzerland AG. The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland
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Timeline Beginnings of the Union 1910—Formation of the Union of South Africa. The Union incorporated former British colonies of the Cape and Natal and the Boer republics of Transvaal and Orange Free State. 1912—South African Native National Congress (SANNC), later renamed African National Congress (ANC), founded by John Langalibalele Dube in Bloemfontein on 8 January. SANNC was in direct response to injustice against black people by those in power. 1913—The Natives Land Act introduced to prevent black people, except those living in the Cape Province, from buying land from white people outside dedicated reserves. The Act was finally rescinded in 1991. 1914—Afrikaner nationalists founded the National Party (NP) in Bloemfontein after disagreement with Prime Minister Louis Botha. The NP held Afrikaner ethnic protection at its heart and came to power in coalition with the Labour Party in 1924. 1915—De Nasionale Pers Beperkt (National Press Ltd., or Naspers) founded as a publisher and printer of newspapers and magazines. Cape lawyer and National Party organiser W.A. Hofmeyr launched Naspers and published Die Burger newspaper in June. 1918—Secret society, the Broederbond (literally “band of brothers” or Brotherhood), established to advance the Afrikaner cause. It was originally named Jong Zuid Afrika (“Young South Africa”) until 1920. All leaders of the government and many prominent apartheid figures were members. 1918—Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela born in Mvezo. vii
viii TIMELINE 1921—Communist Party of South Africa (CPSA; later renamed South African Communist Party or SACP) formed by William H. Andrews. 1923—Radio broadcasting began in the country with the support of South African Railways. 1923—J.L. Dube renames SANNC to the African National Congress (ANC). 1923—Robert Mangaliso Sobukwe born in Graaff-Reinet. 1927—Radio services merged into the African Broadcasting Company, owned by wealthy American businessman Isidore Williem Schlesinger. 1928—Mangosuthu Buthelezi born in Mahlabathini. 1934—Union of South Africa parliament enacts the Status of the Union Act, which declares the country to be a sovereign and indepen- dent state. 1936—F.W. de Klerk born in Johannesburg. 1936—Nomzamo Winifred Zanyiwe Madikizela, otherwise known as Winnie Mandela, born in Mbongweni, Pondoland (Eastern Cape). 1936—Government founds the South African Broadcasting Corporation (SABC), taking over the assets of the African Broadcasting Company. 1942—Thabo Mvuyelwa Mbeki born in Mbewuleni, eSigangeni. 1942—Jacob Gedleyihlekisa Zuma born in Nkandla. 1942—Martin Thembisile Hani (also known as Chris Hani) born in Cofimvaba, Transkei. 1948—National Party wins the general election. Apartheid 1948—Policy of apartheid (literally “aparthood” or “separateness”) adopted. 1950—Population classified by race (white, black, Coloured, and Indian) as one of the first acts of apartheid legislation. It paved the way for “grand apartheid” that separated races on a large scale. These racial clas- sifications continue to be normalised in South African society today. 1950—Group Areas Act passed to segregate blacks and whites. Resulting destruction of mixed race and black areas included Sophiatown in Johannesburg and District 6 in Cape Town. 1950—The Communist Party of South Africa (CPSA) banned. ANC starts a campaign of civil disobedience, led by Nelson Mandela. 1951—Helen Zille born in Johannesburg.
