Analysis of the Meaning of Poso Terrorist Violence Codes Using a Semiotics Approach
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REVIEW OF INTERNATIONAL GEOGRAPHICAL EDUCATION
ISSN: 2146-0353 ● © RIGEO ● 11(5), SPRING, 2021
www.rigeo.org Research Article
Analysis of the Meaning of Poso Terrorist
Violence Codes Using a Semiotics
Approach
Lukman S. Thahir1 Amanah Nurish2
Faculty of Ushuluddin, Adab and Dakwah, IAIN University of Indonesia, Indonesia
Palu, Central Sulawesi amanah11@ui.ac.id
lukmansthahir@iainpalu.ac.id
Abstract
Terrorists often use specific codes in preparing and conducting their deadly attacks. However, limited is
known the meaning of the codes and studies to understand the codes scarce. This paper, therefore, is
intended to understand the communication of the linguistic codes used by a terrorist in Poso regency
Indonesia. This study employed an interpretive qualitative case study of a terrorist recovery program in
the regency of Poso Indonesia. The data were collected through the direct involvement of the authors in
the program, which include direct observation an in-depth interview with former terrorist convicts. We
used a semiotic approach to interpret the codes made by the former terrorists. The results show eleven
most used violence codes used by the former terrorist in every deadly attack they did. The meaning of
the terrorist violence semiotic code system can be understood through linguistic, social, and contextual
structural relations. The finding contributes to understanding language codes used by terrorist and
provides a strategy for government and security agency in combating terrorism in the future.
Keywords
Code, Communication, Language, Semiotic, Violence, Terrorist, and Linguistic Structuralism
To cite this article: Thahir, L. and Nurish, A. (2021) Analysis of the Meaning of Poso Terrorist Violence Codes Using a
Semiotics Approach. Review of International Geographical Education (RIGEO), 11(5), 2967-2978. doi:
10.48047/rigeo.11.05.190
Submitted: 03-10-2020 ● Revised: 05-12-2020 ● Accepted: 10-02-2021
© RIGEO ● Review of International Geographical Education 11(5), SPRING, 2021
Introduction
One of the violent forms in the early XXI century that contributed significantly to giving, producing,
and threatening human life was the global threat of terrorism. This issue has become a prevalent
threat, dominating international security agendas. Vorobej (2016) stated that terrorism had
become a dark experience of modern human life across the world. Many innocent civilians and
properties have been lost during various forms of attack. The phenomenon is also considered a
long century of civil violence that causes mass destruction. It consumes a massive amount of the
government budget to prevent and combat terrorism (Bufacchi, 2005).
The Global Terrorism Index Reliefweb (2021) identified four terrorist groups which took more
responsibility for the number of death in 2019. The notable terrorist groups were the Taliban, Boko
Haram, ISIL, and Al-Shabaab. During 2019, their violent activities increased sharply, including the
rise of civilians dead to about 32 percent or about 7,578 deaths. Thus, about 44 percent of the
total deaths in 2019 were responsible for terrorist groups. However, all groups other than Al-
Shabaab have experienced falls in terrorist activity in the past few years. Figure 1 below shows the
terrorist group responsible for the death of civilians in the world.
Source: Reliefweb (2021)
Figure 1. Four well-known terrorist groups in the world
For the first time since 2004, according to the Global Violent Deaths report, 2017, the global
terrorism was increased from 5.11 to 5.15 per 100,000 population in 2015 to 2016. The surge of
terrorism implies that non-conflict areas might be effected in the future (Evoy & Hideg, 2017). The
causes are varied. Gunning and Jackson (2011) argues because there is a fundamental belief
that the nature of international terrorism has changed and become strictly religious and deadly
(Kaur, 2019). Freis-Beattie (2020), in his doctoral dissertations at the University of New Hampshire,
Durham, stated that fear of terrorism reflect racial, cultural, and other identity-based tensions and
anxieties concerned by traditionally powerful groups across the world (Freis-Beattie, 2020). Todd
Sandler stated the political motive is to create widespread fear or revulsion (Sandler, 2014). There
is also who stated that because world leaders have misinterpreted the threat of terrorism as if it
ended with the recapture of the territories occupied by the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS).
