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ANALECTA ROMANA
INSTITUTI DANICI
XLV
ANALECTA ROMANA
INSTITUTI DANICI
XLV
2020
ROMAE MMXXII
ANALECTA ROMANA INSTITUTI DANICI XLV
© 2022 Accademia di Danimarca
ISSN 2035-2506
Scientific Board
Mads Kähler Holst (Bestyrelsesformand, Det Danske Institut i Rom)
Michael Bojesen (Kultuministeriet)
Anders Carsten Damsgaard (Den Danske Ambassade i Rom)
Iben Fonnesberg-Schmidt (Aalborg Universitet)
Mogens Nykjær (Aarhus Universitet)
Thomas Solak (Akademiraadet)
Lene Østermark-Johansen (Københavns Universitet)
Editorial Board
Charlotte Bundgaard (Chair of Editorial Board, Det Danske Institut i Rom)
Patrick Kragelund (Danmarks Kunstbibliotek)
Gert Sørensen (Københavns Universitet)
Anna Wegener (Det Danske Institut i Rom)
Maria Adelaide Zocchi (Det Danske Institut i Rom)
Analecta Romana Instituti Danici. — Vol. I (1960) — . Copenhagen: Munksgaard. From
1985: Rome, «L’ERMA» di Bretschneider. From 2007 (online): Accademia di Danimarca.
ANALECTA ROMANA INSTITUTI DANICI encourages scholarly contributions within
the Academy’s research fields. All contributions will be peer reviewed. Manuscripts to be
considered for publication should be sent to: accademia@acdan.it
Authors are requested to consult the journal’s guidelines: www.acdan.it
Contents
Nikoline Sauer: Looking for Domestic Architecture in Archaic Rome 7
Agnese Livia Fischetti: Dalla via Ferentina alla via per Marino 43
Silvia Aglietti, Francesca Diosono, Consuelo Manetta, Alessia Palladino
& Birte Poulsen: Villa or sanctuary? The so-called villa of Clodius at the Via Appia 77
Patrick Kragelund: The Architecture and Iconography of the Marble Gallery at Frederiksborg Palace 121
Consuelo Manetta: Reconsidering the Orsini Villa at Santa Caterina, Castel Gandolfo (1830-
1899) and the so-called Alban Villa of Clodius on the Via Appia 155
Lars Christiansen: The Return of Caesarism 211
Hendes Majestæt Dronning Margrethe IIs Romerske Pris indstiftet af Carlsbergfondet:
Maria Fabricius Hansen: Ambiguity Matters: Cunning Counterfeits and Attractive Adulterations
in Sixteenth-Century Italian Art 231
Report:
Francisca Lobera Corsetti, Jan Kindberg Jacobsen, Gloria Mittica, Giovanni
Murro, Claudio Parisi Presicce, Rubina Raja, Sine Grove Saxkjær, Laura di
Siena & Massimo Vitti: The Danish-Italian Excavations on Caesar’s Forum 2021.
Report 267
Reconsidering the Orsini Villa at Santa Caterina,
Castel Gandolfo (1830-1899) and the so-called
Alban Villa of Clodius on the Via Appia
by Consuelo Manetta
Abstract. An archaeological site tells us many stories. Behind every story there are people: those who owned and lived on the
site in ancient times, and those who owned the same site in modern times, paid for the excavations, and managed the antiquities
discovered. People are also the scholars who have unearthed or studied the archaeological remains over centuries, each time applying
the values, parameters, and methods of their own times. The unravelling of the relationships among these people – their perception
of the site – against the backdrop of the times in which they lived and operated is essential to reconstruct the archaeological reality
of a site. Using antiquarian and archival sources of the 16th and 19th centuries, this study retraces the modern history of Villa Santa
Caterina (Castel Gandolfo), and the surrounding vineyards where the Alban Villa of Publius Clodius has long been located. The
aim is to demonstrate that a critical approach to these sources may provide a framework to integrate and expand knowledge based
on archaeological data. Here, in particular, it provides an essential contribution to the Italo-Danish investigations recently started at
Villa Santa Caterina, and to my Marie Curie project ‘Cultus’.
Introduction interpretation of its archaeological remains,
This article retraces the history of the Villa as presented earlier in this volume.1 New in-
Santa Caterina estate, Castel Gandolfo (Fig. 1). vestigations at Villa Santa Caterina have re-
It offers a critical reassessment of the explora- cently started within the framework of the
tions that took place on this estate between the international project ‘Contextualising the past in
19th century and the beginning of the 20th cen- the Alban Hills (Colli Albani). Villa, tomb and sa-
tury, and aims to provide a better understand- cred space from the 12th to the 18th milestones of the
ing of the impact of the ground-breaking ancient Via Appia’.2 They indicate that this site
1
See Aglietti et al. in this volume. mona Carosi, Claudia Castagnoli and Giuseppina
2
The project is hosted by Aarhus University, Den- Ghini (SABAP); Marianne Pade, and Charlotte
mark, in agreement and collaboration with the So- Bundgaard (Acdan). For useful discussions dur-
printendenza Archeologia, Belle Arti e Paesaggio per l’Area ing the preparation of this article, I am indebted to
Metropolitana di Roma e la provincia di Viterbo (SABAP), Silvia Aglietti, Barbara E. Borg, Birte Poulsen, and
and the Danish Academy in Rome (Acdan). Several Germana Vatta. Special thanks to Cristina Falcucci,
other Italian and international specialists, and in- Archivio Storico Capitolino (ASC), and Lina Antonietta
stitutions are also involved. Details of the project, Coppola for providing me with valuable informa-
and a list of the participants can be found at the: tion about the Orsini archival documents; to Cecilia
http://www.acdan.it/projekter/v_appia_c_albani/ Antoni e Marianna di Geronimo for their support
index.html; see also Diosono et al. 2019, 133-149, in navigating me through the Fondo de Vergers at the
and Aglietti et al. in this volume. For making our Biblioteca Civica Gambalunga di Rimini (BGR), and for
project possible, our deepest gratitude goes to Gian providing me with Fig.4. Many thanks to Henry
Luca Giovannucci and Cristiana Dupré (CENSE Cosmo Bishop- Wright, and Michaela Scioscia for
S.p.A, Opus Dei prelacy); Margherita Eichberg, Si- the proofreading of the manuscript. Gratitude also156 Consuelo Manetta
Fig. 1. Castel Gandolfo, Villa Santa Caterina estate (CTR map, rielaboration C. Manetta).
hosted the sacrarium/sacellum of the Bona Dea to new investigations, and an essential prereq-
known from the literary tradition.3 In addition uisite to my Marie Skłodowska-Curie research
to supporting the sacral nature of the remains project ‘CULTUS’.4 The first is the way in
in the north-west corner of the archaeological which the Orsini family, who owned the estate
area at Villa Santa Caterina, they recommend between 1830 and 1899 perceived and man-
that this sacred place was created long before aged the excavated antiquities, and ‘reused’
the late Republican period, when the literary the ruins. The second concerns the timing and
tradition says that it was included within the circumstances of the Orsini family’s acquaint-
private estate of T. Sertius Gallus. ance with scholars of the calibre of Pietro
The exploration of the following two is- Rosa (1810-1891), Rodolfo Lanciani (1845-
sues has proved to be a crucial contribution 1929), Giuseppe Tomassetti (1848-1911), and
goes to the anonymous peer reviewer, whose com- funding from the European Union’s Horizon
ments helped improve the manuscript. 2020 research and innovation programme under
3
The literary tradition includes Cicero, Pro Milone, the Marie Skłodowska-Curie grant agreement No
and his commentator Asconius Pedianus, and con- 844113 (2019-2021). It is hosted by the University
cerns P. Clodius’ murder on the Via Appia. For a of Exeter, Department of Classics and Ancient
critical reassessment of their accounts Cf. Aglietti History, under the supervision of Barbara E. Borg.