TIMELINE ix 1952—Matamela Cyril Ramaphosa born in Soweto. 1953—J. Arthur Rank Organisation petitions government to introduce television into the country. Government dismisses the suggestion, arguing television was a threat to the system of apartheid and Afrikaner ethic. 1955—The Congress of the People, an event organised by the ANC, formally adopted the Freedom Charter on 26 June. These core principles are driven by the opening line, “The People Shall Govern”. 1959—Pan African Congress (later, Pan African Congress of Azania) launched at Orlando Community Hall in Soweto, in opposition to the ANC’s non-racial Freedom Charter. Robert Sobukwe becomes leader of PAC. 1960—Residents in Sharpeville, Vereeniging, in conjunction with the Pan African Congress, organise a protest against passbooks—the govern- ment required all black people to carry passes to enter white areas. Resulting police action led to at least 70 demonstrators killed and the event labelled the “Sharpeville massacre”. Sobukwe was arrested and jailed for three years. Anti-apartheid groups (including the PAC and ANC) sub- sequently banned. 1961—South Africa declared a republic, and officially leaves the Commonwealth. 1961—In the wake of the Sharpeville massacre, ANC launches its armed wing, uMkhonto we Sizwe (“Spear of the Nation” or shortened to MK), with Mandela as first commander. MK launches widespread sabo- tage campaign with first attacks against government installations on 16 December 1961. United States and South African governments class MK as a terrorist organisation, and Mandela remained on the terror watchlist in America until 2008. 1963–1964—Rivonia trials of 12 ANC members take place in Johannesburg, charged under the 1962 Sabotage Act to violently over- throw the government. Co-accused included Nelson Mandela, Denis Goldberg, Ahmed Kathrada, Govan Mbeki (Thabo’s father), Walter Sisulu, and Elias Motsoaledi. 1964—Mandela sentenced to life imprisonment on Robben Island. 1966—Prime Minister Hendrik Verwoerd assassinated by Dimitri Tsafendas on 6 September at the House of Assembly in Cape Town. Verwoerd was replaced by B.J. Foster in September. 1967—Oliver Reginald Kaizana Tambo becomes acting president of the ANC after Chief Albert Luthuli died in 1967. OR Tambo led the ANC while in exile until 1990.
x TIMELINE 1971—Television finally allowed in the country but took five years to roll out across the country. 1976—Television introduced in South Africa. First television broadcast (in Afrikaans) on 5 January. 1976—Youth uprising in South West Township (Soweto) on 16 June. Many young people killed by police and security forces, most shot in the back. Official figures state 176 people died, but estimates are well over 600. Hector Pieterson is the second child to be killed, and the image spreads around the world quickly. 1978—PAC president Robert Sobukwe dies of lung cancer in Kimberly, aged 53. 1980—Mmusi Aloysias Maimane born in Krugersdorp. 1981—Julius Sello Malema born in Seshego-B, Polokwane. 1982—Two further television broadcast services introduced on the SABC: TV2 and TV3. 1983—MK bombs the Church Street Airforce Headquarters in Pretoria, killing 19 and injuring 217. This was the start of a widespread bombing, landmine, and torture campaign by MK throughout the 1980s. 1984–1989—Government declares a State of Emergency in the coun- try after widespread township revolts and bombing campaign. This era became known as the “crisis years”. 1986—Competing subscription-based service M-Net launched, backed by the Naspers newspaper consortium. M-Net expanded the media envi- ronment by broadcasting imported shows from the US and the UK. Peace Process 1989—F.W. de Klerk replaces P.W. Botha as president. The young, prag- matic, and verligte (enlightened) de Klerk realises the current form of apartheid is a “cul-de-sac”. de Klerk meets Mandela, starting the process of reconciliation. Many ANC activists are freed and public facilities desegregated. 1990—ANC unbanned. Mandela released from Victor Venter Prison and the images are televised globally. The Pretoria Minute suspended armed struggle of ANC and MK, bringing the state of emergency to an end. 1990—Tripartite Alliance (or “Revolutionary Alliance” or simply “The Alliance”) formed between the ANC, Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU), and the SACP.
