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Public Disclosure Authorized Public Disclosure Authorized Public Disclosure Authorized Public Disclosure Authorized
Violence against
Public Transport:
Policy Recommendations for Mexico City
Women and Girls in
FEBRUARY 2020
VIO L EN C E AGA I N ST WO MEN A N D GI RLS I N PUBL IC TR A N S POR T: POLICY R E COM M E N DATION S FOR M E X ICO CITY
This work was led by Bianca Bianchi Alves, Karla Dominguez Gonzalez and Abel Lopez Dodero. Team
members that contributed to this work included Blanca Domine Chust, Max Hamrick, Felipe Targa
and Filiz Tamer. The document also includes inputs from the work carried out by the World Resources
Institute (WRI Mexico), the Institute for Transportation and Development Policy (ITDP-Mexico), and
Instituto de Liderazgo Simone de Beauvoir. The team thanks the Umbrella Facilitation for Gender
Equality (UFGE) for its financial support and guidance in the development of the different activities.
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VIO L EN C E AGA I N ST WO MEN A N D GI RLS I N PUBL IC TR A N S POR T: POLICY R E COM M E N DATION S FOR M E X ICO CITY
Table of Contents
Table of Acronyms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
I. Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
II. Gender and Public Transport in Mexico . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8
Women’s Institutions in Mexico. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9
Mexico City’s Transportation Services. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10
III. Framework for Analysis – Generalized Cost of Transport . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13
GCT and VAWG . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15
IV. Analysis of Initiatives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17
Measures to address in-vehicle costs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18
Women-Only Cars/Cabins . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19
“Pink” Transport/Atenea Program. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20
Panic Buttons . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21
Preventing and Responding to VAWG (Hazme el Paro, Phase I). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21
Measures to address out-of-vehicle costs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22
Police Officers in Stations. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22
Communication Campaigns. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23
Rehabilitation of Public Spaces. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23
Information Systems . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24
Response Protocol. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24
Improving Environmental Design for Violence Prevention (Hazme el Paro, Phase II). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25
V. Analyzing VAWG in Trip Patterns in Mexico City . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27
VI. CDMX Diagnostic - Remaining Challenges . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30
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VIO L EN C E AGA I N ST WO MEN A N D GI RLS I N PUBL IC TR A N S POR T: POLICY R E COM M E N DATION S FOR M E X ICO CITY
Table of Acronyms
BRT Bur Rapid Transit
CAF Construcciones y Auxiliar de Ferrocarriles
CETRAM Multimodal Transfer Centers (Centro de Transferencia Modal, in Spanish)
EPADEQ Studies and Strategies for Development and Equality (Estudios y
Estrategias para el Desarrollo y la Equidad, in Spanish)
GCT Generalized Cost of Transport
GDP Gross Domestic Product
IADB Interamerican Development Bank
ILO International Labor Organization
InMujer National Institute of Women (Instituto Nacional de las Mujeres, in Spanish)
InMujeres Women’s institute of Mexico City (Instituto de las Mujeres de la Ciudad de México, in Spanish)
INEGI National Statistics Bureau (Instituto Nacional de Estadística y Geografía, in Spanish)
ITP Integrated Transport Planning
LRT Light Rail Train
NDP National Development Plan
OD Origin-Destination survey (Origen-Destino, in Spanish)
ONUMujeres United Nations Women (Organización de las Naciones Unidas Mujeres, in Spanish)
ORT Transportation Regulatory Body (Órgano Regulador de Transporte, in Spanish)
PCMB Community Program for Neighborhood Improvement (Programa
Comunitario de Mejoramiento Barrial, in Spanish)
PROEQUIDAD National Program for Equal Opportunity and Anti-Discrimination Against Women (Programa
Nacional de Igualdad de Oportunidades y no Discriminación contra las Mujeres, in Spanish)
RTP Passenger Transportation Network (Red de Transporte de Pasajeros, in Spanish)
SDG Sustainable development goal
SEMOVI Secretary of Mobility for Mexico City (Secretaría de Movilidad, in Spanish
SEMUJERES Secretary of Women for Mexico City (Secretaría de Mujeres, in Spanish)
SETRAVI Secretary of Transportation and Roads (Secretaría de Transportes y Vialidad, in Spanish),
SOE State-Owned Enterprise
STC Sistema de Transporte Colectivo
STE Electric Transport Service of Mexico City (Servicio de Transportes
Eléctricos del Distrito Federal, in Spanish)
VAWG Violence Against Women and Girls
VR Virtual Reality
WBG World Bank Group
WRI-Mexico World Resource Institute (Mexico City Office)
4VIO L EN C E AGA I N ST WO MEN A N D GI RLS I N PUBL IC TR A N S POR T: POLICY R E COM M E N DATION S FOR M E X ICO CITY
BASED ON A PHOTO BY: ALBERTO PICHARDO/SONIDEAS
I. Introduction
W
omen face many barriers to using public transport services, despite representing the largest share
of public transport users around the world. Transport and infrastructure-oriented barriers are related
to constraints in its affordability, acceptability and availability, as well as to the physical access to public
transport. There is also a recognition that there are other non-transport-related barriers that can constrain women’s
mobility, such as social norms regarding gender and other more personal elements influencing women’s agency,
such as self-efficacy and aspirations. Both internal and external barriers have a direct impact on women’s decision to
travel using public transport in order to access better economic opportunities and services.1
1 Dominguez, Karla, A.L. Machado, B. Alves, V. Raffo, S. Guerrero and I. Portabales. (2020). What makes her move? A study of women’s mobility in Latin American cities.
Washington D.C.: World Bank.