et al., in this volume. It focusses on the much-neglected semi-public cult
4
The shrine of the Bona Dea at Villa Santa Caterina sites situated in private properties. More specifical-
provides an interesting case study for the phenom- ly, it explores the phenomenon of appropriation
enon explored in my project. CULTUS is the ac- of cult sites by private individuals through the in-
ronym of the project Public Cults in Private Hands: corporation or establishment of sacred buildings
The Appropriation of Cult Sites from the 2nd Century and cults on private estates, and the possibility that
BC to the 2nd Century AD. The project has received some of these building remained public or wereReconsidering the Orsini Villa at Santa Caterina 157
Giuseppe Lugli (1890-1967), and the role they state institutions. Furthermore, both the Vati-
played in different times and in different ca- can and the Italian authorities tried to pro-
pacities. Clearly, each of these scholars vis- tect the cultural heritage and stop the disper-
ited the site and, quite possibly, each of them sion of antiquities by reinforcing the existing
knew more about it than they ever disclosed. laws, and creating state museums. Neither the
If so, they would have been instrumental in rule promulgated by Pius VII in 1802, nor
advising the Orsini, and influencing our inter- the 1820’s edict of Cardinal Pacca, however,
pretation of the building complex. In particu- solved the situation.5 The post-Unitarian pe-
lar, Giuseppe Lugli’s map and publication of riod, in particular, meant new regulations for
the ruins have come to define our perception the protection and management of cultural
of the site and have frozen its reading as a late heritage which now aimed to be organised
Republican villa. However, both his plan and at a national level. Efforts and negotiations
his descriptions pose more questions than they were made to manage the archaeological evi-
answer. To what extent each of these scholars dence in private hands (often those of the pa-
acted in a private or public capacity, and were pal aristocracy), and to contain both the still
aware of their previous colleagues’ involve- intense late-19th-century trade in antiquities,
ment with the site, also deserves attention. In and the phenomenon of private collections.
particular, the personal and professional lives Clearly, this transition was not a smooth pro-
of these scholar, their interpersonal relation- cess. On the one hand, there was a lack of
ships, and the times in which they lived and legislation that made oversight rules estab-
operated should be considered. At a more lished by the state archaeological service quite
general level, this study also sheds light on unclear, especially in extra-urban areas. On
Italian archaeological practices, methods, and the other hand, among the so-call antiquar-
protagonists against the backdrop of an era ian archaeologists, there were subtle struggles
of political and cultural transformation. His- between the ‘papal or conservative archaeolo-
torically, this period encompasses the papacy gists’ and those willing to apply new methods.
of Pius VII (1800-1823), Napoleon’s annexa- This became a cause of conflict when differ-
tion of the Papal States between 1809 and ent groups were called upon to collaborate.
1814, the ‘Restaurazione’ under pope Leone In addition, links of various kinds were still
XII (1823-1829), the 1849 Roman Republic, in place between this cultural elite and the
and the beginning of the new national con- waning ‘black’ and ‘white’ aristocratic society.
stitutional monarchy after the unification of This could cause further friction when deal-
Italy (1861) and the Capture of Rome (1870) ing with issues such as the ownership and
which meant the end of the Papal States in management of antiquities. Archaeologists
the area under investigation. holding bureaucratic responsibilities between
From an archaeological point of view, the pre-Unitarian and post-Unitarian periods,
both the pre-Unitarian and the post-Unitarian in particular, found themselves dealing with
periods saw some exploration undertaken by contrasting interests. So, too, did state and city
Italian and foreign private individuals, and authorities (often in conflict) eager to acquire
made accessible to the public, despite being on pri- properties was more complicated. The owner had to
vate grounds. A monograph is in preparation. report the discovery to the state within one week.
5
The text of the edict in Emiliani 1978, 130-145. The state then had the right to confiscate it or to re-
Based on this edict, antiquities discovered on state- fuse the purchase. If the authorities did not want to
controlled land belonged to the state; antiquities dis- buy them, the owner was allowed to sell them after
covered in the urban area, during construction works paying a 20% tax on profits from the sale, and/or an
of roads or streets, belonged to the Capitoline Mu- export fee: Rossetti 2001, 169-182; De Tomasi 2013,
seum. The ownership of antiquities found in private 151-152; Dixon 2019, 50.158 Consuelo Manetta
antiquities to implement national and munici- deserves special credit.7 The archives that
pal collections for the forming of museums, proved especially important to my research
and aristocrats and art dealers who sought to include the Archivio Storico Capitolino Ors-
profit from the antiquities trade whilst avoid- ini, (hereafter ASC, AO)8 in Rome; the Ar-
ing taxes and export fees as much as possible.6 chivio di Stato di Torino (hereafter AST), and
All this against the backdrop of the neoclassi- the Biblioteca Nazionale di Napoli (hereafter
cal and Romantic fascination of the past, and BNN) which contains both the manuscripts
the shifting cultural attitudes that this encour- of Pirro Ligorio. In addition, documents
aged. from the Irish Pontifical College Archive,
My study also provides a contextual anal- the Orsini family archive at the University of
ysis of the evidence of Villa Santa Caterina California Los Angeles (hereafter UCLA),9 to-
within the framework of the Alban Hill ar- gether with some documents kindly provided
chaeological landscape viewed through 16th by the Opus Dei prelacy are discussed here
to 19th century antiquarian sources, and both for the first time.
old and recent excavations. The antiquarian
texts, in particular, record evidence that is The Alban Villa of Publius Clodius and its “in-
no longer visible, lost, or the perception of sanae substructiones”: antiquarian narratives and the
which has changed through time. Potentially, most recent scholarship
this makes them an invaluable research tool. Publius Clodius owned a villa in the Alban
This approach has two justifications. Inter- region. All we know about this manor house
pretations of the ruins in this area have per- comes from a well-known literary tradition:10
plexed antiquarians and scholars since the 16th it was built on high ground atop gigantic foun-
century. The Alban Villa of Clodius – only dations (insanae substructiones); it was part of a
known from the written tradition – has, for large estate, the limits of which skirted the
example, long been located between the 12th Via Appia, the Lake Albano, and the woods
and the 14th milestones of the Via Appia. This consecrated to Juppiter Latiaris; it was not far
includes the Villa Santa Caterina, situated at from the Villa of Pompey, and from a shrine
the 13th mile of Via Appia, and the surround- of the Bona Dea. This sacred place stands in
ing vineyards. In addition, ancient topography the proximity of Bovillae and, in the mid-1st
does not necessarily correspond to modern century BCE, was included within the limits
topography and land allocations. Indeed, of a private estate: the fundus of T. Sertius
it would be misleading to consider only the Gallus. It was near this shrine that in 52 BCE
modern limits of the Villa Santa Caterina Publius Clodius, on his way back from Aricia,
when reconstructing the extent and organisa- was murdered by T. Annius Milo who was on
tion of the building complexes that stood on route to Lanuvium.
it in antiquity. We do not know how the foundations of
My sources include historical cartography, the Alban Villa of Clodius really looked, and
archival and antiquarian documents, and ar- how gigantic they were. Rhetoric, legal strate-
chaeological data. Previous studies also pro- gy, political reasons, and personal resentment
vide an invaluable point of departure, particu- towards Clodius may have pushed Cicero, the
larly the work of Della Giovampaola which defender and friend of T. Annius Milo, to ex-
6 8
Dixon 2019, esp. 11 clearly illustrates this situation Mori 2016.