They are prematurely declaring "mission accomplished" because ISIS does not rely on the tamkin
movement, which relies on territorial control (Nainggolan, 2019).
In contrast to what are assumed above, this paper offers another form of violent terrorism through
violent codes constructed by the Poso terrorist group by language as a means of communication,
which Peer Boerdieu stated, apart from being a communication tool in understanding and
conveying thoughts and feelings between humans, language also has a latent role that is often
not realized, namely as a practice of power. By using language symbols, the ideology behind it
can be slowly and unobtrusively planted (Bourdieu, 1991). Thus, there is a connection between
language as a symbol which has the primary function as a means of communication between
humans, and violence which is a hegemonic-destructive human behavior. The two links include
(1) language can be used as a tool to commit violence, giving rise to a type of violence called
verbal violence, and (2) language that is not used according to its function will trigger violence
2968Hartati, Y.; Ahmad, A.; Zulkarnain, and Afandi, D. (2020) Waste Management Modelling in Siak Regency …
(Ulfah, 2013). This paper is called the code term, a system of words, letters, or signs used to
represent a message in secret form, or a system of replacing the words in a message with other
words or symbols so that nobody can understand it unless they know the system (Gough & Hillinger,
1980).
Literature studies on this issue, especially those directly correlated with terrorism issues, have not
been widely carried out. In general, the term similar to the terrorist violence codes is the term
symbolic violence, according to Pierre Bourdieu's model. For Bourdieu, the notion of symbolic
violence is central to understanding how social class inequalities are reproduced. In essence, it
represents how people play a role in producing their subordination through the gradual
internalization and acceptance of those ideas and structures that tend to subordinate them
(Connolly & Healy, 2004). That is, in the context of terrorism issues, the codes of violence of the
Poso jihadist group are a manifestation of the social class inequality experienced by the Poso
jihadist group, which then plays their role in reproducing their subordination through secret
communications that are codes or symbolic. Apart from Bourdie, Kevin Drakulich also studied the
code of violence. To Draculich, Codes of violence are norms with sanctions that regulate violent
acts. According to him, through their research in America on neighborhood violence codes, citing
Cressey’s view, he identified a Mafia code—consisting of the tenets, “be loyal to the
organization,” “don’t squeal,” “be rational,” “be a man of honor, “respect women and elders,”
“don’t sell out,” “be a stand-up guy by showing courage and heart”—which functioned to control
the behavior of members of organized crime families (Matsueda, Drakulich, & Kubrin, 2005). What
is meant by violent codes in this paper is a form of communication code in the form of words or
sentences in the language, the meaning of which is generally accepted in society, but, in the
meaning of terrorist groups, the language system is changed to a secret code, which means
connotes the meaning of violence. For example, the word long-sleeved clothes, which is generally
understood by the public is a kind of long-sleeved clothes, but, for terrorist groups, the word, with
the intention of wanting to hide or avoid so that people cannot track their struggle strategy, in
communication between them is understood as a "long-barreled gun."
The word long-sleeved clothes, which was meant "long-barreled gun" amongst the terrorists of
Poso is possible, borrowing the analysis of Ferdinand de Saussure (1857-1913), because "a linguistic
sign is not a link between a thing and a name, but between a concept [signified] and a sound
pattern [signifier]. In this study, we define a sign as a form made up of something physical - sounds,
letters, gestures, etc (Sebeok, 1999).
Terrorists in Poso regency Indonesia have used a number of codes and signs during the local
conflict between 1998 to 2013. The codes and signs they used have eased their action in carried
out many civilians attacks. Indonesia security agencies were in difficulties to solve the codes and
signs used by the terrorists. Meanwhile, limited studies have been conducted to solve and
understand the terrorists' codes. This study, therefore, was undertaken to understand the terrorist
codes used during the local conflict period. Our study will contribute to the use of semiotics
approach in solving terrorists violence codes, and it will help government security agencies in
combating terrorism in the future. To achieve to objectives, we will answer the following research
questions: What terrorists created codes in Poso during their violent attack? And how to
understand the codes based on the context and reality?