5VIO L EN C E AGA I N ST WO MEN A N D GI RLS I N PUBL IC TR A N S POR T: POLICY R E COM M E N DATION S FOR M E X ICO CITY
Among acceptability-related constraints, violence against women and girls (VAWG), specifically sexual
harassment and sexual violence, may have a direct impact on women’s mobility and access to economic
opportunities and services. Living a life free of violence in all spheres is recognized as a human right; yet women
around the globe still suffer from violence, including in public transport and related spaces. Approximately 80%
of women around the world report that they are afraid of being harassed in public spaces.2 VAWG3 in public
transport imposes severe limits to their mobility and access to jobs and services. According to the International
Labor Organization (ILO), “limited access to and safety of transportation is estimated to be the greatest obstacle to
women’s participation in the labor market in developing countries, reducing their labor participation probability by
16.5 percentage points.”4 These limitations to women’s labor participation have serious consequences on economic
growth. ILO estimates that global GDP could grow by an additional $5.8 trillion if the gender gap in labor force
participation could be decreased by 25% by 2025.5
Besides the development argument, there may also be strong financial incentives for transport companies
to invest in strategies that contribute to preventing and responding to cases of sexual harassment in public
transport and enhance women’s safety. Operators face potential economic losses if women choose not to use a
specific service due to fears of VAWG. Moreover, VAWG in public transport can bring other consequences upon
individuals, such as an increased risk of depression, anxiety and post-traumatic stress disorder.6 This policy note will
focus specifically on the constraints that VAWG, specially sexual harassment and sexual violence in public transport,
may pose for women’s mobility and access to better economic opportunities.
At the same time, cities around the world face the challenge of promoting sustainable and equitable public
transport. As part of its sustainable development goals, specifically SDG-11, the United Nations has recognized the
relevance of the transport sector for urban development and inclusiveness. Cities need to address the problems of
equitable access arising from the current urban and transport model, which often detracts from the quality of life
of their inhabitants. Public transport networks based on accessible, secure and well-integrated infrastructure and
transport systems can offer: (i) affordable mobility options; (ii) reduced travel times and costs; and (iii) improved
access conditions to opportunities and services in the city. This is true particularly if public transport networks favor
inter-modality within different modes of transportation. This can be further complemented with the promotion of a
safe and conveniently built environment linked to, and offering connectivity to, the public transport network.7
Public transport infrastructure and services development –and its associated built environment– has
historically been largely gender-blind in design.8 Infrastructure development has not taken into account the
differences in men’s and women’s mobility patterns associated to gender roles. Even though women and men
have different mobility needs and patterns, most countries’ transportation systems and urban design as a whole,
do not consider these differences. This has become an increasingly important issue as public transport systems
have experienced an increase in the proportion of female users.9 In some modes of public transport, womven have
become the dominant user population. Therefore, public transport systems are increasingly looking for strategies
to incorporate a women’s perspective in the planning and provision of services.
Concerns about crime and violence in public transport are growing amongst transit agencies and city
authorities in recent years. Measures, such as the installation of cameras and lighting in public spaces, have been
2 Salek de Braun, Sofia and Paulo Humanves. (2018). A Safe City for Women and Girls is a Safe City for Everyone. Women’s Safety and Security: A Public Transport Priority.
Paris: OECD.
3 The report will use indistinctively VAWG in public transport and “sexual harassment and sexual violence” as the latter are the main forms of violence perpetrated against
women in public spaces.
4 ILO (2017). World Employment Social Outlook: Trends for Women 2017. Geneva, Switzerland: ILO.
5 Ibid.
6 Gennari, F., J. McCleary-Sills and N. Hidalgo. (2015). Introduction. Violence Against Women and Girls Resource Guide. Washington D.C.: World Bank; the Global
Women’s Institute, Interamerican Development Bank.
7 Vichic, Vukan R. (1999). Transportation for Livable Cities. Rutgers Center for Human Policy Research. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press.
8 United Nations ESCAP. (2007). ‘Gender and Transport’. Transport and Communications Bulletin for Asia and the Pacific No. 76. New York: United Nations ESCAP;
Gekoski, Anna, J. Gray, M. Jacqueline, J.R. Adler and M.A.H. Horvath. (2017). ‘The prevalence and nature of sexual harassment and assault against women and girls on
public transport: an international review’. Journal of Criminological Research, Policy and Practice, 3 (1). pp. 3-16.
9 Gonzalez Carvajal, Karla and Muneeza Mehmood Alam. ‘Transport is not Gender Neutral’. World Bank Blogs. January 24, 2018. See: https://blogs.worldbank.org/
transport/transport-not-gender-neutral
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introduced worldwide in order to improve travelers’ safety, sense of security and confidence. More recently, growing
public concerns about these issues associated with crime have been further exacerbated by the increased reporting
of sexual harassment and sexual violence in public transportation. While cameras and lighting in public spaces have
helped authorities to improve security, these measures may not necessarily alleviate the potential fears women have
related to their safety while using public transport.10 Moreover, these measures may not necessarily be as effective
when responding to the particular needs of different groups and in different settings if they are defined from a top
down approach, instead of bringing users in to audit public spaces and identify specific points of concern and
improve the characteristics and features of their design in order to improve security.
Researchers have analyzed VAWG in public transportation from different perspectives. The approach that has
largely been used by policymakers in the past is the ‘defensive space theory’, first proposed by Oscar Newman.11 This
theory mentions that to reduce crime and fear in public spaces, users should feel that the space they occupy is their
own and that they have the right to feel comfortable and safe in it. By drawing on this theory, one can suppose that
assigning different types of users to different public spaces may increase such feeling amongst all users, especially
the more vulnerable groups. Following this line of thinking, many cities have implemented strategies that address
VAWG through this defensive space lens by creating separate spaces in public transport for women, particularly in
mass transit systems.12 Gender-based separation of users in public transport vehicles has been implemented in Rio de
Janeiro, Brazil; Guangzhou, China; Shenzhen, China; Bogota, Colombia; Mumbai, India; Jakarta, Indonesia; Tokyo,
Japan; Lahore, Pakistan; and Bangkok, Thailand through train and bus cars/cabins specifically reserved for women
and children. These moves have been met with mixed reception and results. Other initiatives include the provision
of vehicle services geared exclusively toward women as part of the overall collective and individual public transport
offering.13
This report uses Mexico City as a case study to analyze different initiatives that have been introduced by the
city to understand and address the barriers women face in public transport, specifically those related to safety.
It includes a stocktaking of different initiatives to address women’s safety and personal security in public transport,
including policies, programs or evaluated pilots that have been used by the city with the aim of identifying potential
policy challenges and recommendations. Mexico City makes a great case study for this report for three main reasons.
First, the city offers a uniquely diverse mix of transportation modes within its public transport network; each mode
with its own issues and initiatives related to sexual harassment. Second, there has been a persistent and extreme level
of VAWG in the city’s public transport systems despite extensive efforts to address it. Third, and as a result of such a
high level of VAWG, the city has already been the subject of many studies and has often been at the forefront in the
introduction of measures to address it.