9
while tracing the life and career of Rodolfo Lan- Department of Special Collection, Charles E.
ciani. Young Research Library.
7 10
Della Giovampaola 2008, 24-63; Della Giovampao- Cic. Mil. 27-29, 51-54, 85-86; Asc. Mil. 31-32, 55.
la 2011, 130-137, though our conclusions at times See, Aglietti et al. in this volume.
differ.Reconsidering the Orsini Villa at Santa Caterina 159
aggerate this and other details of the story.11 focussing on the Alban Hills encouraged new
What we know, however, is that the insanae hypotheses concerning the identification of
substructiones became a key element in the an- Clodius’ villa. These were, however, based ex-
tiquarian hunt to identify the country house clusively on imaginative reconstructions, liter-
of the tribune. As soon as ruins resembling ary fascination, and free interpretation of the
Cicero’s substructiones emerged in the vineyards ancient texts. Philipp Clüver (1580-1622), for
situated on the eastern side of the road be- example, believed that the villa did not skirt
tween the 12th and the 14th milestones of the the Via Appia, but that it extended towards
Via Appia, the search for Clodius’ villa began. Lake Albano, Alba Longa, and north of the
This area also matched most of the topo- Villa of Pompey15 Meanwhile, Domenico Ja-
graphic landmarks provided by Cicero and covacci (1657) identified Clodius’ villa with
Asconius, and appeared to be the perfect spot remains found in a tavern (tinello) in Albano
for the villa. It was also not far from Bovillae, Laziale.16
and was located close to the Via Appia, Mons By retracing the antiquarian tradition, I will
Albanus, and the Lake. Furthermore, some of seek an answer to the following initial ques-
the vineyards contained remains of funerary tions. What did Ligorio say (or not say) about
monuments and cisterns that are indicative of the Alban Villa of Clodius and the places con-
a residential context.12 The discovery of these nected with the tribune’s murder on the Via
foundations and terrace-supporting walls oc- Appia in the 16th century? Were his ideas har-
curred in the early 18th century and, by the monious with those circulating in his time? If
second half of the 19th century, the vineyard not, how were they received in contemporary
of the Villa Santa Caterina was the favourite and later sources? As for the “substructiones”
candidate for the house of the tribune. identified between the 12th and 14th milestones
Previously, the literary tradition was well of the Via Appia, is there anything that the
known. Since the 15th and 16th centuries, in fact, antiquarian sources of the 18th and 19th centu-
the area of Bovillae was associated with the ries tell us about these remains that has not al-
murder of Publius Clodius.13 However, none ready been noted? When did these structures
of the antiquarian and cartographic sources start to be noticed at Villa Santa Caterina?
of those periods (travel accounts, popular How did they look?
guides, and drawings of classical antiquities) Some preliminary remarks are needed.
discuss the Alban Villa of Clodius. Hence, it is When approaching antiquarian sources, it is
unlikely that archaeological remains suggest- important to keep in mind that the perception
ing the identification of this building com- of the Alban landscape has changed over time
plex had been discovered. As discussed later, and does not always correspond to today’s
I also believe that the work of Pirro Ligorio perception. Not only has the Villa of Clodi-
(1513/1514-1583 ca) is no exception to this.14 us been searched for in different places over
The situation changed slightly in the 17th cen- the centuries, but so have other iconic sites
tury when an increase in antiquarian studies and building complexes associated with the
11 14
Cf. Lugli 1914, 264, note 4. Cf. Della Giovampaola 2008, 27-28, with referen-
12
The commentaries of Pius II Piccolomini, follow- ce to Poggio Bracciolini (1430) and Flavio Biondo
ing his visits to Albano in 1463, mention tower (1444). In her view, Pirro Ligorio is the only 16th
tombs on the Via Appia which probably includes century exception.
15
the ‘Tomb of Clodio’, as well as the cistern later Cluverius 1659, 527. The area corresponds to to-
called Torlonia: Piccolomini 1614, 702-709; Della day’s Franciscan cloister at Palazzolo, as discussed
Giovampaola 2008, 29-30. On other antiquities in Della Giovampaola 2008, 32.
16
found in these vineyards, see Infra. Della Giovampaola 2008, 32, with reference, and
13
As it emerged, again, from the commentarii of Pius additional sources (e.g. A. Kircher).
II: cf. Commentarii 1614, 307.29.160 Consuelo Manetta
murder of Publius Clodius. These, as I men- idea was first challenged by Emanuele Lucidi,
tioned, include Bovillae, the sacrarium/sacellum our traveller would have thought that the lim-
of the Bona Dea, and the Villa of Pompey. A its of the ager albanus towards Aricia were in
traveller wandering through the campagna ro- the proximity of the so-called Tomb of the
mana between the 16th and 19th centuries, for Orazi and Curiazi, on the western side of the
example, would have thought that the ancient Via Appia.22 For a while, in fact, this monu-
‘Albani’ peoples inhabited the whole region ment was thought to mark the southern lim-
of the Alban Hills and were surrounded by its of the Albanum Pompeii, as primary sourc-
the Aborigeni, Laurentes, Rutuli, and Volsci: es define the Villa of Pompey. Regardless
as both the maps of Giacomo Filippo Ameti of whether it really hosted the ashes of the
(1693), and of Friedrich Carl Ludwig Sickler statesman,23 or whether it was built by the em-
(1816) show.17Alba Longa was considered a peror Hadrian as Ligorio reports,24 this tomb
metropolis that founded several Latin, Vols- was believed to commemorate Pompey. With
can, and Sabine cities. Its nucleus was situated no material evidence to support it, the exten-
between Mons Albanus and Lake Albano.18 sion of Pompey’s villa has always been highly
When the expression ager albanus (clearly de- speculative. Based on a misinterpretation of
rived from the literary tradition) is used in the geonym Albanum, the common opinion,
antiquarian sources,19 it literally indicates the still at the beginning of the 19th century, was
“territory of Alba”.20 This territory, at least that the limits of the estate roughly occupied
according to Giuseppe Rocco Volpi (1692- the whole territory of the modern city of Al-
1746), included today’s Albano, Castel Gan- bano, and the palace extended especially in
dolfo, and Bovillae (present-day Marino).21 the lower town.25 It is plausible to imply that
Until the end of the 18th century, when this already Ligorio, who writes between 1569 and
17
Ameti’s Map of Latium: ASR, Collezioni disegni e Giacomo 2020, 57-123.