TIMELINE xi 1991—Start of multi-party talks at CODESA I, the first plenary, to conceptualise the new constitution for the country. National peace accord signed on 14 September 1991. 1992—Increased factional fighting between ANC and IFP members leads to township battles. Boipatong massacre on 15 June where 45 resi- dents were killed by Zulu hostel dwellers. 1992—CODESA II, the second plenary, breaks down, as Mandela withdraws from negotiations. He accused the government of being com- plicit over the Boipatong massacre and instead recommended mass action. 1992—ANC’s “rolling mass action” met with tragedy at the 7 September Bisho massacre of 29 people. The Ciskei homeland army opened fire on protest marchers. A new urgency to find a settlement spurred the government, ANC, and IFP to resume negotiations. 1992—Joe Slovo, former leader of the SACP, secured a major break- through in the negotiation process by presenting the “sunset clauses”. A coalition government (ANC/NP/IFP) would lead the country for five years following the elections, while existing (white) civil servants would have guarantees of land, jobs, and security. Even today, the sunset clauses are controversial, and many accuse the ANC of “selling out” their Freedom Charter ideals. 1993—South African Communist Party leader and Commander in Chief of MK Chris Hani assassinated on 10 April by Janusz Waluś. His assassination seen as a turning point in the country’s transition—Mandela addresses the nation, speaking like a president, and the negotiation pro- cess galvanises into action. The election date is decided for 27 April 1994. 1993—AWB crashes a “Viper” armoured vehicle through the doors of the World Trade Centre in Kempton Park on 25 June, where the negotia- tions were being held. AWB members took control of the building briefly but departed peacefully. White right-wing groups vehemently opposed the negotiation process as they felt their interests were not being considered. 1993—Agreement on interim constitution of the country occurred in the early hours of 18 November. 1994—Bophuthatswana crisis unfolds as splinter white nationalists from the AWB invade the homeland on 11 March. High-profile killing of AWB militants threaten to destabilise peace process. Images of the dying AWB commanders, taken by Kevin Carter and Greg Marinovich, spread globally and draw the news spotlight to Southern Africa. 1994—Township battles, the bombing campaign by the white right, and IFP attacks precluded the 1994 election. Upwards of 20,000 IFP
xii TIMELINE members stormed Shell House (ANC headquarters in Johannesburg) on 28 March where ANC officials opened fire, killing 19 people. Bomb explodes in Bree Street, Johannesburg, on 25 April, killing nine people. Bomb explodes at Jan Smuts International Airport on 28 April, killing 21 people. 1994—First all-race elections in the country over three days in April. ANC wins by landslide. Mandela becomes first democratic president and leads the Government of National Unity between National Party, ANC, and IFP. 1994—Final sanctions on South Africa are lifted and the country resumes its seat in UN General Assembly. Township battles calm and the nation breathes a cautious sign of relief. 1994—New designations for the provinces: Transvaal briefly becomes the Pretoria-Witwatersrand-Vereeniging (PWV) before settling on Gauteng. Natal becomes KwaZulu-Natal. Orange Free State becomes the Free State. Cape of Good Hope becomes Western Cape. Bantustans, or homelands, are amalgamated into the nine provinces, including Ciskei, Bophuthatswana, QwaQwa, and Venda. 1995—Joe Slovo dies of cancer and is buried in Avalon Cemetery, Soweto. Truth and Reconciliation 1996—Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) with Archbishop Desmond Tutu as chair begins hearings on human rights crimes commit- ted by both government officials and liberation movements during apartheid. 1996—Government adopts new constitution on 8 May and is promul- gated by President Mandela on 18 December. 1996—National Party withdraws from Government of National Unity on 9 May, leaving the ANC and IFP as sole members until the 1999 elec- tion, when the GNU lapsed. 1996—SABC reorganises its programming to three channels—SABC 1, 2, and 3. 1998—TRC report brands apartheid a crime against humanity and finds ANC accountable for human rights abuses. 1998—Competing free-to-air television service e.tv launched, expand- ing the free television news bouquet in South Africa. 1998—The government procures weaponry and military aircraft to modernise the defence force under the Strategic Defence Acquisition. It
TIMELINE xiii became known simply as the Arms Deal and was plagued by allegations of corruption, implicating Jacob Zuma, Thabo Mbeki, politician Tony Yengeni, and businessman Schabir Shaik. Patricia de Lille acted as whistle- blower in 1999 with numerous bribery allegations.1 1999—ANC wins second general elections. Thabo Mbeki becomes second democratic president. 1999—On 28 October, Mbeki gives speech to the National Council of Provinces and questions whether the government should distribute anti- retroviral (ARV) drugs to combat AIDS. The epidemic was exploding in the country at the time. 2001—ANC Today, an online newsletter, established to offset the alleged mainstream media press against the ANC government. 2001—Mbeki chairs the “Presidential Advisory Panel on AIDS” which debated the significance of the HIV/AIDS link and the need for AIDS testing in the country. Mbeki argues that alleviating poverty in the country is more important than relying on expensive Western medicine. Mbeki’s approval rating plummets and he acknowledges he caused “confusion” by challenging the mainstream view of AIDS. 2002—Bomb explodes in Soweto and Pretoria, thought to be the work of right-wing extremists. Police also charge 17 right-wingers with plotting against the state. 2004—ANC wins third general election. Mbeki retains a second term as president. 2004—Government-approved ARV drugs to combat the spread of AIDS begin to reach hospitals by April. 2004—Deputy President Jacob Zuma becomes a key figure in the Schabir Shaik corruption trial, related to the 1998 Arms Deal. 2005—Pretoria, legislative capital of South Africa, is renamed Tshwane. 2005—Mbeki sacks Zuma on 14 June due to the intense media specu- lation of Zuma’s implication in the Shaik corruption trial. Zuma resigns as a member of parliament. 2005—Zuma is accused of raping 31-year-old HIV-positive “Kwezi”, a family friend. During the trial, Zuma dismisses the risk of HIV/AIDS because he “took a shower”. Political cartoonist Zapiro now frequently 1 See Andrew Feinstein’s After the Party (2007) for an account of the Arms Deal process and impact.
