Back to the Future? International Climate Policy in 2021
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NO. 14 FEBRUARY 2021 Introduction Back to the Future? International Climate Policy in 2021 New Constellations for the EU’s Climate Diplomacy Susanne Dröge and Tessa-Sophie Schrader In 2021 the international climate policy agenda will need to catch up on much that was not accomplished in 2020. Because of the pandemic, deadlines were postponed and processes slowed down. What is the position of major climate policy powers in early 2021, and what momentum can we expect for international negotiations? The most important impetus this year will come from the EU, the US and China. However, since these three powers are also competitors, the EU and its member states will have to strengthen multilateral cooperation overall so as to push for reaching the Paris Agreement targets, formulate clear expectations, and ensure that all actors remain on equal terms. For Germany and the EU it will therefore be crucial to continue to focus decisively on joint action with partner countries within networks, and to concentrate on core issues with the US. Obvious areas for cooperation with Washington are a joint diplomatic approach for the next international climate conference (COP26), and rec- onciling climate and trade policy. The COP26 in Glasgow will be the climate tries have had to pass because of the pan- policy focus in 2021. The postponement demic, as well as “greening” of the means by one year has given its co-organisers, the made available by international financial United Kingdom and Italy, more time to institutions for overcoming the crisis. The prepare. Both also hold additional impor- related financial flows will continually have tant positions in 2021: Italy chairs the G20, to be monitored for their de facto climate the UK the G7. These and other formats impacts. could be used to prepare the COP26. Con- structive momentum for the conference also comes from climate-policy announce- 2021: A Full Agenda ments being made much more concrete in the EU (Green Deal), the US (regulations) The Paris Agreement stipulates that its par- and China (five-year plan). Moreover, sus- ties have to submit new and more ambi- tainable, “green” earmarking of stimulus tious Nationally Determined Contributions packages became popular that most coun- (NDCs) on climate mitigation, adaptation
and finance. By the end of January, 71 Key Players in 2021 countries had provided new NDCs. Long- Climate Diplomacy term climate plans are also due. 36 coun- tries plus the EU have committed to so- On inauguration day the new US govern- called neutrality targets. They determine ment arranged to rejoin the Paris Agree- long-term goals based on Article 4 of the ment. This will bring back momentum to Paris Agrement in which parties commit 2021 negotiations and the US will deter- to “achiev[ing] a balance between anthro- mine the international climate agenda pogenic emissions by sources and removals alongside the EU and China. China an- by sinks of greenhouse gases [soils, forests, nounced new national climate targets reservoirs – authors’ note] in the second already in September; the US government half of this century”. intends to follow by April. Moreover, indus- Some parts of the Paris Rulebook still trialised nations face a strong demand by require a compromise, namely so-called many developing countries for more cli- Cooperative Approaches (Article 6 PA) like mate finance, which should also take into international emissions trading, and rules account the consequences of the pandemic. on reporting obligations. Notwithstanding this dynamic, individual This year’s series of meetings in various G20 countries will oppose the Paris climate formats and actor constellations started agenda, above all Saudi Arabia, Russia and with the World Economic Forum in Davos Brazil. and the Climate Adaptation Summit in the Netherlands, both in January. On 22 April Europe: Master Clock for US President Joseph Biden plans to hold a Climate Goals World Leaders Summit of the largest indus- trialised nations. The G7 Summit in the UK Shortly before the German presidency of is scheduled for June, the United Nations the Council of the European Union ended (UN) High-level Political Forum for sustainable in December 2020, EU heads of state and development in New York for July. The government agreed to increase the 2030 UN General Assembly (UNGA) will meet in climate target to at least 55 percent emis- September, and the G20 Summit in Italy is sions reductions compared to 1990. This planned for October. Climate policy will be target is part of the Green Deal, which con- at the top of the agenda of these meetings. sists of over 50 political projects (incl. pro- Simultaneously, negotiations will continue tecting biodiversity, climate-friendly mobil- under the UN Framework Convention on ity, increasing the energy efficiency of build- Climate Change (UNFCCC, intersessionals ings, and reforming EU agriculture). The from 31 May to 10 June), to prepare deci- Commission will make legislative proposals sions for the COP26. to ensure that member states swiftly im- The series of summits will ensure that plement these EU climate projects. The the attention of heads of state and govern- European Climate Law, which Commission ment will remain high on climate policy President Ursula von der Leyen presented despite the pandemic. But civil society will in March 2020, is at the core of climate legis- also return to exerting pressure – inter lation. It stipulates that the EU will become alia, because protests can once again be climate neutral by 2050. Both the European held in the streets. The publication of the Parliament (EP) and the Environment Coun- first part of the Intergovernmental Panel cil agreed to the proposal with few amend- on Climate Change (IPCC) sixth assessment ments in October 2020. Negotiations be- report, announced for April, will be an tween the EP and member states on final occasion for renewed pressure, as will the details are to be concluded in March. By publication of further parts that are due June the Commission plans to bring for- before the COP26 in November. ward 12 legal propositions to make the EU “Fit for 55”. SWP Comment 14 February 2021 2