Theoretical Construct
A sign must have both a signifier and a signified. In other words, a sign is a combination of a signifier
and a signified that produce meaning for people who read it. A sign is also an object, quality,
event, or entity whose presence or appearance indicates the possible presence or occurrence
of something else. Djajasudarma (1993) said that a sign in the form of letters is called a written
symbol or symbol and what we hear from someone who functions as a communication tool is
called a symbol or symbol (Morin, Kelly, & Winters, 2020). A code is actually related to the theme
so that it has a close relationship with the connotative code, namely the theme in the whole story
text. Symbols are a characteristically structural aspect of fictional coding. Therefore, it can be said
that the symbolic code is a code in the form of letters which is said to be a symbol. In addition,
symbolic codes are codes that indicate differences, such as the difference between day and
night. In a symbolic code, the marked pattern is the pattern that people follow.
In this study, the researcher used Barthes' semiotic approach. According to Barthes (1981) there
are five code systems in semiotic studies, namely (1) puzzle code, (2) connotative code, (3)
symbolic code, (4) action code, and (5) cultural code. Semiotics is a sign of an act in
communication. Furthermore, Barthes perfected the semiotic boundaries as a literary model that
2969© RIGEO ● Review of International Geographical Education 11(5), SPRING, 2021
accounted for all factors and aspects of understanding signs as a distinctive means of
communication. Thus, semiotics helps us understand the meaning of a sign that will answer all
understandings that represent something else.
Furthermore, Barthes said that language is a sign system that reflects the assumptions of a
particular society at a specific time. Barthes uses the signifiant-signifies theory, which was
developed into a theory of met language and connotations. However, Barthes also said that
between E and C there must be a certain relation (R) so that it forms a sign (sign, Sn). The concept
of this relation makes the theory of signs more likely to develop because the sign users define
relations.
Barthes (1981) semiotics is composed of levels of language systems. Generally, Barthes makes it in
two levels of language. The first level language is language as an object, and the second level
language is called Metalanguage. This language is a sign system according to the signifier and
the signified. Our study developed a mechanism to read terrorists' code based on Saussure and
Peirce's semiotics interpretation model. Thus, the models of meaning interpretation follow the track
in the footsteps of Roland Barthe's theory (Barthes, 1981; Yakin & Totu, 2014).
Research Methods
This study employed a qualitative case study (Yin, 2003). A case study approach helps researchers
to understand the problem they are studying intensely (Nurdin, 2018; Nurdin, Stockdale, &
Scheepers, 2014). In our study, the case is the violence codes used by terrorists in Poso regency
Indonesia. There were five participants recruited from former terrorists in Poso. The data were
collected through direct observation, in-depth interviews with the former terrorists, and written
material obtained from local security agencies. The observation was made through the direct
involvement of the authors in a de-radicalism program of terrorists in Poso about six months in
length. During the de-radicalism program, the former terrorists were closely examined and
interviewed. Many violence codes were revealed during friendly interviews. In addition, stories
about their experience in a carried out deadly attack were also expressed.
We use a semiotic approach Vannini (2007) to understand the codes. We also built a mechanism
for understanding the violent codes by showing the relationship between the codes actual
meanings and their hidden meaning. Connotation and denotation (Czeżowski, 1979) meanings
were discussed to reveal the meanings of the codes. We used the semiotic analysis of the Saussure
interpretation model (Thibault, 1988) in interpreting the codes. Our model to interpret the codes
was presented in figure 2 below.
Source: Based on Chandler (2017) Source: Based on Chandler (2017)
Figure 2. Saussure’s model of the sign Figure 3. Peirce’s semiotic triangle
Our model shows that the interpretation process was carried out in two stages of meanings. We
also follow Roland Barthes’ interpretation meaning model (Huppatz, 2011), but some changes
were made to fit our study (see figure 4). Saussure has defined the meaning of signification as "the
relationship between the signifier and the signified of the same sign, an integral part of it, or the
way the world is understood through the relationship between concept and designated physical
reality."