This report analyzes policies that address women’s access to public transport and VAWG within Mexico City
and proposes a framework for this analysis. In the following sections, it introduces current trends to respond and
prevent sexual harassment and sexual violence in public transport in Mexico City. First, to provide some context, the
report presents a snapshot of the institutions working on gender and transport in Mexico City and of the different
available transport modes. The objective of this snapshot is to showcase the complexity of stakeholders involved on
the matter and the evolution of policies related to VAWG in transport. Secondly, the report introduces an adaptation
of a generalized cost of transport (GCT) model for assessing: (i) measures to address VAWG in different modes of
public transport; (ii) the impact of those measures on the quality of service; and (iii) the institutional coordination to
implement these measures. Finally, the report identifies gaps that exist in the city’s current framework for addressing
VAWG that need to be taken care of, either through the introduction of a new initiative or the graduation (with some
adjustments) of already existing initiatives into full programs. It also presents some recommendations for moving
forward.
10 Dunckel-Graglia, Amy. (2013). Women-Only Transportation: How “Pink” Transportation Challenges Public Perception of Women’s Mobility. Journal of Public
Transportation, Vol. 16, No. 2, June 2013.
11 Tudela, A., A. Lopez Dodero, S. R. Mehndiratta, B. Bianchi and E. Deakin. (2013). ‘Reducing Gender-Based Violence in Public Transportation: Strategy Design for
Mexico City, Mexico’. Journal of the Transportation Research Board. Vol 2531, Issue 1. January 2015; Newman, O. (1973). Defensible Space: People and Design in the
Violent City. London: Architectural Press; Newman, O. (1972). Defensible Space – Crime Prevention through Urban Design. New York: The McMillan Company.
12 This includes rail systems and Bus Rapid Transit (BRT) systems.
13 This includes both conventional bus systems and taxis.
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BASED ON A PHOTO BY: FERNANDO MACIAS ROMO/SHUTTERSTOCK
II. Gender and Public
Transport in Mexico
M
exico City has often been ranked as having one the most dangerous public transportation systems
for women among all the major metropolitan areas in the world. According to a 2017 study from the
National Statistics Bureau (Instituto Nacional de Estadística y Geografía, INEGI, in Spanish), of the total
trips made using public transport, it is estimated that approximately 49% are made by women.14 Past studies have
indicated that at least 65% of women reported that they have suffered from sexual harassment in public transport
vehicles and/or in transport-related public spaces. Depending on the methodology, other studies have shown that
this figure may be closer to 80%.15 More recently, a 2018 study conducted by United Nations Women (ONUMujeres,
in Spanish) and Studies and Strategies for Development and Equality (EPADEQ, in Spanish) found that 88% of the
3,214 women interviewed indicated that they had experienced violence in either the city’s public transport system or
in public spaces. The study also found that the Metro was the transport mode where these incidences were reported
to occur the most, followed closely by public streets. According to another official report carried out by INEGI,
approximately 20% of all sexual harassment incidents in the city occur inside/during public transportation.16
14 INEGI. Origen-Destino survey, 2017.
15 The difference between these figures lays in methodological disparities; however, the conclusion is consistent and clear: a high level of gender-based violence is
present in Mexico City’s public transport network.
16 ENVIPE, 2019.
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The threat of VAWG has significant negative effects on women and is one of the principal limitations to their
mobility in Mexico City. A 2016 report from INEGI indicates that 85.7% of women felt insecure in public spaces
in Mexico City, and that 71% of Mexican women felt insecure when using public transportation.17 The same 2018
ONUMujeres and EPADEQ study indicated that women modify their behavior through a number of methods to
reduce their insecurity. These include: (i) making sure they are accompanied by someone else when using public
transportation, (ii) not going out at night or very early in the morning, (iii) not walking alone in the streets, (iv) constantly
changing travel routes, (v) using women and children-only train cars/bus cabins, and (vi) using public transport as
little as possible.
Even if Mexico City possesses a legal framework to respond and prevent VAWG, introducing measures on
women’s safety is a challenge in such a large metropolitan area. The wide range of modes of transport in the city,
that run the gamut from concessioned mass rapid transit systems, to publicly-operated buses and informal privately-
operated bus services, makes it difficult to design and implement high-quality policies to prevent and respond to
sexual harassment in public transport across the entire network. Women’s mobility patterns add to this challenging
environment given that the mostly intermodal nature of their travel makes them more vulnerable to overlapping
issues throughout the transport system, including transfer points. In this context, the process of formalization could
be an entry point to address women’s safety issues by incorporating into the transport concession agreements some
binding measures to prevent VAWG; but a broader approach must come from the policy and regulatory framework
of the city’s Secretary of Mobility (SEMOVI, in Spanish).
Women’s Institutions in Mexico
The institutionalization of policies to address gender issues and specifically gender-based violence has a long
history in Mexico.18 Specifically, public consciousness about VAWG began increasing in tandem with the activism
of the late 1960’s and 1970’s.19 A mix of feminist activism, international pressure20 and increasing democratization
eventually led to the establishment of permanent institutions with the goal of addressing gender-related issues starting
in the 1990s.21 Further on, the 2000-2006 National Development Plan (NDP) called for the creation of national and
state level Women’s Institutes to lead the policies addressing women’s rights.22 By 2005, each state had established
its own Women’s Institute. The NDP also led to the establishment of the National Institute of Women (InMujer, in
Spanish) and the National Program for Equal Opportunity and Anti-Discrimination Against Women (PROEQUIDAD,
in Spanish), which was a program aimed at developing projects to address women’s rights and gender equality.23
In Mexico City, the state-level Women’s Institute (InMujeres, in Spanish) was established by Law in 2001 and
launched in 2002.24 InMujeres was an independent public body within the Government of Mexico City in charge
of developing initiatives to promote women’s rights and gender equality in the city, including the development
of programs to address sexual violence in public transport. A flagship program designed by InMujeres to address
VAWG in public transport is the “Travelling Safe in Public Transport” Program (Viajemos Seguras en el Transporte
Público, in Spanish). Launched in 2008, it was initiated by InMujeres, but implemented by the authorities of the
various transport systems (Metro, Bus Rapid Transit –BRT–, Trolley and the state operated bus system), as well as
17 INMUJERES (2017). CDMX: Ciudad Segura y Amigable para Mujeres y Niñas; ENVIPE, 2017.
18 Tarres, Maria Luisa. (2010). ‘New Challenges in Feminist Practice: The Women’s Institutes in Mexico’. Women’s Activism in Latin America and the Caribbean. New
Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, pp. 236-254; Beer, Caroline. (2017). ‘Left Parties and Violence against Women Legislation in Mexico’. Social Politics, 24 (4).
pp. 511-537.