xiv TIMELINE draws Zuma with a shower on his head because of this statement. Pro- Zuma supporters gather at the High Court in December and condemn the trial. Zunami 2006—Zuma is acquitted of rape charges on 8 May. Throughout the trial, Zuma and his supporters sing “Umshini Wami” (Bring me my machine gun), a song associated with MK and the Struggle. 2006—Arguments between AIDS activists and the AIDS denialist ANC cabinet continue. Health Minister Manto Tshabalala-Msimang is labelled “Dr Beetroot” after she advises herbal remedies (including beet- root and garlic) to treat AIDS. 2007—Helen Zille elected as new leader of the DA, the official opposi- tion party. 2007—The Directorate of Special Operations (also known as the Scorpions) serve Zuma with an indictment to stand trial in the High Court on 28 December. He faces charges of racketeering, money laundering, corruption, and fraud. If convicted, Zuma would be ineligible to run for presidency. Zuma appeared in court on 4 August 2008. 2008—Mbeki’s government was responsible for about 343,000 pre- ventable AIDS-related deaths, according to two studies. 2008—eNCA news channel launched on 1 June. The channel became South Africa’s first rolling news service and broadcast 24 hours a day on the DSTV service, with scheduled news on the e.tv channel. 2008—Xenophobic riots sweep the nation as dozens of foreign African nationals die in township battles. Of the 68 people killed in the riots, 21 were South African nationals. 2008—Zuma is accused of fresh corruption charges on 4 August, but a judge dismisses the case on 12 September, declaring the charges unlawful on procedural grounds. Zuma starts campaigning for presidency. 2008—Mbeki is recalled from the presidency over allegations he was involved in the Zuma corruption case. He steps down on 25 September, and Kgalema Motlanthe is inaugurated as interim president. 2009—Congress of the People (COPE) launched by Mosiuoa Lekota, Mbhazima Shilowa, and Mluleki George, and campaigns for the fourth democratic elections. 2009—Zuma corruption trial resumes briefly in January but is dropped on 6 April, days before the election. Supporters celebrate by wearing T-shirts emblazoned with Zuma’s face with the caption “100% Zulu Boy”.
TIMELINE xv 2009—South African economy slides into recession for the first time in 17 years as a result of the Great Recession of the late 2000s. 2009—ANC wins the election and Zuma is elected as third democratic president in the fourth general election on 22 April. 2010—Artist Brett Murray paints The Spear, a depiction of Jacob Zuma in the style of Lenin, but with his genitals exposed. The painting provoked intense debate on the freedom of expression, and the ANC triggered a defamation lawsuit against Murray in 2012. 2010—South Africa successfully hosts the FIFA World Cup tourna- ment amidst nation-wide strikes. Splitting of the Rock 2011—Zuma sacks two ministers accused of corruption. ANC suspends its controversial and influential youth leader, Julius Malema. 2012—Mineworkers at the Marikana platinum mine Lonmin conduct a wildcat strike and down tools. Between 10 and 16 August, 78 people die including both police and miners. Prosecutors eventually drop murder charges against 270 miners after public outcry. 2012—Malema visits Marikana in support of the miners’ strike and called for Zuma to resign. 2013—Malema launches the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) on 26 July in Soweto. Malema is then charged with money laundering but says this is politically motivated to silence his campaign. 2013—Nelson Mandela dies at the age of 95 after a long illness. 2013—Anti-Corruption ombudsman criticises Zuma for R246mil upgrades to his private home in Nkandla using mostly public funds. 2014—ANC wins majority in fifth general elections. Zuma retains the presidency. 2014—Oscar Pistorius, the “Blade Runner”, kills his girlfriend and is sentenced to five years in jail. The trial draws heavy media coverage globally. 2015—Zuma announces plan to ban foreign farmland-ownership in an attempt to redistribute land to black farmers. This was a key ANC mani- festo from the Freedom Charter. 2015—Power utility Eskom rations electricity to prevent power cuts in a rolling nation-wide system of “load shedding” that continues for years. Eskom blames poor maintenance for the crumbling system.