2970Hartati, Y.; Ahmad, A.; Zulkarnain, and Afandi, D. (2020) Waste Management Modelling in Siak Regency …
Signifier 1 Signified 2
SIGN
Signifier 1 Signified 2
Figure 4. Semiotic Modification of Saussure and Peirce Yakin and Totu (2014).
This study was carried in a well-known conflict area Poso regency. The religious and social conflict
was started in 1998, and it continued until 2013. The conflict was not continually happened, but it
stopped few times during the period.
Results And Discussion
After conducting research on various narratives made by terrorists, data on semiotic codes and
meanings in the activities of terrorists in Poso was found. The codes found in interviews with terrorists
are puzzle codes, connotative codes, symbolic codes, and action codes. The results and
discussion are presented in two parts as follows.
The Terrorist Violence Codes Based on Saussure’s Semiotic Approach
Radical acts undertaken by a local terrorist in Poso began soon after the first wave of local religious
and social conflict in 1998. The violent acts stop and continue during the period 1998 and 2013.
One notable terrorist group member was the Eastern Indonesian Mujahidin. The group members
and their actions were difficult to predict because they were nomadic. They lived in a dense forest
mountain surrounding the Poso regency. They used many codes or signs in communicating
among them. All of those codes and signs were also difficult to understand, which made their
communication was very successful. The codes and signs were used to conduct a deadly attack
and get rid of security agents' monitoring. Since monitoring their movements and actions in
carrying out violence was brutal, their deadly sequel bombings and other violence were difficult
to predict even though Indonesian security agencies tightened their supervision. Such terrorist
strategy in using secret codes and sign in communicating their action has caused uncertainty
within sescurity agencies in protecting innocent civilians (Aven & Renn, 2009).
However, terrorists in Poso regency were also committing many non-physical acts of violence. The
non-physical treats included using propaganda, executing videos, and threatening to kill (Nurdin,
2016). The terrorist in Poso also practiced non-physical violence was through verbal language or
specific codes which only understood among the local community. The words or phrases they
used are understood and accepted in society, and both the spelling and pronunciation are the
same. However, the meaning of the codes and signs conveyed is different from what was
produced and understood by the terrorist members. The word score, for example, is generally
understood as a number of points obtained in a match, but for the terrorist members, the word
score was interpreted differently. Then, the word “ustadz” (teacher or respectful cleric) was
understood as religious teachers by local communities, but the terrorist refers to the word "ustadz”
as an expert in war. Based on our semiotic interpretation model, we found approximately 11
violent codes that they have used when interacting with others (Martela & Steger, 2016). The
codes include score, playing ball, Jockey, surveyor, fa’i, ganimah, bride, ta'lim, azkari, tadrib, and
baiat as depicted in the figure 5 below:
2971© RIGEO ● Review of International Geographical Education 11(5), SPRING, 2021
Figure 5: Violence Codes of the Poso terrorist
Based on interviews with five former Poso terrorists, these codes of residency are not only
understood to mean the same thing among the Poso terrorist groups but also become guidelines,
values , or ethics for their struggle. Therefore, all terrorist groups in Poso must understand these
codes. The word score (1), for example, means the results obtained or the number of people killed
during the war, (2), playing football, means fighting, (3), Jockey, a person who facilitates terrorists
to commit acts of violence, (4), Surveyor, a person who conducts a survey before an act of
violence is committed, 5), Fa'i, robbing (not a war situation), (6), ghanimah, booty (in a war
situation), (7), Menikah (bride), suicide bomber for tickets heaven, (8), Ta'lim, jihad indoctrination,
(9), Azkari, military physical training, (10), tadhrib, physical warfare training, (11), bai'at, oath of
allegiance (Hines, 2003). For details on the Poso terrorist violence codes, see table 1.