19 Beer, Caroline. (2017). ‘Left Parties and Violence against Women Legislation in Mexico’. Social Politics, 24 (4). pp. 511-537.
20 Specifically, the Regional Action Program for Women in Latin America and the Caribbean (Programa de Acción Regional para las Mujeres de América Latina y el Caribe,
in Spanish), established during the 4th United Nations Conference on Women in 1996, provided a guide for the region on the issue of gender equality
21 For instance, the Program for Equitable Participation of Women (Programa para la Participación Equitativa de la Mujer, PROMUJER, in Spanish), which was launched
under the city’s first democratically elected Head of Government in 1998. This program later evolved into InMujeres.
22 CEPAL (1994). Programa de Acción Regional para las Mujeres de América Latina y el Caribe. 6ta. Conferencia Regional sobre la Integración de la Mujer en el Desarrollo
Económico y Social de América Latina y el Caribe. Mar del Plata, Argentina. September 1994.
23 Beer, Caroline. (2017). ‘Left Parties and Violence against Women Legislation in Mexico’. Social Politics, 24 (4). pp. 511-537.
24 INMUJERES. https://web.archive.org/web/20181019041158/https://www.inmujeres.cdmx.gob.mx/instituto/acerca-de
9VIO L EN C E AGA I N ST WO MEN A N D GI RLS I N PUBL IC TR A N S POR T: POLICY R E COM M E N DATION S FOR M E X ICO CITY
by the police authorities that served those systems (namely the Transit Police Department). The program includes
various activities aimed at addressing sexual violence in public transport, mainly in mass transit systems. Some of
the implemented initiatives include: (i) women and children-only cars/cabins in public transport and gender-based
segregation of vehicles; (ii) a communication campaign against violence; (iii) the installation of survivor assistance
kiosks in Metro stations; and (iv) a telephone line providing 24-hour assistance to victims.
In 2018, InMujeres was dissolved and the Secretary of Women for Mexico City (SEMUJERES, in Spanish) was
established.25 The Secretary continues the mission of InMujeres with expanded authority as a full secretariat within
the Government of Mexico City.
Mexico City’s Transportation Services
Mexico City is the most populated metropolitan area in North America, with an approximate population
of 20.9 million people.26 The metropolitan area consists of the Mexico City proper, organized into 16 boroughs,
as well as 59 municipalities in the State of Mexico, which surrounds three sides of the city, and one in the state of
Hidalgo. The city has an extensive public transportation network that serves approximately 45% of the 34.6 million
daily trips made in the metropolitan area. This network encompasses different forms of transport, operated by both
public and private entities. They range in size and sophistication from mass transit systems, such as Metro and BRT, to
small, informal busing operations and taxis. The variety of systems that operate in the city’s network make it difficult
to address sexual harassment and sexual violence within a single program or legislation, as the type of risk and
operational management varies significantly from system to system. Furthermore, issues related to intramodality are
very important as women, in particular, often need to transfer between different modes of transport during a single
trip.
Currently, Mexico City’s public transport network includes the following systems:
Metro – The first and largest mass transit system introduced in Mexico City was the Metro.27 It was
launched in 1969 and now consists of 12 lines of rapid transit trains. As of 2016, these lines had an
extension of over 226.5 km servicing the city, as well as some municipalities in the State of Mexico. The
Metro system provided service to approximately 4.5 million daily passengers in 2018.28 The Metro is
operated by Sistema de Transporte Colectivo (STC), a State-Owned Enterprise (SOE) established by
the Government of Mexico City.29 STC oversees the entire system and is in charge of operations within
each of the 195 stations that comprise the system.
Bus Rapid Transit (BRT) – Metrobus is the SOE that operates Mexico City’s Bus Rapid Transport (BRT)
system. Line 1, serving the Av. Insurgentes corridor, opened in 2005.30 It currently consists of 7 lines
and carried about 1 million daily passengers in 2018.31 In the State of Mexico, Mexibus provides BRT
services and offers connectivity between municipalities in the state and with the Metro in Mexico
City.32 Mexibus currently operates 4 lines.
25 Gaceta Oficial de la Ciudad de México. December 13, 2018. Available at: https://semujeres.cdmx.gob.mx/storage/app/media/uploaded-files/Decreto_
administracion_publica.pdf
26 INEGI. Origen-Destino survey, 2017.
27 STC. (2018). Plan Maestro del Metro 2018-2030. September 2018. Available at: https://metro.cdmx.gob.mx/storage/app/media/Metro%20Acerca%20de/
Mas%20informacion/planmaestro18_30.pdf
28 INEGI. See: https://www.inegi.org.mx/sistemas/bie/?idserpadre=10900530&d10900530#D10900530
29 Gobierno de CDMX - Sistema de Transporte Colectivo Metro: https://www.metro.cdmx.gob.mx/organismo/acerca-de; STC. (2018). Plan Maestro del Metro 2018-
2030. September 2018. Available at: https://metro.cdmx.gob.mx/storage/app/media/Metro%20Acerca%20de/Mas%20informacion/planmaestro18_30.pdf
30 Cosme, Manuel. ‘Línea 1 del Metrobús saturada; se intensifica la sustitución de unidades por biarticulados’. El Sol de México. April 17, 2018; Retrieved from: https://
www.elsoldemexico.com.mx/metropoli/linea-1-del-metrobus-saturada-se-intensifica-la-sustitucion-de-unidades-por-biarticulados-1619736.html; Gobierno de
CDMX - Metrobus: https://www.metrobus.cdmx.gob.mx/dependencia/acerca-de
31 INEGI. See:: https://www.inegi.org.mx/sistemas/bie/?idserpadre=10900530&d10900530#D10900530
32 Gobierno de CDMX - Mexibus: http://sitramytem.edomex.gob.mx/mexibus
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Electric Transport Service – The Electric Transport Service (STE, in Spanish) was a SOE created in
1947.33 It consists of 8 trolley bus lines (Trolebús, in Spanish) with an operating length of about 204
kilometers.34 It also operates a single, 13-km, 16-station, electrized light rail train (LRT) line35 that
serves the far south of the city. In 2018, the LRT carried about 93,000 daily passengers, while Trolebús
carried about 133,000.36 STE also operates a small fleet of electric taxis.37
Publicly-Operated Bus Service – The Passenger Transportation Network (RTP, in Spanish) is the
independent agency operating a network of 94 public bus routes in Mexico City since 2000.38
Besides conventional bus services, it also operates express services, eco-friendly buses, women-only
buses, and special night service. In 2018, they collectively carried almost 399,000 daily passengers.39
Privately-operated bus services (Peseros/Colectivos/Microbuses/Combis/etc.) – Also known
as hombre-camión (roughly translated as “a man and his bus”), these bus services are operated under
lax oversight by individual concessionaires who are granted a permit by the Government of Mexico
City to carry passengers in one vehicle. The hombres-camión often join co-ops to gain access to
profitable service corridors, but largely remain as independent business units. These services began
as formally sanctioned privately-operated bus routes in the 1980’s, but quickly spawned into many
unofficial variations. The official tracking of privately-operated bus routes is challenging as these are
only semi-regular. While locals often know where each route goes, mapping them is very difficult.