xvi TIMELINE 2015—On its centenary, Naspers CEO Esmaré Weideman apologised for the company’s role in supporting apartheid. 2016—Supreme Court rules Zuma violated constitution for using pub- lic money to improve Nkandla. Zuma is ordered to “pay back the money”, echoing a call from the EFF. 2016—Weeks before the local elections take place, SABC COO Hlaudi Motsoeneng bans news of protests where property is damaged, leading to criticism from South African and international press freedom watchdogs. 2017—Zuma dismisses popular Finance Minister Pravin Gordhan, an act that pushes the country’s credit rating cut to junk status. The New Dawn 2018—Zuma resigns from the ANC and government presidency after pressure from corruption charges. Cyril Ramaphosa is elected as successor to ANC leadership. 2018—Winnie Madikizela-Mandela, second wife of Nelson Mandela, dies on 2 April. 2019—ANC wins the general elections with the lowest majority since 1994. Ramaphosa becomes the country’s fourth president in the sixth general election. 2020—The coronavirus pandemic damages the ANC’s “course correc- tion” agenda as millions are thrust further into poverty and lose their jobs. The country enters into a harsh “lockdown” period before many other nations on 23 March. 2020–2021—Denis Goldberg and George Bizos, lawyers and political activists during the Rivonia Trials, both die. Zindzi Mandela, daughter of Nelson Mandela, Lungile Tom, promiment eNCA journalist, Mluleki George, former COPE leader, Jackson Mthembu, Minister of the Presidency, andKing Goodwill Zweluthini, King of the Zulu nation, die with COVID-19.
Preface We are living in a complicated and complex time, saturated by screens and news media, navigating post-truth politics and living in a (post) pandemic world. There is also a so-called ‘crisis’ in global political journalism, arising from mediatised reporting that is more flashy than informative and news media that has been captured by business interests. Our reliance on visual news is at an all-time high, be that through traditional television broad- casts or video on demand via YouTube or legacy news websites. Yet, if we are to flourish as a society, one that can adequately see itself represented in mainstream news, then we must take more care over these crafted and cre- ated news narratives. Taking visual news seriously is a step in the right direction. And it is in this imbroglio that Desperately Seeking Depth appears. This book reflects on six South African general elections, from 1994 to 2019, and considers both the journalistic representation of the elections and the shifting professional practice of reporting over the years. But why focus on South Africa and why elections? The political journalism crisis is felt astutely all over the world. And yet so much of our understanding of the practice comes from the North and the West, and few scholars dedi- cate extensive time to African representations of Africa. Indeed, Achille Mbembe once wrote that we know virtually nothing about what African societies comprise but very much about what they lack. There is still much to be said about the quality and content of actual news media, aside from the structural and policy analysis. So, while election coverage is a popular field of analysis, the scholarship on South African election reporting often starts from a “top down” approach – political science first, and media studies at the very end if it gets mentioned at all. In this book, election xvii
xviii Preface reporting is considered through both the practice of that news reporting (context) as well as the news representation itself (content). Media has a growing and valuable role in the political process, and it is the struggle over political meaning that is now at stake, rather than a gauge of political participation through vote-catch events. This book is as much a descrip- tion and analysis of news media in post-apartheid South Africa as it is a reflection on symbolic representation during elections. This book originated from my PhD studies, completed in 2018 at the University of Cape Town during a particularly intense period of student and community protest action. Researching and writing the treatise dur- ing the vigorous and emphatic dissent from students and workers became a merciless task, because I simply could not detach my thoughts of the decolonial movement occurring outside my door with the content of the news and politics that covered the protests, and which I then analysed for my PhD. The gap between my doctoral capping and the publishing of this book allowed for some space between action and reflection, meant that other researchers were able to objectively analyse the experiences I had lived through, and during which time another general election had passed. As such, this book uses the original thesis from my PhD, but expands upon it greatly as I have had time and space to reflect and re-analyse much of the broadcast data. The book therefore does not read as a theoretical treatise as one might expect for a PhD, and I have left much of my emo- tional connection to South Africa and its democracy within the pages. I am and have always been proudly South African, and I realised while writ- ing