Table 1:
Poso Terrorist Violence Codes
No Codes Meaning
1. Score The results obtained or the number of people
killed during the war
2. Playing football Fighting
3. Jockey a Person who facilitates terrorists to commit acts
of violence
4. Surveyor a Person who conducts a survey before an act
of violence is committed
5. Fa’i Robbing (not a war situation
6. Ghanimah Booty (in a war situation)
7. Pengantin (bride) suicide bomber for tickets heaven
8. Ta’lim Jihad indoctrination
9. Azkari Military physical training
10. Tadrib Physical warfare training
11. Bai’at Oath of allegiance
Those terrorist codes require a specific approach from scientific perspectives to provide insight for
government and security agencies. Using a semiotic approach to understand terrorist codes is a
scientific method that has been used by some scholars (Baines & O’Shaughnessy, 2014). Such
2972Hartati, Y.; Ahmad, A.; Zulkarnain, and Afandi, D. (2020) Waste Management Modelling in Siak Regency …
terrorist codes must be analyzed in a contextual meaning, which means the relationship between
codes and the context where the codes came from. For example, when the codes came from a
terrorist in Poso, then the context of Sausu Poso must be connected with the meaning of the
codes. Such an approach has been practiced by Somers (2001).
Some notable of the terrorist codes made by Poso terrorists include the term score, which the
terrorist members understand as the numbers of civilians killed in the battled ground. Usually, the
term score is understood by citizens as a number of points made in a football game, but the
terrorist members use the term "score" to indicate the death of civilians. Then, the phrase “play
ball” is defined by the terrorist as "any of the various forms of a game team involving kicking (and
in some cases also handling) a ball." The phrase "play football" was referred to the war against
government security staff. Furthermore, the term “Jockey," which is usually used to refer to a
person who rides a horse, was used to identify a terrorist member who conducts deadly bombing
or killing in the field. Other popular terms used by terrorists include "surveyors," which means a
terrorist conducted a field observation before attacking civilians or police targets. Meanwhile, the
term “Fa'I” (Arabic word) was used to refer to a situation that is not in war or showing the situation
is in peace at a certain period. Another Arabic term used is “Ghanimah" which means the terrorist
obtained valuable things from the war they made, such as a car, a motorcycle, etc. Finally, the
term for a teacher in their group is called "Ta’lim." The complete terms and their meaning can be
seen in the following table 2.
Table 2.
The Terrorist codes and their meanings based on semiotic analysis
Codes Actual Meanings
1. Scores A number of scores made in a football
game
2. Football play A game of football is played which include
kicking and running
Saussure’s model of the sign 3. Jockey A person who rides a horse
4. Surveyor A person who observes a situation in the
field
5. Fa’i Obtaining bounties without any fighting
against enemies
6. Ghanimah get loot without fighting
7. Pengantin A groom or bride
8. Ta’lim Islamic teachers
9. Azkari Police or Soldiers
10. Tadrib Training
11. Bai’at A loyalty oath
Through understanding the original meaning of the codes which came from local communities
and culture used by the terrorists, it will help us to understand how the meanings of the codes
have been changed when they were used by the terrorists in Poso. When the original meanings
of the codes were presented earlier, it also increases understanding of the relationship of the
original meanings and the hidden meaning of the codes when used by the terrorist (Enders,
Sandler, & Gaibulloev, 2011). The presentation of the original meaning of the codes also shows
the social and cultural context of the codes where they have emerged. The local terrorist quickly
understands the codes, but they are difficult to comprehend by security forces. Most of them
came from other provinces in Indonesia that have different social and cultural systems (Schefold,
1998). Using semiotic perspectives, the clue of the relationship between original meanings and
the changed meaning of the codes can be captured and related (Berger, 2014). For instance,
the meaning of the code “score" was used by the terrorist as a marker to determine the number
of civilians has been killed. Meanwhile, the term “playing football” was used by the terrorist in Poso
to describe they were playing with deadly weapons to attack security forces and civilians. The
complete changed of codes meaning is presented in table 3 below:
2973© RIGEO ● Review of International Geographical Education 11(5), SPRING, 2021
Table 3:
Secret codes used by the terrorist in Poso regency Indonesia
Codes Secret meanings
1. Score Numbers of security personnel or civilians have been killed
2. Playing The terrorist members were playing deadly guns to attack
football civilians or security agents
3. Jockey A man who controls and facilitates other terrorists to
conduct acts of violence.