Regulating these operations is similarly complicated due to their informality. Approximately, more
than 70% of daily trips in Mexico City’s public transport network are made on this type of bus services.
Hombres-camión also operate metropolitan services connecting neighboring municipalities in the
State of Mexico, and are also the most popular mode of transportation in that state.
Bus Corridors concessioned to private operators – There are approximately 20 bus routes
operated by bus companies that are granted a concession to provide the service in specific corridors.
This service does not include BRT features such as the use of dedicated lanes or a fare collection
system. They are better organized than privately-operated bus services, with a formal structure that
oversees that the service is provided according to an operational plan and that bus drivers respond to
operational and service protocols.
Taxis – Mexico City has an extensive taxi system consisting of approximately 140,000 vehicles.40 The
city’s Secretary of Mobility (SEMOVI, in Spanish) awards licenses to private operators and regulates
the service.41 Each taxi has a distinct, pink and white color scheme. Almost 500,000 taxi trips are
made daily in Mexico City.42
Tren Suburbano – Introduced in 2008, the Suburban Train (Tren Suburbano, in Spanish) is a
commuter rail line providing service from Cuautitlán in the State of Mexico to the Buenavista Station
(Cuauhtémoc delegation) in the center of Mexico City, where it connects with the Metro.43 It is
operated by Construcciones y Auxiliar de Ferrocarriles (CAF), a private train company from Spain. It
carries 180,000 daily passengers. There are plans for other lines to be added. A commuter line from
Toluca in the State of Mexico to the Observatorio Metro station and bus terminal (in the west of the
city) is expected to be completed in 2022.44
33 Gobierno de CDMX - Servicio de Transportes Eléctricos (STE): https://www.ste.cdmx.gob.mx/dependencia/acerca-de
34 ICLEI, 2019. Mexico City: The role of public transport in tackling air pollution and accessibility. ICLEI Case Study No. 212. March 2019. Mexico City; Gobierno de CDMX
- Trolebus: https://www.ste.cdmx.gob.mx/red-de-servicio/lineas-de-trolebus
35 Gobierno de CDMX - Tren Ligero: https://www.ste.cdmx.gob.mx/tren-ligero
36 INEGI. See: https://www.inegi.org.mx/sistemas/bie/?idserpadre=10900530&d10900530#D10900530
37 ICLEI, 2019. Mexico City: The role of public transport in tackling air pollution and accessibility. ICLEI Case Study No. 212. March 2019. Mexico City.
38 Gobierno de CDMX - Red de Transporte de Pasajeros (RTP): https://www.rtp.cdmx.gob.mx/dependencia/acerca-de; INEGI. See: https://www.inegi.org.mx/
sistemas/bie/?idserpadre=10900530&d10900530#D10900530
39 INEGI. See: https://www.inegi.org.mx/sistemas/bie/?idserpadre=10900530&d10900530#D10900530
40 Valdez, Ilich. ‘Pintan de rosa a los taxis del DF’. Milenio. August 26, 2014. Retrieved from: https://www.milenio.com/estados/pintan-de-rosa-a-los-taxis-del-df
41 Gobierno CDMX – Secretaría de Movilidad (SEMOVI). https://www.semovi.cdmx.gob.mx/tramites-y-servicios/taxis
42 Pérez-Satadelman, Cristina. ‘Taxis preferentes, un transporte digno para la discapacidad. El Universal. November 15, 2014. Retrieved from: https://archivo.eluniversal.
com.mx/nacion-mexico/2014/impreso/taxis-preferentes-un-transporte-digno-para-la-discapacidad-220348.html
43 Ferrocarriles Suburbanos. http://fsuburbanos.com/secciones/la_empresa/proyecto.php
44 Notimex. ‘Tren México-Toluca iniciará operaciones en su totalidad en el 2022’. El Economista. July 15, 2019. Retrieved from: https://www.eleconomista.com.mx/
estados/Tren-Mexico-Toluca-iniciara-operaciones-en-su-totalidad-en-el-2022-SCT-20190715-0084.html
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Cablebus – The first mass transit cable car system in the Mexico City Metropolitan Area was introduced
in 2016, in the State of Mexico. It currently consists of one line serving the San Andrés de la Cañada
region.45 This system was estimated to serve up to 30,000 daily passengers46 and connects to the
Mexibus BRT services. In 2019, the Government of Mexico City announced its intentions to introduce
its own cable car system, Cablebus, with the first two lines being fully operational by 2020. One line
will serve the Gustavo A. Madero area in the far north of the city and will end at the Indios Verdes
Metro station, providing connectivity to Metro Line 3 and Metrobus Line 1 (which is located nearby).
It is expected to carry over 54,000 daily passengers. The other line will operate in the Iztapalapa area,
in the far southeast of the city. Cablebus is being managed by the Transportation Regulatory Body
(ORT, in Spanish) a SOE that operates within SEMOVI and also manages the CETRAMs (see below).