20
mappe, I. 38-36/1, “Il Lazio con le sue più cospicue Ligorio, only uses “territory of Alba”. Cluverius
Strade Antiche, Moderne e’ principali Casali, e Te- speaks of “oppidum Albanum” but uses the expres-
nute. Pianta della parte Prima Marittima del Lazio”. sion “fertilitatem agri albani”, meaning the fertility
Sickler’s map = ASR, Collezioni disegni e mappe, I, of the territory of Alba. “Ager albanus” as a simple
89-634/1, and Sickler 1818. translation of “territory of Alba” often occurs, for
18
As it emerges in Ligorio Encyclopaedia (1569- example, in Volpi 1736, VII, and Riccy 1787.
21
1580): cf. AST, Pirro Ligorio Taur., vol. 2., libro I, Cf. Volpi 1736, VII, 92 (Marino); 120, 125-126 (Bo-
tomo II, J.A. III. 4, fol. Fol. 7, entry “Alba”; AST, villae).
22
Pirro Ligorio, Taur. Vol. 4, libro 2, J.a. III.6, fol. 85, Cf. Volpi 1736, VII, 70-71; Riccy 1787, 129; Lucidi
entry Bovilla, Bovillae. The same opinion in Clu- 1796, 23.
23
verius 1659, 523, cf. Supra, note 16. For Alba near Volpi 1736, VII, Xviii (Albanum), XX (Sepulcra Ho-
Palazzolo, for example Volpi 1736, VII, XVIII.1.; ratium & Curiatiorum), and 71. He challenges the
1-24, Pratilli 1745, 75, and Sickler 1818, 21-22; for idea, in circulation since the 15th century, that this
Alba on Monte Cavo: Ratti 1823, 121. For Alba was the Tomb of the Orazi and Curiazi; Pratilli
Longa, the ancient sources and its controversial lo- 1745, 77; Ratti 1823, 119-121. Contra Lucidi 1796
cation up to the most recent scholarship, see, Pas- (cf. Ratti 1823, 121), who assigns the tomb to the
qualini 1996; Grandazzi 2008; Pasqualini 2013, 87, gens Azzia from Aricia. Ghini 2015,63-70.
24
note 48. While reporting Ligorio’s idea, Volpi (1736, VII, 72-
19
The ancient sources do not provide a clear defi- 73) says that it is unclear where Ligorio took this in-
nition of it. “Albanus ager” occurs, for example, formation. Cf. also, Ratti 1823, 123 who attributes
in Cic. Agr., 2.66); cf. Di Giacomo 2020, 57, note Ligorio’s idea to a misinterpretation of the literary
236. Today’s scholarship considers the ager albanus tradition about Hadrian’s restoration of Pompey’s
as part of the administrative territory of Aricia, tomb in Egypt. See also Papini 2020, 39-40.
25
including today’s territories of Albano and Castel Cf. Volpi 1736, VII, 70-71; Riccy 1787, 129-136;
Gandolfo. Lugli (1914, 251-316, tavv. 9-11; 1917, Ratti 1823, 111-124: the so-called Terme di Cello-
29-78, tavv. 3-5) provided an essential contribution maio, for example, were considered the baths of
to these studies, but recent discoveries and research the Villa of Pompey by these authors; Nibby 1819,
have widened our understanding, including the for- II, 117-118, dates the Terme di Cellomaio in Domitian
mation of the imperial property: Granino Cecere time. Contra, Lucidi 1796, 23 who says that the ex-
2010, 151-155; Dalmiglio et al. 2019, 105-132; Di tension of the Villa of Pompey is unknown.Reconsidering the Orsini Villa at Santa Caterina 161
1580, supported this idea, although reference More difficult for our traveller would have
to the Villa of Pompey in his manuscripts is been determining the exact distance of Bovil-
scanty and never mentioned in connection lae from Rome, and identifying the remains
to the murder of Clodius.26 The common of the city. The first issue is that ancient au-
opinion was also that a second tomb marked thors and Roman road maps provide con-
the northern limits of Pompey’s property.27 flicting information about the distance of
The tomb in question is the tower standing Bovillae from Rome.31 The second problem
on the eastern side of the Via Appia, at the is more general and affected Bovillae as well
entrance of present-day Albano, traditionally as other sites of the Alban Hills: until the sec-
known as the Tomb of Pompey.28 Some of ond half of the 19th century, antiquarians dis-
the 18th-century antiquarians believed that this agreed on the length of the ancient mile, and
was the family tomb of the gens pompeia, where the ratio between the length of ancient and
Pompey planned to, or actually did, bury the modern miles.32 This resulted in descriptions
remains of his first wife Julia.29 Within these that are confused and unreliable, at least upon
broad limits, since the second half of the first view.33 Ligorio links Bovillae to the mur-
18th century, the palace of Pompey has been der of Clodius, showing that he was aware of
located at the 14th mile, on the western side Asconius Pedianus’ tradition (Cicero does not
of the Via Appia in the vineyard first owned mention Bovillae in his account). He locates
by Cardinal Paolucci and later by the Doria- the city and the shrine of the Bona Dea at the
Pamphilj family. However, the debate around 16th mile of the Via Appia, more specifically,
its identification is far from solved, as recent on the Clivus Aricinus which is the hill between
studies show.30 Albano and Ariccia.34 His idea, however, was
26
In his Encyclopaedia, Ligorio mentions the es- geriana, instead, provides a distance of 10 miles.
tate of Pompey, while speaking of the Villa of Q. This road map was discovered in 1494 and was first
Tarcheitio (sic), located on the Via Appia between published in 1598. Pirro Ligorio could not use it as
Ariccia and Alba Longa (Albano) “…allato (besides) a source. See also, Infra, note 36.
32
il Pompeiano (Pompey’s villa)”: AST, Taur. J.a. II, 4, Today’s scholars calculate the length of the ancient
under entry “Tarchitiano o Tarcheiteianum”, fol. Roman mile as 1481.50 metres. Previously Luigi
24. No information of the Alban Villa of Pompey Canina (1850-1853) suggested a length of 1481.75:
is provided elsewhere in Ligorio’s manuscripts, Bendinelli 1953, 203-204. A modern mile is 300 or
though entries “Pompeiano, Pompeio, Pompeiano/ 400 meters after the ancient mile. This difference is
Pomponiano, Pompeia” exist in the Encyclopaedia: clearly indicated in Lugli 1914, Pl. X-XI, where the
AST, Taur, J.a. II,1, foll. 51-52. Cf. Infra, note 46. ancient mile is indicated in red, and the modern mile
27
Cf. Cluverius 1659, 527. It is not clear, whether Li- in black: cf. Della Giovampaola 2008, 26, note 5.
33
gorio also believed this. Piccolomini (1614, 306-307) locates Alba 16 miles
28
Cf. Manetta 2015, 53-62. At the beginning of the from Rome. Ligorio locates Aricia after the Clivus
19th century, the monument was also known as Aricinus, which is at the 16th mile: cf. Infra, note 34;
“torrione di San Rocco” and Tomb of Ascanius: 17th century- sources (e.g. Clüver) believed that Ari-
Ratti 1823, 122. Nibby 1819 II, 110-112, believes cia was along the 13th mile of the Via Appia. In the
that this was the tomb of Pompey himself. Asca- 18th century, instead, Aricia was preferably located
nius derives from the idea of Albano as the site of after the Castello Chigi, which was thought to be at
the ancient Alba. the 14th mile. It is, in fact, at the 16th mile.