up this manuscript in Scotland, a world away from the Hoerikwaggo in Cape Town, that detaching emotion from experience and analysis results in an indifferent account, an aloofness where familiarity is required. Writing chapters 3, 6, and 8 were particularly poignant due to the close- ness of my own experiences with the news broadcasts I analysed. My PhD conducted a deep multimodal analysis of the broadcasts, but this book is more of a historical overview of the elections, of democracy in the country, and of the media landscape. I noticed that much of the pre- ceding literature about South African elections and democracy was discon- nected between these two – books tend to either be an historical overview and political in nature or discuss media coverage of a single election. It is the aim of this book to draw these two things together with an historical overview in the first part and an analysis of media representation in the second part. This book attempts to provide the field with a comprehensive overview of South African news media, the television news coverage of its
Preface xix elections, and a critique of the mediatised political journalism that plagues the practice. By creating a dedicated analysis of television news coverage of South African elections, this book describes and critiques news coverage across six election years. At its heart, this book argues for an approach that revisits the fundamental tenets of journalism to revolutionise the represen- tation of South Africa on visual news. Ultimately, this book shows how the visual representation of the elec- tions on television news kept viewers apart from South African politics, inserting levels of detachment via camera proxemics, evaluative voices, and mediatised news frames. Desperately Seeking Depth takes television news and visual rhetoric seriously, and adds new knowledge about what African societies comprise, rather than what they lack.
Acknowledgements What respectable body of work would be complete without expressing one’s gratitude to those who have helped carry the author—mind, soul, and sometimes body—through the wilderness of research? It stands to reason then that I convey my utmost appreciation for my two PhD super- visors, Drs Martha Evans and Wallace Chuma, for guiding me along the path to this book with infinite patience, wisdom, and maddening attention to detail. Despite being halfway across the world and enduring difficult and uncertain times, they never failed to give consistently excellent feed- back and support on the original form of this research. My mentor at Stirling University, Tom Collins, is a constant source of inspiration and kindly gave his time and care to help develop numerous chapters of this book. Without the financial, academic, and moral support of the Next Generation Social Sciences in Africa team from the Social Science Research Council, this book and the study upon which it is based would not have been possible. The two NextGen Fellowships granted me the time and space to focus on writing the original study. My mentors and colleagues at the Centre for Film and Media Studies at the University of Cape Town have stood behind me throughout this project and provided funding for the exorbitantly priced broadcasts. Vital funding from the South African National Research Foundation (NRF) enabled this study’s depth and original research. Without this generous grant, I would not have been able to continue with this project, or afford the expensive broadcast data that made up my sample. Speaking of archives, a special thank you goes to Sias Scott and Duma-Sandile Mboni at the SABC Archives and Carmen xxi
xxii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Whitcher at the eTV Archives. Their consistent hard work and helpfulness made a long and difficult task that much easier, and I want to acknowledge their capabilities in what is often a thankless yet important role at these two South African broadcasters. Parental support is not always a given during authorship, and I am lucky to have parents who motivate, support, and encourage me in every step that I take in my career. I am eternally obliged to my father, Arthur, for his undying love and support throughout my degree, career, and my life. Without his advice and encouragement, I would be a lesser person than I am today. My mother, Madeleine, has been a constant source of support, including proofreading endless samples, and keeps the light in me burning even on the bleakest of days. To my soul mate, best friend, eternal optimist, and husband, Emlyn. For all those times you had to listen to my jumbled up thoughts and yet somehow managed to slowly drag them out into a solid, sequential line; for having to speak via Facebook Messenger for hours on end because I needed isolation; for letting me fall asleep on you during exciting movies; for taking me on long walks when all I wanted to do was curl up in a ball. For joining me on this path and always seeing the light in this world; for supporting me emotionally, financially, physically, and mentally, without reservation, for many years. For all of these things, and countless others that you do for me and with me, I dedicate this book to you.