Modal Transfer Centers – Multimodal Transfer Centers (CETRAM, in Spanish) connect Metro stations
to other forms of public transport, including RTP buses, privately-operated buses and taxis. They
were introduced in 1969 with the opening of the Metro system and were Initially administered by
the STC itself. Starting in 1993, CETRAMs were subsequently administered by different departments
and ministries within Mexico City’s government. Currently, the ORT manages the city’s 39 CETRAMs.
Table 1: Summary of the Public Transport modes in Mexico City
System Year Modes Size Daily Operated by Other organizations
Introduced Ridership47,48 involved
Metro/STC 1969 Rapid Train 12 Lines 4.5 million STC Police, SEMOVI,
InMujeres
Metrobus 2006 BRT 6 Lines 1 million Metrobus Police, SEMOVI,
InMujeres
STE 1947 Electric Transport 9 Lines (8 trolley 225,000 STE Police, SEMOVI,
(Trolley bus and LRT) buses and 1 LRT) InMujeres
RTP 2000 Publicly- operated 94 Routes 399,000 RTP Police, SEMOVI,
buses InMujeres, CETRAM
Privately-operated 1980’s Privately-operated Unknown 11.5 million49 Private SEMOVI, CETRAM
bus services buses Concessionaires
Taxis 191650 Taxis 140,000 Vehicles 492,000 Private SEMOVI
Concessionaires
Tren Suburbano 2008 Commuter Rail 1 line 180,000 Private N/A
Concessionaire
(CAF)
Cablebus 2020 Cable Car System 2 Lines (Planned) 54,000 (Line 1 ORT SEMOVI
(Planned) estimate)
Bus corridors 2011 Privately-operated 16 bus corridors 1.2 million Private bus SEMOVI
concessioned to buses companies
private operators
CETRAM 1969 Multimodal Transfer 39 Stations ORT Metro, RTP, privately-
Centers operated buses, taxis
Source: Authors’ elaboration with data obtained from different sources referenced in this document
45 Mexicable. http://www.mexicable.com/historia.php
46 Burnett, Victoria. ‘Near Mexico City, Cable Car Lets Commuters Glide Over Traffic’. The New York Times. December 28, 2016. Retrieved from: https://www.nytimes.
com/2016/12/28/world/americas/mexico-city-mexicable.html
47 INEGI. See: https://www.inegi.org.mx/programas/transporteurbano/default.html#Tabulados
48 Data disaggregated by gender is not available for most systems.
49 The 2017 Origen-Destino survey only includes passengers over 6-years old.
50 De la Garza Arregui, Bernardina. ‘El origen de los taxis en la Ciudad de México’. MXCity Guia Insiders. Available at: https://mxcity.mx/2016/01/
origen-los-taxis-la-ciudad-mexico/
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BASED ON A PHOTO BY: ALBERTO PICHARDO/SONIDEAS
III. Framework for
Analysis – Generalized
Cost of Transport
T
his report proposes an adaptation of the Generalized Cost of Transport (GCT) as a framework to analyze
initiatives aimed at preventing and responding to VAWG in a more integrated manner, analyzing all
the costs and phases involved in travel. This adapted GCT could be used to group the barriers that limit
women’s mobility into two types: in-vehicle and out-of-vehicle. The GCT can offer a framework that allows for an
analysis that considers all monetary and non-monetary costs incurred in getting from one location to another through
public transportation. Because monetary costs are much easier to measure, traditional transportation cost models
have mostly focused on them. However, to understand the true costs incurred in transportation, the non-monetary
costs must be considered as well.51
51 For the purpose of this note, the authors utilize the GTC analytical framework. This –or any other framework to analyze this cost– will require collecting data that, at
the moment, might not be readily available. The authors suggest adapting a traditional cost-benefit analysis to incorporate a gender perspective. The subjective value
of time aggregates all factors that affect an individual’s decision to travel. It is not perfect as it misses positive and negative external impacts, but in this case, it may
be needed to capture the individual value that women assign to traveling compared to men. One can estimate different users’ value of time using stated or revealed
preferences surveys and observe the differences by gender. It is true that one cannot necessarily attribute these differences to VAWG. However, constructing a mode
choice model will allow us to estimate the additional cost that female users face due to their gender. A similar study has been conducted in Quito showing, for instance,
a higher willingness to pay in order to reduce waiting time in stations, or a preference for less crowded conventional buses. Besides the GCT, household surveys should
include questions to capture the externalities (for instance in terms of productivity) of women not traveling, not only because of sexual harassment, but of other variables
related to the affordability and availability of public transport.
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The costs included in the GCT model are (see Figure 1)52:
• Monetary costs – consist of all fees/fares charged for the use of any public transport system.
• Non-monetary costs53 – factor in:
• Travel time – the value of time spent getting to the transport systems, waiting at stations, and in-vehicle travel.
• Transfers – the value of time spent transferring and exiting the system to reach a destination.
• Reliability – the reliability that services will occur within an expected time.
• Security and comfort – The cost of the risk to personal safety experienced during travel, as well as the
general conditions related to comfort and ease of travel experienced on a trip.
The preferences over these elements define the utility function for transport users. Stated preferences models
have been used in transport planning to analyze user’s preferences and define their utility function which might allow
to identify modal shift from users. However, this kind of analysis is normally designed without a gender perspective and
doesn’t consider that women and men travel differently and face distinctive monetary and non-monetary costs; thus, the
utility function should not be homogenous for all transport users alike. For example, some studies take into account safety
as one of the factors to analyze people’s preferences; however, it is road safety what is normally included in these studies
and not necessarily situations of sexual harassment and sexual violence, which disproportionally affect female users.