With a view to its presidency of the up- net zero emissions by 2050. Biden‘s plan coming COP26, in June 2019 the UK was the for a Clean Energy Revolution and Environmental first major industrialised nation to pass a Justice, which is supposed to drive the climate- law intended to pave the way for green- friendly transformation of the economy house gas neutrality in 2050. Brexit means over the next ten years, is endowed with that the UK’s NDC, previously negotiated US$1.7 trillion. Among other things, it at the EU level, is no longer valid. The UK intends to achieve a “carbon pollution-free” government announced a new NDC in energy sector by 2035 and to reach net zero December, shortly before the Climate Am- across the US by 2050. The plan also pro- bition Summit held in Paris: reducing motes electromobility and energy efficiency emissions by at least 68 percent by 2030. of buildings. Biden has further announced The target is embedded in the government’s that fossil fuel subsidies will be eliminated, ten-point plan for a green reconstruction of US financing of oil and gas projects abroad the British economy post-Covid. This pro- will be discontinued, and imports will be gramme stipulates public investment of 12 subject to a CO2 border adjustment. billion pounds Sterling (€13.4 bn), and aims However, the national implementation to create up to 250,000 “green” jobs. Inter of these measures is not guaranteed, even alia, the intention is to develop London into though the Democrats now have a slim a global centre for “green finance”. In 2021 majority of 51 votes in the Senate. To set the British government will concentrate a new NDC – the current NDC consists of above all on hosting the COP and G7. Close reducing 2005 emission levels by 26 to 28 cooperation with the EU and Germany will percent by 2025 – Biden’s climate package be indispensable to make the negotiations must quickly gain momentum. In this successful. context, proposing new laws, for example to introduce a carbon price, is politically USA: Another Return risky since it would require at least 60 votes in the Senate. Regulations by the Environment On his first day in office, President Joseph Protection Agency (EPA) and executive orders Biden ordered the US’s immediate reacces- by the president will therefore be a key sion to the Paris Agreement. His staffing instrument of the new US administration’s decisions also signal that the US once again Plan for a Clean Energy Revolution and Environ- wants to shape international climate poli- mental Justice. tics. John Kerry, secretary of state during In order for the US to restore trust with a Barack Obama’s second mandate, is the view to the COP26, it is important to submit Special Presidential Envoy for Climate and an NDC that is seen to be ambitious, along- has a seat at the cabinet table. side swift implementation. In other words, Biden has declared that climate policy a new NDC has to go far beyond the pre- will be one of the top four topics of his vious one. Given the energy with which term in office and a part of his adminis- the new US government has gone to work, tration’s pandemic recovery package. His there is certainly no lack of political will. executive order, Tackling the Climate Crisis at Climate finance, which is of particular Home and Abroad, makes it a key concern interest to developing countries, was taken of his foreign and security policy. To restore up by John Kerry in the Climate Adaptation its international credibility, the US will Summit in January. He announced signifi- above all have to formulate an ambitious cant financial support – without giving NDC alongside its climate diplomacy, and specifics – for climate adaptation. He also implement it rapidly. Analysts from the stated that international partners could rely Rhodium Group have calculated that the on US help through innovation and with US will need to reach a 2030 climate target climate data. of minus 40 to 50 percent as compared to 2005 in order for the US economy to attain SWP Comment 14 February 2021 3