4. Surveyor A terrorist member was observing the situation in the field
before they attack their targets.
5. Fa’i Bounties obtained from external sources to support their
terror activities
Violence
Codes of the 6. Ganimah Bounties were obtained during the war with security agents
former Poso or civilians, and they were used to strengthen their war.
terrorist 7. Brides A terrorist member who has been prepared to die in a
suicide attack
8. Ta’lim Teaching and learning process with a material focus on
attacking enemies according to God's wish
9. Azkari Practicing military way to fight without weapons
10. Tadrib Practicing to fight using weapons
11. Baiat A terrorist or group of terrorists took a holly vow to be loyal
to their leaders.
The contextual and social meaning of codes used by the terrorist in Poso
This section will discuss social and contextual meanings of the codes used by the terrorist in Poso.
To reveal the meaning of the violence codes, we used Pierce’s theory of semiotic interpretation
(Kalaga, 1986; Yakin & Totu, 2014) as the second marker. By using the semiotic interpretation, we
make clear the meaning of the codes through a systematic reorganizing of the codes. The codes
were presented in three components, which are icons, indexes, and symbols. An icon is a sign
which is in its original form and carries a certain meaning and sense (Parmentier, 2020).
Meanwhile, an index is understood as a sign that is related to something which is causal in nature
(Martinec, 2004). Then, a symbol is a mark to represent an object (Glenberg & Robertson, 2000).
A symbol can have meanings according to the interpreter's understanding. In our study, the three
components of icons, indexes, and symbols were presented to interpret the violence codes used
by the terrorist in Poso. For example, marker one was used for an icon, score code, and football
playing. Meanwhile, the meaning of football playing was referred to (marker 2) to the case
experienced by a bomber when he bombed a church in Palu (playing football), on twelve of
January 2002. When the bomber finished playing football, he was asked by his terrorist mates the
number of the scores he had made. The bomber replied draw, which means nobody died in the
deadly bombing.
Meanwhile, according to five former terrorists, a code for the terrorist surveyor (marker one) has its
contextual meaning (marker two). According to participants, based on the result of observation,
the church's attack must be carried out before evening prayer, and the traditional market had
been closed. At the moment of the attack, the situation around the church was quiet because
traditional merchants were no longer around the church. As such, the bombing attack was made
in less than three minutes. For the object, all the violence codes (see marker one) were the
indication of revenge towards Christian people who had killed Muslims during the religious and
social conflict in 1998 (see marker 2). Meanwhile, the object of the symbol, all the violence codes
reflect the non-physical violence. All the markers and meanings are presented in the following
table 4.
2974Hartati, Y.; Ahmad, A.; Zulkarnain, and Afandi, D. (2020) Waste Management Modelling in Siak Regency …
Table 4.
The social and contextual meaning of violence codes of terrorists
Mark Signification (Code) Negotiation (Interpretant)
Marker 1 Marker 2
Icons Indexes Symbols
1. The code “score" He was describing a case of attack conducted by a
refers to the number of terrorist. The terrorist bombed a church (playing
people who have football) on twelve of January 2002. After the terrorist
successfully been killed. finished the deadly attack, he was asked by his
2. The code terrorist inmates regarding the number of scores has
“playing football" refers had made. He said draw, which means nobody was
to a terrorist who has killed (icon).
weapons, such as knives, Another terrorist (Jockey) robbed a jewelry store
swords, and machine while conducting observation before the attack. The
guns, when they attack robbery was used to distract security attention.
enemies during the
Violence conflict.
Codes of the 3. The code
Poso terrorist: “jockey’ refers to a
Saussure’s person who supports and
helps terrorists commit an
Signification
and Peirce act of violence.
Negotiation 4. The code The surveyor was a well-known terrorist figure in Poso.