The adapted GCT model must also be analyzed separately at the different phases of a trip. Similar to how policy
decisions in the past have not considered all costs associated with using public transport, frequently not all phases of
a trip have been considered when assessing the cost of public transport. Policymakers have traditionally been most
concerned about costs that occur within vehicles. However, in-vehicle conditions aren’t the only ones that affect the
accessibility of transport. The conditions experienced in the environment surrounding the access points to transport
vehicles are also very important to users and, therefore, their costs must also be included in the GCT. Recently there
has been an increased interest in developing better conditions of the surroundings to improve the accessibility
to public transport. Because women might face concrete mobility barriers outside of vehicles, it is important that
planning for safer infrastructure and services also considers the spaces that surround the access points to transport
services. For this study, the phases of the GCT will include54:
• In-vehicle – includes all of the the GCT that occurs while in the vehicle
• Out-of-vehicle
• Access/ingress (out of station) – includes all of the GCT that occurs from a person’s place of origin until
reaching the station
• Access/ingress (in station) – includes all of the GCT that occur within a station before boarding a vehicle
• Departing/egress – includes all of the GCT incurred from the moment the user leaves the vehicle until he/
she reaches his/her final destination
52 The proposed adapted GTC methodology cost components attempt to measure the cost of a mix (direct and indirect) of behavioral changes (e.g. decisions to use a
different travel route or mode of transportation, avoid travelling, etc.) that may be adopted by women in an attempt to mitigate the risks of VAWG. These variables are
not of the same nature and often are not independent. For instance, one might expect that there could be a negative correlation between the direct costs associated
with VAWG and the changes of behavior to avoid VAWG (e.g. the less a user travels, in general, the less an individual may be exposed to VAWG), and a positive
correlation (with expected causality) between changes of behavior to avoid VAWG and the potential indirect negative costs associated to those changes in behavior
(the less travel to avoid VAWG, the higher an individual’s potential opportunity costs are, notably loss of income and access to services).
53 Measurements of time values (travel time and transfers) should include both changes in total travel time, as well as changes of the value of that time. The gold standard
method for calculating value of time is willingness-to-pay (WTP), which is defined as the amount an individual is willing to pay in order to save a given unit (e.g. hour,
minute) of travel time. This value is different for walking time, waiting time and time in vehicle, and is different by mode of transportation. This value is also affected by
other factors including the potential access to income sources, travel comfort, probability of suffering VAWG, etc.
54 Estimating the component costs includes a lot of assumptions about the costs that are experienced by public transportation users. The proposed methodology defines
the cost of VAWG through its assumed observed consequences in increased fares, travel time, income, and latent costs. Estimating the component of said costs
requires additional information and valuation methodologies that can be measured via stated preference surveys. This methodology is vulnerable to exclusion errors,
due to none-considered effects of VAWG, as well as inclusion errors, by assuming that changed behaviors are due to VAWG. Therefore, any estimates using the
proposed adapted GTC methodology must be made based on carefully collected data and must consider these potential risks before any strong conclusions can be
made.
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FIGURE 1. GCT Model
Generalized cost of travel Consumer surplus
Monetary cost (fees) Travel time Reliability Transfers Security
and confort
Non-monetary costs
CUSTOMERS VALUE OF TRIP
Conditions of trip,
Origin Destination
trip time and fee
Access Access
condition Transfer Transfer conditions
GCT and VAWG
Utilizing an adaptation of the GCT model as a framework may allow us to better understand how, in general,
women face higher costs when utilizing public transport. Due largely to differences in traditional gender roles,
women often face significantly higher costs than men in each monetary and non-monetary aspect of our proposed
model:
Monetary costs
Fares and multimodal/multichain travel. Associating monetary costs with women’s safety issues
is not as straightforward as when analyzing non-monetary costs. Monetary costs have normally been
linked to women’s mobility patterns. Women rely more on public transport, while, at the same time,
their travel is normally characterized as being multimodal and multipurpose. These more complex
travel patterns commonly lower women’s financial capacity55 and they are affected disproportionately
by non-integrated tariff schemes. Some of the literature suggests that women spend a higher
percentage of their income on public transport than men within their same social group, even if their
trips are shorter on average.56
Cost of security/”pink tax”. When it comes to women’s safety, some studies are starting to show
that women are willing to pay more to increase their sense of safety.57 Even in low-income areas,
qualitative research is showcasing that, due to concerns related to safety and personal security issues,
within the lower-class income groups, women that are relatively better off in that financial strata are
also willing to pay for more expensive services or take longer routes, which are more costly.58 In the
end, women often face a “pink tax” to use public transportation by paying more to increase their
security compared to men.
55 Peters, Deike. (2002). Breadwinners, Homemakers and Beasts of Burden: A Gender Perspective on Transport and Mobility. Institute for City and Regional Planning
(ISR). Berlin, Germany.
56 Lecompte, M.C and J.P. Bocarejo. (2017). “Transport Systems and their Impact on Gender Equity”, Transportation Research Procedia, Vol 25, pp 4245-4257.
57 An Impact Evaluation in Rio de Janeiro included an experiment in the Supervia that concluded that women were willing to pay more for a safer option.
58 Dominguez, Karla, A. Machado, B. Alves, V. Raffo, S. Guerrero and I. Portabales. (2020). What makes her move? A study of women’s mobility in LAC cities. Washington.
D.C.: World Bank Group.
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Non-monetary costs
Travel time – When women choose which transport mode to use, they often consider different
variables in their decision-making processes than men, including safety and personal security,
sometimes to the detriment of affordability and speed. Some studies have shown that women and
men can have similar total travel times per trip; however during that time women make shorter trips,
travel at slower speeds and reach shorter distances.59 Regardless of the similarities in travel time,
because safety and personal security issues disproportionately affect women, they attribute more
value to their time (or every minute they can save), increasing their overall cost of transportation. The
value women attribute to time shall not only consider the time spent in-vehicle, but also the time spent
in getting to the transport system and after, to get back home. The attribution of a higher value to their
time is also related to the concept of “time poverty”. Compromised mobility creates time poverty for
women who are balancing responsibilities of home and paid work.60
Transfers – Women have more heterogenous traveling patterns and, because they often make
multichain trips, usually spend more time transferring. Furthermore, as women often need to travel
while taking caring of others (like children, elders, or persons with disabilities), more so than men,
transfers can be more effortful and complicated affairs, and therefore are perceived as more costly.
Transferring may also have an even higher cost in nighttime contexts, when women may have to wait
in areas with infrastructure that was not designed with a VAGW-prevention environmental framework
in mind (e.g. good lighting, openness, visibility), making them more vulnerable to sexual harassment
and other risks, such as being mugged at these locations. Women are also more likely to travel during
off-peak hours where transportation is less frequent; thus, more negatively impacting the value they
attribute to their time.
Security and comfort – Women face significantly more risks to their security and comfort than men.