34
29
Volpi 1736, VII, 70-72: Riccy 1787; Pratilli 1745, 77 In Ligorio’s Encyclopaedia: AST, Taur. Vol. 4, libro
thinks that this tomb was in the Albanum along the 2, J.A. III.6, entry “Bona”, fol. 70; entry “Bovilla,
Via Appia but that it is not clear where it was ex- Bovillae”, fol. 85; vol. 3, libro I, tomo III, J.A. III.5,
actly. Contra, Ratti 1823, 122-123, and Nibby 1819, entry “Claudia”, fol. 56; vol. 6, libro III, tomo II,
II, 110. J.A. III. 8, entry “Clivo Arecino”, fol. 31 and entry
30
See, for example Riccy 1787, 129; Nibby 1819, II “Clodii”, fol. 33. Cfr. Della Giovampaola 2008, 30.
110, 117-118. Here, important excavations took The information is also provided in the entry “Bo-
place between 1849-1850. For an overview of the villa” in the Libro dei Fiumi, dei fonti e dei laghi antichi,
problems, with literature, see Aglietti et al., in this BNN, codex XIII.B. 9, fol. 82v = Gaston 2015, 90,
volume. notes 1595 and 1596. Gaston rightly notes that As-
31
Plutarch (Cor. 29), for example, gives a distance conius Pedianus’s account was possibly known to
of 12 miles, while the scholiast on Persius gives 11 Ligorio through Beringen 1551, 165. More specifi-
miles (Schol. Ad Pers. VI, 55). The Tabula Peutin- cally, Ligorio identifies the site of the shrine with162 Consuelo Manetta
not followed by later commentators. Indeed, also have included Publius Clodius’ manor
antiquarians of the 17th and 18th centuries fo- house. Regrettably, his ‘Book of the Villas’
cussed primarily on the 9th and 11th milestones (Libro delle ville) is lost. He does, however, re-
of the Via Appia.35 However, from the 19th fer to it in his manuscripts: for example, in
century, the city was preferably located at the books XXXV and XXXVII of the codex
12th mile, in the locality of Frattocchi or Frat- Neap. XIII. B. 7 that discuss Greek and Latin
tocchie, where today’s scholars also locate inscriptions.39 This is one of the ten codices,
it.36 The area of Frattocchie corresponded to preserved at the BNN, that belong to Ligo-
the site of the Villa della Sirena – also known rio’s monumental work ‘Books of the Antiq-
as the Villa Colonna – which is located at to- uities’ (I Libri delle antichità).40 I do not think
day’s Monastery of the Frati Trappisti. In the that Volpi knew more of Ligorio’s lost work
antiquarian perception, it occasionally also on the villas than we do. I am also convinced
included the hilly road towards the 13th mile that he did not derive his own identification
of the Via Appia.37 The tavern where Clodius of the Villa of Clodius from Ligorio’s idea,
was rescued was vaguely located in Frattoc- as recently suggested.41 Indeed, I suspect that
chie, while the sacellum/sacrarium of the Bona Pirro Ligorio – aligning with the antiquarians
Dea continued to be linked to Bovillae and of his time – did not engage with the Alban
searched for on the western side of the Via villa of the tribune in terms that modern
Appia.38 commentators expect.
Volpi’s knowledge of Ligorio’s lost book
Pirro Ligorio, Giuseppe Rocco Volpi, and the on the villas was possibly as indirect as ours.
Alban Villa of Clodius It derived from those among Ligorio’s manu-
Pirro Ligorio wrote about the ruins of the an- scripts and copies that were known and acces-
cient villas on the Alban Hills, and this might sible to Volpi, as well as several other schol-
the church Santa Maria della Stella. This informa- 210, 214-215, Tav. II situates Bovillae at the 12th
tion occurs also in Ligorio’s manucripts BNN, Ms. mile. He thinks that the most ancient nucleus of
Neap. XIII, B. 10, fol. 62 v = Rausa 1997, 37. On the city existed to the south of Frattocchie, towards
the Clivus Aricinus Ligorio claims the discovery of the 13th mile, on both the sides of the road. When
two inscriptions to Bona Dea, for which, see Agli- the Via Appia was built in the 4th century BCE, the
etti et al. in this volume, and Della Giovampaola city moved further south. For Tomassetti, Bovillae
2008, notes 24 and 25. started at the 9th and ended at the 12th modern mile,
35
Between the 9th and the 10th mile of the Via Appia: in Frattocchie, cf. Pancotti 2011, 180-182.
38
Cluverius 1659, 530-531; Volpi 1736, VII, xviii (Bo- For the different identifications of the shrine of
villa); at the Tower of the King Paolo, far from the the Bona Dea, see Aglietti et al. in this volume.
39
Via Appia: Ameti’s map, Supra, note 17. Orlandi 2008, XII; 169; 175; 185 and 357 = codex
36
The story of the identification of Bovillae in Neap. XIII. B.7, books XXXV, chapter V (Tivoli),
Doboşi 1935, 288-302; De Rossi 1979, no. 304, 184; VIII (Lavinio), 189, XIII (Alba Longa), 199-
298-323; Pancotti 2011, 178-184: Spera 2018, 11, 200, and book XXXVII, 405 (Tivoli). The lost
notes 1 and 2. See also Supra, note 31. book should have been written before the known
37
Bovillae at the Frattocchie: Holste 1666, 185, and treatise on the villas from the Taurin collection
Pratilli 1745, 72. Frattocchie soon after Bovillae: (AST, Taur XXXX = Ten 2005), that Ligorio wrote
Riccy 1787, 126. In his view Frattocchie included after moving to Ferrara: cf. Palma Venetucci 1992,
the area of the Eremitorio of San Sebastiano, a 1, and Ranaldi 2001.
40
church that still at the beginning of the 17th cen- Ligorio left manuscripts with different versions of
tury (Papacy of Paul V) was on the western side Libri delle Antichità, scattered in archives and libraries
of the Via Appia, before a devotee rebuilt it on the in Italy (Taurin, Ferrara, Napoli, Rome), and abroad
other side of the road: Tomassetti 1910, 124. Con- (Paris, Oxford). The collection from Taurin also in-
fusion about the miles is still perceivable in Tam- cludes the 18th volume of the ‘Encyclopaedia of the
broni 1829, 121-182: he identifies the remains of Ancient World’. These manuscripts have been pub-
the circus in structures unearthed at the 12th mile, lished by De Luca Editori D’arte within the series
but thinks that the locality of Frattocchie was at the Edizione Nazionale delle Opere di Pirro Ligorio.
41
10th mile of the Via Appia. This contrasts to Nibby Della Giovampaola 2008, 30 and 32.