China and India: to renegotiate cooperation with China at The Highest Emissions but the UN as well as bilateral and trilateral not the Greatest Ambitions? levels this year. In its current NDC, the Indian govern- In 2020 the Chinese president Xi Jinping ment has not set any climate targets that surprisingly announced that China in- define an emissions reduction in absolute tended to reach peak emissions before 2030 terms, and, as with China, it is not expected and be CO2 neutral before 2060. It remains to in the next NDC either. India has been unclear how these targets are to be reached. hard hit by the pandemic and combating it The 2030 target has so far not been sub- has tied up political capacities. However, mitted as an NDC. The new five-year plan the Indian government has always been 2021–2025, announced for the spring, is reserved on international environmental expected to contain answers as to how the commitments, in particular because it sees Chinese government intends to reconcile its industrialised nations as responsible for growth targets with its climate goals. After climate change. India’s share of global all, China is the top global greenhouse gas emissions puts it in fourth place. Thus far, emitter – even if, from a historical per- the government has focused on the emis- spective, the US and Europe lead on accu- sions intensity of the economy rather than mulated emissions. setting absolute targets. Per unit of gross Beijing continues to rely heavily on coal domestic product, this intensity is meant to for electricity generation. China consumes decrease by 33 to 35 percent as compared about half of the global coal supply for its to 2005. By 2040 India’s electricity supply coal-fired plants alone. Beijing also partici- from non-fossil sources is to reach 40 per- pates in investments in coal power plants cent of the total. Due to the economic con- abroad as part of its Belt and Road Initiative sequences of the coronavirus pandemic, (BRI). Its domestic consumption is the India’s emissions fell for the first time in 40 greatest obstacle to reaching ambitious cli- years. If this trend (which is mainly based mate targets. For instance, the energy out- on less coal-based electricity generation) put from its wind and solar facilities would continues, the country is heading towards have to be doubled within the next five a share of 60 to 65 percent non-fossil ener- years to meet the 2060 target. gies. Many G77 countries see India as a role However, the Chinese government sub- model, and New Delhi is increasingly ring- ordinates climate policy to its geopolitical fencing itself from China’s economic influ- interests, and has thus far not positioned ence. It will be important for Europe and itself as a leader in UN negotiations. On the the US to exchange with India in the run- contrary, encouraged by US foreign policy up to the COP26 with a view to the G77. of the past four years China has retracted Boris Johnson’s invitation to India for the promises that it had made as part of the G7 summit takes this into account. An EU- Paris Agreement negotiations. Originally India summit is scheduled for 8 May. Chinese leader Xi along with the EU and other countries intended to fill the leader- Japan and South Korea are ship gap left by the US, but no actions fol- joining in; Australia is not lowed his speech at the 2017 World Eco- nomic Forum. The climate goals announced After Beijing published its climate targets, last September at the UNGA were all the the Japanese government followed suit in more surprising. This move indicates that October 2020 and declared its intention of Beijing considers climate policy a part of its making the country climate-neutral by systemic rivalry with the US and EU. After 2050 (according to Climate Action Tracker). all, the move at the UNGA created the im- Japan’s current NDC for 2030 is seen as pression that China was far ahead of the US lacking ambition. However, President Suga on climate policy. The EU and US will have has announced that a higher target will be SWP Comment 14 February 2021 4
submitted before the COP26. To reach its hydrogen exporters. Along with Germany, 2050 target, Tokyo intends to exploit the Australia is currently examining supply US$708 bn stimulus package. This package chains for green hydrogen. includes US$19.2 bn earmarked for climate measures. The Japanese industry does not want to miss out on the race for environ- EU Starting Points for the mental technologies. The government is International Climate Process therefore attempting to start long-delayed restructuring towards renewable energy Commission President von der Leyen wants sources, and is investing in infrastructure to position the EU as a geopolitical actor. and innovation. Climate policy is an integral part of this South Korea also followed suit and in effort. However, the EU’s objective of assert- late 2020 announced an NDC with emis- ing itself amidst the US-China power rivalry, sions reductions of 24.4 percent as com- as well as multipolar developments, partly pared to 2017. By 2025 at the latest the conflicts with well-worn climate diplomacy. government plans to declare a more ambi- The EU cannot push for a swift implemen- tious goal for 2030, enabling CO2 neutrality tation of the Paris Agreement without the by 2050. After the 2009 financial and eco- two largest economies, the US and China. nomic crisis, South Korea had stated that it Just as important is the integration of other was committed to establishing a Green G20 countries, especially Brazil, Australia, Economy. The South Korean Covid stimulus Saudi Arabia and Russia, and the many G77 package also has a green focus: the so-called countries. Otherwise the climate projects of Korean New Deal (K-New Deal) is worth the Green Deal cannot succeed by 2030. The US$135 bn, almost half of which is intended US announcement of fully rejoining multi- for creating green jobs. Along with invest- lateral climate policy is therefore auspicious. ments in future technologies and infra- However, given the Green Deal and the lead- structure, the K-New Deal includes a target ing role that the EU has shouldered in the of CO2 neutrality by 2050. Critics point out past few years, it is imperative that the EU that