“surveyor" referred to a The terrorist figure robbed a jewelry store (Fa’i) in
terrorist who was in Palu city. The loot was used to support their attack.
charge of observing the The attack of the church was conducted in less than
situation in the field three minutes (Icon).
before an attack was
conducted. The
observation included
church opening time, the
entrance, the length of
the exit door to the
roadside, and how long it
took to get into the
church area.
5. The code “Fa’I”
referred to bounties
obtained from
supporters, and it was
used to support the
terrorist attack.
The code for number During a bombing attack in Poso on sixth of June
seven was “bride," which 2013, a terrorist functioned as a bride (icon). He did
referred to sacred or it suicide bombing in the early morning.
was a martyr. A terrorist
was promised to go to The terrorist did suicide bombing to revenge Muslim
paradise when they citizens who had been killed by Christian people
finished conduction a (Indexes)
suicide bombing attack. As a form (symbol) that represents the meaning of
All the violence codes non-physical violence in Poso, both as a marker and
from 1-11 a sign
All the violence codes
from 1-11
2975© RIGEO ● Review of International Geographical Education 11(5), SPRING, 2021
The use of Pierce's second model of negotiation in analyzing the terrorist codes in Poso Indonesia
provides understanding for interpreters and the public. The Pierce interpretation model at the
beginning was inspired by Roland Barthes (Tohar et al., 2007). However, this study found
differences with Roland Barthes's interpretation model. The first difference is that Barthes' first and
second signification of the model shows a new sign which is called denotation and connotation.
However, in our study, we called the first code as signification and the second code as negotiation
or interpreter. A denotation shows the meaning of a word is similar to its actual meaning (signifier).
At the same time, a connotation refers to the nonactual meaning or something else (signified).
When the signification code is not referred to as an actual meaning instead showing a hidden
meaning (signifier), then the appearance of its meaning is revealed through an object of the
code. As such, the negotiation and interpreting (signified) will refer to the social and contextual
meanings. The second difference is that, even though Barthes tried to stay away from meanings
constructed by Saussure's structural relations through the emergence of cultural myths, his model
is still close to the Saussure model. Barthes un ability to differ himself from Saussure was due to the
emergence of myths on the basis of connotation, meaning turns into denotation. In other words,
Barthes’ model of interpretation is still influenced and dominated by the structuralism paradigm
of thinking. More importantly, this proves that Barthes remains influenced by perspectives of the
structural relations of the signs, which are called denotation, connotation, and myth. However,
we distinguished ourselves with Barthes's interpretation model, where the first meaning is still
related to Saussure's structural relations.
In addition, when we discuss the second meaning, we differentiated ourselves from Barthes, which
our interpretation did not raise ideological meanings as Barthes did in myths terms. Instead, we
refer to our meaning with social aspects and contextual signs or codes. Thus, our strategy implies
that the meaning of the sign in the semiotic approach is no longer refers to the structural relations
but it refers to the social and contextual meaning of the sign. The model interpretation of the
meanings was adapted from Chandler (2017) explanation, who adopted Roman Jacobson and
Stuard Hall (2007). The model of the code interpretation is a form of the second meaning of
Peirce's sign. For more details on this code reading model, see Figure 6 below:
Figure 6. The violence codes reading model
Conclusion
Our conclusion is that preventing violence is much better than treating it. Therefore, the eleven of
Poso terrorist violence codes founded in this paper are one of the early prevention systems that
must be known and disseminated in the community so that the space for movement of the
terrorists can be detected early and the acts of violence that terrorists will carry out can be
minimized. Acts of violent terrorism globally have the same code and code, although in different
languages, so knowing the terrorism code or code is the most important and strategic marker for
terrorism prevention. By using a semiotic approach, violence codes of Poso terrorists that be
identified in this six-month study in Poso, Central Sulawesi, not only help to dismantle various
ideological veils of violent discourse produced by terrorist groups through language as a tool of
their struggle, but also help to understand and interpret the codes of violence hidden behind the
code language they created. In this way, counter-terrorism can sbe prevented earlier, and the
nature of its movement can also be predicted.
2976Hartati, Y.; Ahmad, A.; Zulkarnain, and Afandi, D. (2020) Waste Management Modelling in Siak Regency …
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