1819, 219, who situated the city at the 12th mile:
Nibby 1849, I 304-305. Canina 1853b I, 201, 208-Reconsidering the Orsini Villa at Santa Caterina 163
ars, from the early 17th century.42 It is known, (literally) that they were all on the Via Appia,
for example, that Volpi consulted the codices surrounding the territory where Alba (Longa)
of the ‘Fondo Ottoboniano’: the copy of the was built.46
eighteen-volume encyclopaedia of the ancient The similarity of these two passages is
world that Christina of Sweden commissioned striking. Ligorio’s list includes villas known
in 1657 from the Taurin collection, preserved exclusively from the literary tradition, and/
at the BAV.43 Several notes appear in the mar- or the epigraphic and archaeological evi-
gins of Volpi’s books that refer to passages dence. It follows the method that Ligorio
of Ligorio’s encyclopaedia and, more spe- generally applied to his research, and that re-
cifically, to the Ottoboniano.44 One of these cent studies have thoroughly examined.47 A
notes appears at the incipit of Volpi’s para- cross-check reveals that almost every name
graph on Clodius’ Alban villa. Volpi writes a from Ligorio’s list is further discussed in in-
short introduction and provides a list of the dividual entries in the Encyclopaedia, and in
prominent Roman families who owned villas passages scattered across other manuscripts.
on the Via Appia. These manor houses were However, the descriptions in the Encyclo-
located around the ager Albanus, the extension paedia often only provide general informa-
of which, as perceived in the 18th century, I tion about the story of the family that is
discussed earlier. He simply says that Ligo- based on literary tradition and does not con-
rio described the ruins of all these sites, and sider the Alban properties, or any discoveries
quotes a passage of Ligorio’s encyclopaedia from them. Unless augmented with informa-
as the source of his information.45 This pas- tion provided elsewhere in the manuscripts,
sage exists, as I can prove, and Volpi copied it the list is, therefore, eclectic, cryptic and
faithfully. It provided a list of villas and said fragmentary.48 The list also mentions both
42 46
Since the 17th century, scholars consulted Ligorio’s Ligorio’s encyclopaedia, AST A J.a. III.4, fol. 7, un-
manuscripts of the Libri delle Antichità, and of the der the entry “Alba”: “… nel tempo poi delle guerre
Enciclopedia del mondo antico (e.g. Scipione Maffei, Lu- civili, vi erano queste ville molto superbe, la Caeci-
dovico Muratori, and Carlo Fea): Gaston 2002, esp. lia, la Sabellica, la Hirtia, l’Aemilia, la L…, la Tutia,
356-60, notes 9 and 23, and 371, note 72; Orlandi la Pompeiana, la Caelia, la Casperia, la Cornelia, la
2008, IX, and notes 1-4. Licinia, la Trebellia, la Curiona, la Popilia, la Clodia-
43
BAV MS. Ottob. Lat. 3364. This copy contains mis- na, la Titiniana, le quali erano tutte sulla Via Appia
transcriptions and distortions, Gaston 2002, 357 attorno al sito ove fu Alba edificata”.
47
and note 8 For balanced views and analysis on Ligorio’s work,
44
Gaston 2002, 357, note 9, with reference to Volpi Madonna 1980, 257-271; Rausa 1997, 1-10; Palma
1704, I, 27. But many other examples can be found Venetucci 1998; Gaston 2002, 355-373; Orlandi
browsing Volpi’s books or the CIL. Cf, CIL 106* = 2008, IX-XIX. On Ligorio’s inscriptions between au-
Volpi 1736, II, 226; CIL 123-125* = Volpi 1736, thenticity and forgery, in particular Vagenheim 1987,
VII, 97 e 211; Volpi 1736, VII, 211; Volpi 1736, 199-309; Vagenheim 1994, 67-104; Vagenheim 2018,
VII, 224 = Ligorio’s encyclopaedia, AST, J.a.III.5, 63-75. For Ligorio’s biography, cf. Calvesi 1994, 9-15.
fol. 75, under entry “Aricia”; Volpi 1736, II, 226 = This is not the only reference to Alban estates that
Ligorio’s encyclopaedia, AST,, J.a.III.5, fol. 68, un- Volpi copies from Ligorio. Also in book VII, Volpi
der entry “Aria”. Of Volpi “pillage” of Ligorio: (1736, VII, 91) adds the name of other Roman fami-
Pasqualini 2003, 521-526. lies that owned villas and tombs in the “agro albano”
45
Volpi 1736, VII, 85: “Juxta Via Appia, pariter, intra based on the epigraphic evidence. Once again, notes
spatium quod Ager Albanus circa occupabat, fuere in the margins refer to specific entries in Ligorio’s
antiquitus villae familiarum Romanorum Caeciliae, work, and a cross-check confirms that each of these
Juliae, Coiliae, sive Coeliae, Casperiae, Corneliae, entries can be found in the “Encyclopaedia”: AST,
Liciniae, Trebelliae, Curionae, Popilliae, Clodiae, seu Taur. J.a. III, 7, fol. 59 and 78; J.a. II.1, foll. 59 and 62.
48
Clodianae, Titilliae, seu Titillianae. Quarum omnium Ligorio’s list, for example, mentions an Alban villa
exesa monumenta, intra idem spatium, se reperisse, of the Caecilia’s family. The entry “Caecilia” in the
Ligorius memoriae prodidit”. The note in the margin Encyclopaedia only speaks of the Tomb of Caecilia
says: “In Lib. A. L. verbo, Alba”, meaning “In Lib(ro) Metella at the 3rd mile of the Via Appia: AST Taur.
A(ntiquitatum) L(ibri) verbo Alba, litt. in the book J.a.III.7, foll. 10-11. Ligorio’s list also mentions a
“The Books of the Antiquities, under the entry villa liciniana. We know that members of the gens
Alba”. Cf. Della Giovampaola 2008, 30. Licinia (C. Licinius Mucianus) owned a villa in to-164 Consuelo Manetta
a villa “pompeiana” and “clodiana”.49 This is rio located both this shrine and city.51
not surprising, for I have already said that Li- 2) An entry “Clodiano, clodianum” exists in
gorio was aware of the literary tradition (both Ligorio’s encyclopaedia, which refers to an
Cicero and Asconius Pedianus) that located extra-urban villa of Publius Clodius on the
both these villas in the Albanum. I have also Via Appia. Surprisingly, this villa is located
provided a glimpse of Ligorio’s possible loca- in Lanuvium, a city in the Alban region on
tion for the Alban estate of Pompey, and em- the 19th mile of the Via Appia. However,
phasised the lack of any in-depth discussion no villas of Clodius have ever been record-
of this subject in his manuscripts.50 The same ed here, based either on literary tradition
can be said for the Villa of Clodius. or archaeological evidence.52
Surprisingly, Ligorio never discusses the
Alban Villa of Clodius. Or, more accurately, It is difficult to believe that Ligorio may have
he never discusses the Villa of Clodius in the located here the Alban Villa of Clodius. There
way that we would expect. This means that, are no direct connections between Lanuvium
as for the Villa of Pompey, he never includes and Clodius’ attack on the Via Appia, except
the tribune’s villa in the account of his mur- that Annius Milo, Clodius’ killer, was going to
der on the Via Appia, nor does he relate it to Lanuvium when the clash occurred. The idea,
the shrine of Bona Dea, as is observed in the recently suggested, that Ligorio might have
literary tradition. In fact, the analysis of Li- located Clodius’ villa close to the 16th mile
gorio’s manuscripts reveals two elements that where he locates the Bona Dea shrine is, of
have, so far, never been noted: course, a logical deduction.53 However, it may
not be what Ligorio thought as this is based
1) Clodius’ name occurs in several passages on a reading of Cicero’s text that (correctly)
both in the Encyclopaedia, and in other localises Clodius’ and Pompey’s villas close
volumes of the Books of the Antiqui- to the area (the shrine of Bona Dea) where
ties. In every instance, Cicero and Asco- Clodius was killed. Yet this connection is not
nius Pedianus are freely quoted as sources. implied in Ligorio’s account – as we saw – and
Once again, this demonstrates that Ligorio the perception of the Alban region was gen-
was, at some level, aware of the literary tra- erally different from today’s perception. In
dition, and knew that Clodius owned a villa principle, Ligorio might have located Clodius’
in the area. However, the tribune is only villa in Lanuvium which, corresponding to the
remembered for his outrageous role in the literary tradition, is technically on the Via Ap-
Bona Dea scandal, or for his murder near pia and in the hinterland of Alba.54 That my
the shrine of Bona Dea, outside Bovillae. idea is less preposterous than it may appear,
It has already been discussed where Ligo- is confirmed by another passage in Volpi’s
day’s Genzano (massa Muci), as in the Liber Pontifi- cora Villa Clodia dove havemo veduto trovare alcuni
calis. The entry “Licinia” in Ligorio’s encyclopae- monumenti de rovine de fabriche de marmo…”. In
dia, however, only refers to Licinii’s monuments at Ligorio’s manuscripts there is only one other passage
the 5th mile of the Via Appia: “Licinia”, AST, Taur. where excavations at Lanuvium are mentioned, and
J.a.III.12, s.v. Licinia, foll. 110-111. For the massa that Ligorio could have witnessed. These are the ex-
Muci and discoveries of this villa in 1887, Di Gi- plorations directed by Carlo Carafa in 1559: cf. AST,
acomo 2020, 103 with literature. Encyclopaedia J.A. III. 12, foll. 60-61, s.v. Lanuvium.