the K-New Deal is grey rather than positions itself clearly vis-à-vis all partners. green, inter alia because it also promotes After all the Biden administration also lays fossil fuels such as LNG along with renew- claim to being a climate-policy superpower. able energies. A significant part of the plan, they claim, is based on the as yet unproven Positioning vis-à-vis China competitiveness of hydrogen in the trans- and the US port sector. Australia, on the contrary, has a govern- In the past, the EU has successfully cooper- ment that is critical of more ambitious ated on climate policy with China, for climate targets. It has not raised its NDC. instance when the People’s Republic devel- Australia is the world’s largest exporter of oped emissions trading along the European LNG and its second-largest exporter of coal. model. However, overall relations between The Australian government under Prime the EU and China have deteriorated during Minister Scott Morrison openly represents the past two years. Furthermore in the UN coal industry interests and objects to strict climate negotiations, Beijing has reverted to international climate rules. Even the devas- claiming the status of a developing country, tating heat wave and fires of 2020 have not so as to avoid having to apply, for example, made the Australian government more international standards for measuring cooperative on international climate policy, greenhouse gases. despite public protests for more climate For the EU and US the issue of transpar- protection. Canberra’s climate policy seems ency is non-negotiable; it will once again particularly contradictory given its plan to be one of the crucial themes in the COP26 establish itself as one of the world’s largest talks. However, with its Green Deal the EU SWP Comment 14 February 2021 5
can now set new priorities in its climate Fossil Fuels and Carbon Markets diplomacy – not just at the UN level, but Remain Sticking Points also in direct exchanges with Beijing. These include making progress in climate protec- Any progress in international climate pro- tion also through trade initiatives and the tection will depend on whether hesitant development of new technologies. The countries can be pulled along. The most Commission has suggested it will relieve important projects of the EU, the US and European companies, which face rising documented in many NDCs, focus on the costs because of the new 2030 climate tar- reduction of fossil fuel consumption. While get, from competitive pressure caused by for emerging economies such as India this imports. A so-called Carbon Border Adjust- seems to be mainly a question of timing ment Mechanism (CBAM) is part of the Fit- and costs, for fossil fuels exporters (incl. for-55 package and is supposed to charge Iraq, Australia and Russia) a drop in de- imports according to their carbon content. mand is not an appealing prospect. How- A considerable part of imports that would ever, when the world’s leading oil exporter be covered by it, for instance cement or Saudi Arabia chaired the G20 in 2020, it steel products, come from China. The CBAM emphasised the role that carbon capture plans could increase Beijing’s domestic and storage technologies play in climate efforts to broaden its emissions trading and mitigation, and the government wants to even define an absolute emission cap, so as follow the German example in expanding to reduce or even entirely avoid EU import renewable energies. In this respect, it is to charges. Again transparent data are an in- be expected that at the COP26 parties will dispensable tool in this respect. again address technological issues, the costs Vis-à-vis China, the EU and its member of climate policy for these producer coun- states have to find the right balance be- tries, and the impact on investment. Ger- tween cooperation and competition. With many’s and the EU’s hydrogen strategy the US, they will have to rapidly explore the is one starting point for identifying new most productive options for cooperation cooperative pathways. This will require, with a view to the COP26. The new US gov- among other things, international stand- ernment’s decisiveness in devoting itself ards to guarantee that “green” hydrogen to climate policy will fan the competition really is produced in a carbon-free manner between the three big players over new (see SWP Comment 2020/C 32). ideas, technologies and international Investment in climate-friendly energies leadership beyond 2021. and carbon sinks will depend to a large It will be difficult, however, to proceed degree on a breakthrough at COP26 about jointly on the CBAM. The Commission and the governance for international trade in member states are demanding that WTO emissions certificates. High standards will rules be met. Without carbon pricing in have to be agreed upon for such trading the US – which will not happen on the systems in order to avoid double accounting national level in the foreseeable future – and defraud on the substance of verified the Biden administration will have to em- emission reductions. For this, the EU will ploy executive orders and trade rule exemp- need US support. Strict quality require- tions to bring a border adjustment in line ments are resisted by those countries hop- with international trade law – unless it ing for new revenues from certification and decides to ignore WTO rules entirely. It little control. Moreover, Brazil has success- would therefore be preferable to link EU-US fully blocked any agreement so as to secure climate cooperation with new approaches its substantial income from emissions cer- to trade cooperation, and leave enough tificates during transition from the old trad- time for thorough investigations into a ing system set up by the Kyoto Protocol. border adjustment. SWP Comment 14 February 2021 6