This is particularly true in Mexico City, where rates of sexual harassment are particularly high. This
also includes public spaces that are linked to public transport systems such as waiting areas and
access points. Sexual harassment and sexual violence can also be exacerbated by the growth of
urban sprawl. A significant proportion of public transport users start their trips in the outskirts of the
metropolitan area. These users often face very long commuting times (often 2 to 3 hours) and begin
their daily commutes very early in the morning and return very late at night.
Reliability of service – Due to these heterogeneous travel patterns, the unreliability of service
represents higher costs for women than for men. Any delay in service adds time, during which they
are exposed to security risks waiting for transport to arrive. Furthermore, women are more exposed
to unreliability of service as they often have to make more transfers during their trips.
59 Peralta, T., S. Mehendiratta and C. Ochoa. (2014). Gender, Travel and Job Access: Evidence from Buenos Aires. Washington, D.C.: World Bank Group.
60 Duchene, Chantal. (2011). Gender and Transport. International Transport Forum. OECD. https://www.itfoecd.org/sites/default/files/docs/dp201111.pdf
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BASED ON A PHOTO BY: ALBERTO PICHARDO/SONIDEAS
IV. Analysis of
Initiatives
I
n this section, we will discuss all major initiatives that have been enacted in Mexico City to address sexual
harassment and sexual violence in public transport. We will first analyze measures that were adopted to address
VAWG during the in-vehicle phase of our GCT model, as these have been more prevalent in the past. We will then
discuss measures aimed at addressing the VAWG that occurs in other phases of the GCT model (out-of-vehicle). These
phases are increasingly being recognized as important for the accessibility of transport, particularly for women.
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Measures to address in-vehicle costs
Several measures to prevent and respond to VAWG in public transport have been tried around the world.
Some of the solutions were envisioned as immediate temporary solutions, e.g. segregated cars; while others pursue
longer-term behavioral change, e.g. bystander interventions, driver training and communication campaigns. Even if
evidence is limited, available research has shown relevant lessons regarding both approaches.
The strategy adopted for implementing gender-segregated public transport has varied slightly around world.
The most commonly adopted strategy is to designate two Metro cars for women and children only. Some places,
such as Delhi, India, reserve for women the first car of every train and a few seats in each of the remaining cars.61 In
Mumbai, India, entire trains are now exclusive for women, running four services in the morning and evening peak
hours.62 In other cities, women-only bus services have been created. In Cairo, the English Mass Transit company
launched a female-only bus service.63 There are also ride hailing platforms where only women can register as drivers
and are matched exclusively with women riders (e.g. GoPink Cabs in India or Lili Ride in Bangladesh).64 Other services
have women-only seats such as buses in Katmandu, Nepal. However, critics have pointed that this policy was poorly
enforced; thus, women-only buses were launched by groups of transportation entrepreneurs.65 Some cities have
placed special guards or police officers to enforce the gender-segregated transport policies. Mexico City’s Metro,
for example, has adopted barriers to enforce separate boarding areas for women-only cars. A similar strategy has
been adopted in some BRT systems, such as in Bogota’s TransMilenio where, in peak hours, cabins of the articulated
buses are reserved for women.66 The buses are patrolled by undercover police officers to ensure that the policy is
being enforced.
Women-only transport, as a temporary solution, has shown its limitations around the world. A recent study
of gender-segregated cars in the Supervia of Rio de Janeiro, Brazil has shown that, even if this measure has had a
positive impact on reducing harassment incidences (when enforcement occurs), commuters associate women not
riding in the designated women-exclusive areas as being more open to sexual advances, normalizing harassment in
public spaces.67 An impact evaluation carried out by the Interamerican Development Bank (IADB)68 of the Viajemos
Seguras program in Mexico City indicates that segregation can prevent some incidences of sexual harassment in
cases associated with congestion, during the hours where the program operates (before 10 am and after 2 pm) –
such as unwanted touching– by separating women and men. However, there are other forms of violence, such as
intimidation and rape, not necessarily facilitated by congestion, and which can happen at any time of the day and in
any transport related spaces, that require better control of the public space by authorities. Given that the proportion
of women-exclusive cars is insufficient to satisfy all demand, leading to congestion, others forms of violence can
occur, such as physical violence incidents between passengers. The qualitative research of the IADB evaluation also
shows that, to avoid congestion, women might prefer to use other modes of transport (like a combination of buses)
to reach their destination, even if it involves additional time. In addition, even if women-only transport is supposedly
aimed at being a temporary solution, at least initially, Mexico City does not seem to be an example of a city where
separation is just a temporary intervention.
Bystander interventions and social marketing, aimed at changing social norms, can contribute to violence
prevention, only if they are part of a more integrated approach. There are other kinds of interventions intended
61 Delhi Metro Coach Corporation LTD. ‘First Coach of Train to be Reserved for Women only in all Lines (EXCEPT Line-1) of the Delhi Metro’. Retrieved from: http://www.
delhimetrorail.com/press_reldetails.aspx?id=1r1LUOMxiA4lld
62 Times of India. ‘World’s first women’s special train completes 26 years’. May 5, 2018. Retrieved from: https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/mumbai/worlds-first-
womens-special-train-completes-26-years/articleshow/64040257.cms
63 The Arab Weekly. ‘Cairo firm’s women only buses ride into the battle against sexual harassment’. November 16, 2017. Retrieved from: https://thearabweekly.com/
cairo-firms-women-only-buses-ride-battle-against-sexual-harassment
64 GoPink Cabs. http://www.gopinkcabs.com/
65 Byrnes, M. (2015). A Look Inside Kathmandu’s Women-Only Bus Service. New York: CityLab.
66 Baker, Flora. (2014). ‘Bogota’s female only bus carriage expands to peak hours services’. Colombia Report. Retrieved from: https://colombiareports.com/
bogotas-female-bus-carriage-continue-another-month/
67 Kondylis, F., A. Legovini, K. Vyborny, A. Zwager and L. Andrade. (2019). Demand for “Safe Spaces”: Avoiding Harassment and Stigma. Washington, D.C: World Bank
Group.
68 Soto, Paula, A. Aguilar, E. Gutierrez and C. Castro. (2017). Evaluación de impacto del programa “Viajemos Seguras” en el transporte público en la Ciudad de México.
Washington D.C.: IDB.
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