49
Cf. Supra, note 46. Rodolfo Lanciani mentions permissions of excava-
50
Cf. Supra, note 26. tions at Castrum Ianuarii (San Gennaro) at Lanu-
51
Cf. Supra, note 34. vium in 1563, seven miles from Aricia. A Roman
52
AST, J.a.III.8, fol. 33: “Clodiano, clodianum, è nome villa, and other medieval remains, were discovered in
della villa di Publio Clodio, e di Marco Clodio e di these excavations: Garofalo 2014, I, 3.
53
Lucio Clodio clodiano. Posta nel paese di Lanuvio Della Giovampaola 2008, 30, and note 34.
54
città dei Volsci latini nella via Appia. Et fu detta an- Cf. Supra, note 46.Reconsidering the Orsini Villa at Santa Caterina 165
Latium sacrum et profanum, in particular, Book the tribune owned in the Albanum, where the
V on Lanuvium. clash occurred.56 If Volpi derived from Ligo-
Volpi discusses a doubt that “somebody” rio the general idea of the numerousness of
instilled and was still circulating in his time. villas existing in the Alban region, he is clearly
The issue in question is that the gens clodia not influenced by Ligorio when it comes to
came originally from Lanuvium, and that the discussing the Villa of Clodius. This parallels
tribune was killed accidentally by Annius Milo his identifications of Bovillae and the shrine
on the Via Appia, near the villa that he (Clodi- of the Bona Dea which, as already discussed,
us) owned on the outskirts of Lanuvio. Volpi also differ from that of Ligorio.57
does not say who suggested or supported this For the identification of Clodius’ Villa in
idea. Despite the undeniable similarity with the Albanum, Volpi relies on ideas that be-
Ligorio’s information about the Villa of Clo- gan to circulate around the beginning of the
dius in Lanuvium, it is possible that Volpi is 18th century and relate to ruins that could be
not referring (exclusively) to Ligorio here. In- seen in this period between the 13th and 14th
deed, a reference to Ligorio occurs a few lines miles of the Via Appia. “It is assumed” says
earlier for other reasons, and it would have Volpi, that Clodius’ villa was built where is
been simple for Volpi to reiterate Ligorio’s now the villa and estate of the Jesuits at Cas-
name if he was the source of the idea. After tel Gandolfo” (Fig. 2, C2).58 The remains in
all, Ligorio never said that Clodius’ family was question – mentioned here for the first time
originally from Lanuvium. What is interest- – are supporting walls and foundations carved
ing, however, is that the idea that Clodius was from the living rock (“insanae illae substructiones
murdered near his villa, and that this villa was e vivo saxo”) which Volpi identifies with Cic-
not far from Lanuvium, had been in circula- ero’s insanae substructiones.59 This theory was
tion between the 16th and the beginning of the followed by other 18th-century antiquarians,60
18th century. If Ligorio was not the first one including Giovanni Antonio Riccy (1787).
to suggest this idea, he clearly believed and In Riccy’s opinion, Clodius’ villa included
supported it.55 Volpi, however, distances him- all the area which now belongs to the Colle-
self from both the possibility that the gens clau- gio Ibernese, and especially Vigna Marzelli,
dia came originally from Lanuvium, and that which previously belonged to the Jesuits (Fig.
the death of Clodius occurred near his villa 2, C3). He also believes that, after Clodius’
in Lanuvium. He thinks, in fact, that the gens death, the estate was incorporated into the
Clodia had Sabine ancestry. As for the villa, Villa of Domitian (Castel Gandolfo) when
Volpi does not exclude that Clodius may have this emperor established his leisure retreat
owned an additional villa in Lanuvium. This there (Fig. 2, A8).61 Here, two elements should
villa, however, was certainly not the one that be noted that have been overlooked or misin-
55
Volpi 1732, V, 124-125: “De Clodia tandem, utrum gna Marzelli, Orti Ludovisi, Orti Torlonia, as I discuss
Lanuvium gens fuerit, scrupulum aliquibus iniecit later. The concept is even clarified at p. XX (Villa
P. Clodii tribune plebis a Milone in via Appia occisi Publii Clodii). Here, Volpi says that some learned
prope villam suam non longe a Lanuvio casus”. people think (Eruditi Viri nonnulli putant) that the
56
Volpi 1732, V, 125: “At Clodiam sive Claudiam gen- huge substructures and numerous ruins of this vil-
tem ab Sabinis claram originem duxisse, certissimum la can currently be seen near Castel Gandolfo. Cf:
est….Esto autem, P. Clodium villam habuisse in La- Giorni 1842, 60.
59
nuvino, si idcirco illum Lanuvinum continuo feceris, Volpi 1736, VII, 86.
60
quod in Albano (puta) aliam, in Tusculano, & Tibur- Pratillli (1745, 74) only says that the Villa was sited
tino, etiam villas habuerit, num illum & Albanum, & on the hill that leads to Castel Gandolfo and ended
Tusculanum, & Tiburtinum facere poteris?…”. on the Via Appia.