Last but Not Least: Building After the first phase of the US climate Confidence in the UN Process policy offensive, the EU and its member states will need to define their position and EU climate diplomacy will be called upon pursue their own priorities. Closer coopera- to convince developing countries that they tion on new technologies and the introduc- can trust the UN process – and the US’s tion of the EU’s CBAM are under discussion. climate action – despite the consequences The EU should also press ahead with long- of the pandemic. Washington’s complete term climate and energy initiatives with reversals in the past on both compliance other partners. with agreements and financing climate For four years Europe, almost on its own, action have led to doubts as to whether the managed to drive forward international cli- US is a reliable long-term partner at all. In mate policy as one of the most important 2021 Europe’s negotiators will most likely multilateral issues – albeit with only slug- find themselves in a situation where they gish progress. Some of the Green Deal need to ask poor countries to trust the new projects will have to be reevaluated as part US climate policy. of the new positive dynamic. However, if The most recent UNEP Adaptation Gap the EU wants to safeguard its strategic posi- Report estimates that developing countries tion in the long term it will undoubtedly will need US$70 bn per year for adaptation have to assert itself as an actor with its own to climate change. It considers a fourfold claims, positioned between the US and increase by 2030 to be possible. The pan- China, and as a partner for the many devel- demic has emptied public coffers. In his oping countries. In climate policy, the EU first international appearance at the Cli- should therefore focus not only on more mate Adaptation Summit, John Kerry was intensive cooperation with the US and, not yet able to commit the US to any spe- where possible, with China. It should also cific financial support for poor countries. ensure that the playing field stays level and Neither was China. Germany pledged €220 that it clearly sets out its own interests million in additional support. Yet the issue within the negotiations. of financing will once again determine whether real progress is made at COP26; due to the pandemic, demands will be more Recommended Further Reading vocal this year. Talks at the G-formats could also be used to improve financial room for Kirsten Westphal manoeuvre for developing countries’ assis- Strategic Sovereignty in Energy Affairs tance. For example, aid could be freed up by Reflections on Germany and the EU’s reducing subsidies for fossil fuels. Beyond Ability to Act that, collective debt relief linked to climate SWP Comment 7/2021, January 2021 policy objectives could be envisaged. Susanne Dröge The EU’s CO2 Border Adjustment: Conclusion Climate or Fiscal Policy? SWP Point of View, 5 August 2020 With the US rejoining international climate policy, progress in implementing the Paris Maria Pastukhova, Jacopo Maria Pepe and Agreement seems once again possible. New Kirsten Westphal dynamics between the US and China, in- Beyond the Green Deal: Upgrading the cluding in trade policy, will have an impact EU’s Energy Diplomacy for a New Era on the summits that are planned for 2021. SWP Comment 31/2020, June 2020 Dr Susanne Dröge is Senior Fellow in the Global Issues Research Division at SWP. Tessa-Sophie Schrader is Research Assistant in the Global Issues Research Division at SWP. SWP Comment 14 February 2021 7
Susanne Dröge Addressing the Risks of Climate Change What Role for the UN Security Council? SWP Research Paper 6/2020, June 2020 Michael Mehling, Harro van Asselt, Kasturi Das and Susanne Droege “What a European ‘carbon border tax’ might look like” voxeu.org, 10 December 2019 © Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik, 2021 Susanne Dröge and Felix Schenuit All rights reserved EU Trade and Climate Policy Linkages Potentials in Times of Repositioning This Comment reflects SWP Comment 16/2018, April 2018 the authors’ views. The online version of Clara Brandi, Axel Berger, Aaron Cosbey, this publication contains Susanne Dröge et al. functioning links to other Trade and Climate Change: SWP texts and other relevant A Key Agenda for the G20 sources. Saudi Arabia T 20 Policy Brief, October 2020 SWP Comments are subject to internal peer review, fact- SWP Dossier: European and Global checking and copy-editing. Climate Policy For further information on https://www.swp-berlin.org/en/dossiers/ our quality control pro- sustainability-climate-and-energy/european- cedures, please visit the SWP website: https://www.swp- and-global-climate-policy/ berlin.org/en/about-swp/ quality-management-for- swp-publications/ SWP Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik German Institute for International and Security Affairs Ludwigkirchplatz 3–4 10719 Berlin Telephone +49 30 880 07-0 Fax +49 30 880 07-100 www.swp-berlin.org swp@swp-berlin.org ISSN (Print) 1861-1761 ISSN (Online) 2747-5107 doi: 10.18449/2021C14 Translation by Tom Genrich (English version of SWP-Aktuell 13/2021) SWP Comment 14 February 2021 8
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