Contents Part I The Story of South Africa 1 1 Contextualising Election Reporting 3 Introduction 3 Aims 6 Concepts in Reporting Elections 7 Lack of Media Studies in Studies About Elections 7 The Hype-Ocracy 9 Framing and the Game Frame 10 Mediatisation 11 Reporting (South) African Elections 12 Local Media Coverage 13 International Media Coverage 14 Who Studies South African Elections? 16 But Why Television News? 16 Research Methods 18 Sample 18 Characteristics of the Multimodal Instrument 19 Juxtaposition 20 Analysis 20 Structure of the Book 21 References 23 xxiii
xxiv CONTENTS 2 Political Parties Over 25 Years 29 How Democracy Works in South Africa 29 Political Parties Over the Years 30 National Party/NNP 30 Democratic Party/Alliance 31 African National Congress 33 Inkatha Freedom Party 35 Economic Freedom Fighters 37 Congress of the People 38 AGANG 39 White Right/Black Left 39 Election Results, 1994–2019 40 References 43 3 Story of South Africa’s Democracy, 1994–2019 45 Introduction 45 1994: Getting to This Point 47 It Would Have Been a Miracle 48 Qunu Cattle Herder to Freedom Fighter 49 1994–1999: The Rainbow Nation 50 The Outgoing King 51 Problems in Paradise 52 1999–2004: African Pride, Renaissance 53 Deputy President to Favourite Son 54 The Dissipating Froth of the Miracle 55 The Beguiling Academic with Rural Beginnings 56 African Renaissance 57 Loyalty Above All Else 58 Profile of the Electorate 59 2004–2009: Ousting of a Would-be King 59 Polokwane 2007 60 A Push Towards Populism 61 Broedertwis 62 Splitting of the Rock 63 2009–2014: 100% Zulu Boy 63 Zuma’s Damoclean Issues 65 Marikana 66 Changing Electorate 67 ANC on the Defence 68
CONTENTS xxv 2014–2019: Pin Pricks of Light in a Tunnel 69 The Wheels Are Coming Off the Vehicle of Our State 69 Rise of the ANC Party-State 70 The Iron Grip of Umshini Wami: State Capture 71 RET and White Monopoly Capital 72 GuptaGate and GuptaLeaks 73 Polokwane 2017: By a Whisker 76 A Mask for the Elections 77 Ending the Illusions 78 References 80 4 South Africa’s TV News Landscape 83 Introduction 83 SABC: Views, Not News 85 That Evil Black Box 86 Shake Up and Shake Down 88 The Long Walk to Transformation 90 Power Struggles and the Parallel Road 91 An Ugly Monster 92 MultiChoice: A Global Empire 95 DSTV: Shaping Mass Culture on the Continent 96 Plurality of News Choice 97 Diversification and Digitalisation 98 24-Hour Rolling News 99 GroundUp Grassroots News 100 Gupta News 101 Journalism in South Africa 101 Newsroom Challenges 101 Top-Down and View of the Suburbs 102 Trust in Journalism 103 Freedom of the Media and Expression 104 Deteriorating Relationship 105 References 106
xxvi CONTENTS Part II South African Elections on Television News 109 5 News Values and Frames of Elections111 Introduction 111 Political Journalism 112 Post-Cold War News Values 114 Media Logic and Mediatisation 116 Reporting (South) Africa 118 The Rhetoric of Empire 119 Binaries and Stereotypes 121 Entangled Narratives 123 (South) African Reporting 125 Partisanship 125 “Universal” and “African” Professional Ideals 128 Listening to the Ground 129 References 130 6 The ANC Has No Clothes133 Introduction 133 The Liberation Narrative 134 Under Apartheid Skies 134 Post-Apartheid Struggle with the Free Press 136 The ANC’s Liberation Narrative 137 The Liberation Narrative and Elections 138 Liberation Movements Tend to Age Disgracefully 140 Journalists Emulate ANC Hegemony 141 Sole Liberator 142 The “Mandela Effect” 143 Protests and Dissent Against the Government 146 Implications 149 References 152 7 Power and Populism155 Introduction 155 Representing People: The South African Electorate 157 Early Depictions of Rural People 158 Black Hopes and White Fears 160 The IFP’s Frightening War Band in 1994 162 The “Hands Up” Signification 164