61
57
Cf. Supra, note 35. Riccy 1787, 125 “…tutto quello spazio, che vien
58
Volpi 1736, 85-86: “ubi nunc villa & praedium Do- oggi occupato dalla Vigna del Collegio della Nazio-
mus Tyrocinii Romani Soc. Jesu apud Castrum Gan- ne Ibernese, da altre adiacenti, e da quella segnata-
dulphi”. The area corresponds to Vigna Grande/Vi- mente di Marzelli, già de’ Gesuiti.166 Consuelo Manetta Fig. 2. Archaeological evidences between the 13th and the 14th milestones of Via Appia as they emerge from 19th-cen- tury excavations, more recent investigations, and the archival sources (CTR map, rielaboration C. Manetta). Legend: ---- Imperial estate. A) Structures still visible: A1. Via dei Confini di Castel Gandolfo; A2. Remains in front of today-s church of San Sebastiano; A3-4. Locality Santa Caterina (A3. Via Santa Caterina. Remains NW corner of the fencing wall; A4. So-called Villa of Clodius / Cense S.p.A.); A5. Cistern and structures of Via Ercolano; A6. So-called Tomb of Clodius; A7. Torlonia Cistern; A8. Nucleus of the Domitian villa, including the Late Republican structures of the villa of Clodius; A9. Remains in opus reticulatum inside the Institute Fratelli di San Giuseppe. B) Structures known from recent excavations: B1. Excavations at Orti Torlonia, loc. Ercolano (1977-1980, further terracing of the Villa of Domitian?); B2. Remains at Vicolo degli Stazi; B3. Remains in the so-called Orti Ludovisi; B4. Villa in locality La Villetta di Albano. C) Structures and discoveries known exclusively through archival and antiquarian sources: C1. Villa Santa Caterina: remains of an ancient roads; remains of substructures in opus reticulatum; remains of a rectangular structure Rosa 1852 ca); C2. Vigna Grande (Vigna Marzelli, Orti Ludovisi; Pineta e Orti Torlonia): structures (Volpi 1736 = Cicero’ insanae substructiones), and bricks (some stamped, cf. Riccy 1787); walls covered by Peperino slabs, Carabinieri di Castel Gandolfo (Via G.B. De La Salle); well with a duct toward locality Fontana Vecchia (outside Vigna Grande); Remains of ancient road (Jenkins excavations 1785-1787 = Riccy 1787 who sees the road as a cross road from the Via Appia to via Galleria di Sotto); Bas-relief (Roman soldiers and a boar = Jenkins’s excavations 1785-1787 = Riccy 1787); Colossal statue; Architectural marbles; C.3. Vigna del Collegio Ibernese (from 1818 together with Vigna Grande owned firstly by Bocompagni Ludovisi, and then by Torlonia): structures drawn in Rosa’s map (1852), and mentioned as “cave” in archival documents (1859) = Cistern and structures at Via Ercolano ?; C4. Vignole Barberini (or Vignola di Castel Gandolfo); Pascolare della Comunità and immediate surroundings: urns of the protohistoric period (1816-1817); stuctures in opus reticulatum (Rosa 1852; Canina); Coin board: fragments of opus sectile; marble seats (1852, Constantinian period = Lugli 1914); Remains of a villa with baths? (1758 = Piranesi; Lugli 1914); C5. Via Appia, proximity of Via Ercolano: subrstruc- tures in opus quadratum first removed and then relocated in 1899 (Della Giovampaola 2008).
Reconsidering the Orsini Villa at Santa Caterina 167
terpreted in previous studies. The first is that included the 14th mile. Here, the nucleus of
neither Volpi, nor Riccy describe the founda- the villa was to be found between the ‘Tomb
tions visible in the mentioned vineyards as be- of Clodius’ and the ‘Tomb of Pompey’. Oth-
ing made in opus quadratum, as scholars think.62 erwise, the western limits of the estate skirted
The second is that Volpi already doubted that the Via Appia, whilst Lake Albano towards
the remains in question belonged to Cicero’s Mons Albanus (present-day Monte Cavo)
foundations of the Villa of Clodius, his rea- marked its eastern limits.66 Unlike Riccy,
son being that stamped bricks were recovered Nibby does not support the hypothesis that
that appeared to postdate the late Republican the republican ‘Tomb of Clodius’ hosted the
period.63 Volpi’s information is interesting as remains of the tribune and/or his family.67
it tells us that some of the structures inter- Nibby provides no description of the remains
preted as substructures included opus latericium, of the villa, and makes no reference to the
and could not be dated in the late Republican Villa Santa Caterina and its archaeological re-
period.64 Nevertheless, Riccy identifies these mains.
remains as the walls of Clodius’ villa, and as- Francesco Giorni thinks that Clodius’ villa
sumes that the opus latericium evidenced later extended for at least a mile, once again, on
restoration. In his view, Clodius restored and the eastern side of the Via Appia. He also
enlarged the villa – originally built in the late believes, as did Riccy, that the tribune inher-
4th century BCE by Appius Claudius – after ited the villa from his family, and that he en-
he inherited it. Within this framework, the larged it by acquiring neighbouring vineyards.
Cisterna Torlonia was considered part of the In his view, the central part of Clodius’ late
villa of the tribune, while the so-called Tomb Republican manor was situated along the 13th
of Clodius was believed to be the family mau- mile. It included the “salita di San Sebastiano”
soleum where the remains of Clodius were (San Sebastiano Street), “Villa Torlonia”, “Orti
buried.65 A third element is important for my Ludovisi”, and part of the “Prati” (literally
study: by the end of the 18th century no “sub- meadows or pastures) of Castel Gandolfo.
structures” or major remains were noted or The latter signifying the state fields behind
known at Villa Santa Caterina. the estates that skirted the bank of the Alban
Lake.68 “San Sebastiano” is one of the names
Between the 19th and 20th centuries that archival documents assign to today’s via
As for the villa itself, Antonio Nibby (1819) (“street”) Santa Caterina.69 This is the nar-
believes that it was a large estate built on top row and hilly road that marks the northern
of the hill on the eastern side of the Via Ap- and eastern limits of present-day Villa Santa
pia. Its northern limits reached the 12th mile, Caterina (Fig. 3), dividing Villa Santa Caterina
soon after Bovillae, and the southern limits from the Vignole Barberini and the Torlonia
62
For example, Della Giovampaola 2008, 33; 36, cf. 116 considers the modern milestones of the Via
Infra, note 123; Della Giovampaola 2011,131; Bi- Appia; cf. Giorni 1842, 60. On Nibby, also see Lugli
gnamini & Hornsby 2010, 56-58. On the notion of 1914, 263-264.
67
foundations in opus quadratum, see Infra, note 93. Nibby 1819, 112-113. On his pivotal cartographic
63
Volpi 1736, VII, 86: “Ibi autem fragmenta sigillorum method, De Cristofaro 2016, 836, note 44, and 838-
ex doliari opera haec reperta. Ex quibus tamen infir- 839.
68
mary conjectura de Clodianis substructionibus non- Giorni 1842, 60-61,
69
nihil posse videtur”. Or “vicolo che dal detto Prato (Pascolaretto) condu-
64
See Infra for an overview of the discoveries in Vi- ce alla stada corriera”, cf. ASC, AO, IV serie, busta
gna Marzelli. 197, fasc. 2. Other archival names include “Via del-
65
Riccy 1787, 127-129. For antiquities discovered in la Mola” (ASC, AO IV serie, busta 197, fasc. 4), and
this vineyard, see Infra. On Clodius’ tomb, Manetta “Via di Santa Caterina”, as in the Catasto (Grego-
2000, 37-52. riano, 1819: ASR, Catasto Gregoriano, Comarca 28,
66
In his measurements Nibby 1819, II, 85-86; 115- Infra, note 173; cf. ASR, Disegni e Mappe, coll. I,You can also read