CONTENTS xxvii ANC Fealty from 2009 165 The Red Tide of the EFF in 2014 167 The Blindly Loyal and Confusing Electorate 168 Born Frees and the Youth 170 Disengaging with Realities 174 Representing Politics: Leaders and Speakers 175 The Jacob Zuma Show 176 Offer and Demand 177 Removing Mbeki 178 South African Perspective: Mbeki Is Popular 179 The 20-Year Mark 181 Voicing Politicians in a Lip Flap 182 Non-mainstream News Does the Heavy Lifting 183 Talking Without Listening 184 Political Drop-off 185 Descriptive, Rather than Seeking the “why” 187 The Challenge to Do Better 187 Methods Change Meanings 189 References 189 8 Visuals and Violence193 Introduction 193 Violence 195 Election Violence Bookended the 1994 Election 196 Peace Journalism or Simply a Lack of Violence? 198 Protest Action Reduced to Neoliberal Values 200 When Journalists Listen to Citizens 202 Neoliberal Values Undermine Contextualisation 204 Understanding the Protests 205 Control of Violence 206 Controlling the Edge of Democracy 206 A “Subjective Angle” of South African Police 208 Security in Maintenance Mode: 2014 and 2019 209 Distance and Hesitation 210 At Arm’s Length 210 South African Hesitation 211 The Lack of Listening 212 References 212
xxviii Contents Part III Conclusion 215 9 Desperately Seeking Depth217 Neoliberal Values and Mediatisation 218 So, What Is a Journalist to Do? 219 Mediatised Political Journalism 220 Local and International Reporting 221 Local Political Journalism 221 International Political Journalism 223 Voicing the Populous 225 Top-Down Organisation of the Media 226 The Lack of Listening 227 Suggestions for Improving Practice 228 Characteristics of Constructive Journalism 228 Conclusion 234 References 235 Index239
About the Author Bernadine Jones is Lecturer in Journalism at the University of Stirling, Scotland. She was the Next Generation in Social Science Fellow at the University of Cape Town where she completed her PhD, and has written on visual analysis methodology, African representation in news, and politi- cal journalism during elections. She voted in her first South African gen- eral election in 2009 in Rondebosch, Cape Town. Jones lives in Stirling, Scotland, with her husband. She is proudly South African. xxix
Abbreviations ACDP African Christian Democratic Party AMCU Association of Mineworkers and Construction Union ANC African National Congress AVF Afrikaner Volksfront AWB Afrikaner Weerstandsbeweging AZAPO Azanian People’s Organisation CODESA Convention for a Democratic South Africa COPE Congress of the People COSATU Congress of South African Trade Unions CP Conservative Party DA Democratic Alliance DP Democratic Party, see DA DSTV Digital Satellite Television EFF Economic Freedom Fighters FF Freedom Front FF+ Freedom Front Plus GEAR Growth, Employment, and Redistribution GNU Government of National Unity IEC Independent Electoral Commission IFP Inkatha Freedom Party IM Independent Media Commission MK uMkhonto we Sizwe MMA Media Monitoring Africa NA National Action NEC National Executive Council (of the ANC) NNP New National Party NP National Party xxxi
xxxii ABBREVIATIONS NPA National Prosecuting Agency NROC National Results Operations Centre NUM National Union of Mineworkers PAC Pan African Congress RDP Reconstruction and Development Programme SABC South African Broadcast Corporation SACP South African Communist Party SAPS South African Police Service SANDF South African National Defence Force TRC Truth and Reconciliation Committee UDM United Democratic Movement UNOMSA United National Observation Mission in South Africa
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