URBAN SOUTH AFRICAN MUSIC
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URBAN SOUTH AFRICAN MUSIC Listed below are some terms and their definitions which are useful in the study of South African urban music styles. Thereafter follows a list of references and recommended reading. Ceri Moelwyn-Hughes St Mary’s School, Waverley March 2016 KEY WORDS AND DEFINITIONS Please note: urban South African music styles/genres stipulated in the IEB Grade 12 syllabus are highlighted. A few particularly important key words are given lengthier explanations. In addition, some general musical terms and others more associated with ‘traditional’ South African music are also included. Such musical characteristics can be present in urban and popular musical forms. a cappella sung without instrumental accompaniment acculturation explains the process of cultural change that results following the meeting of cultures This term is primarily used to describe the adjustments and adaptations made by minority groups such as immigrants, refugees and indigenous peoples in response to their contact with the dominant majority group. ‘Americanisation’ the post-World War II period in South Africa was a time in which South African culture was strongly shaped by American music, film, and other forms of entertainment, spread largely through the mass media apartheid system of laws that forced people of different cultural and language backgrounds to live in separate places, and be treated unequally and often unjustly before the law in South Africa (1948-1990) appropriate an important concept in the study of world music—pronounced in one way and used as an adjective, it means something done in accordance with expectation; used as a verb it means the opposite—something taken without permission (Muller 2008: 69) boeremusiek traditional music of the ‘farmers’ or Afrikaans conservatives, mostly but not exclusively White, that derives from European folk/dance tradition—schottishe, the waltz, the two-step—often tied to social dancing, though it also developed as a form of music for television (ibid.: 49) Carol Muller has also defined boeremusiek as ‘piano accordion music with a drum kit, bass, guitar, and singer, strongly influenced by the sounds of east European folk music translated into local idiom and language (ibid). bombing ‘The most traditionally-orientated form of Zulu-Swazi urban proletarian choral music (ingoma ebusuku), favoured by migrants and the least Westernised urbanites during the 1940s and ‘50s. Performances featured explosive choral yells compared by participants to the sound of bombs dropped by aircraft in the Second World War (seen in cinema newsreels)’ (Coplan 1985: 265). call and response musical structure in which a leader sings a melodic phrase (the call) and a
group of singers repeats the call as response. Often the line sung by the group starts before the line sung by the leader is complete, resulting in overlapping musical phrases (ibid.: 19). close-harmony singers a popular style in which single-sex voices harmonise their parts in four or more parts; barbershop quartets are a good example of this style (ibid.) contrapuntal two or more independent melodic lines that sound out against each other in a single musical texture, common to Baroque keyboard styles for example creolisation often what happened in the early years of South African colonial occupation—a blending together of different cultural ways to create forms that were peculiar to the local environment (ibid.: 30) Sarah Nuttall’s book Entanglement as well as Marie Jorritsma and Carol Muller’s research into Coloured music and are good starting points for background reading. cross-over is a term used by the music industry to talk about a song or recording originally classified in one marketing category—classical music, for example—that unexpectedly or intentionally sells large quantities in another category—like ‘world’ or ‘popular’. It takes on a particular meaning in South Africa—when it is used in racial terms—where a black singer, like Margaret Singana for example, sells high numbers of recordings to white consumers (ibid.: 19). It can be considered the musical equivalent of the ‘all-encompassing nationalism’ which celebrated racial and cultural ‘diversity as wealth’, a ‘highly inter-textual mélange that attempted to do the work of racial integration’ (Allen 2004: 82). Johnny Clegg and Sipho Mchunu’s band Juluka and the band Mango Goove were particularly associated with this term in the 1980s. As artists their intentions were genuinely motivated by interest in other cultures and music, and an ideal of a non-racial South Africa. The term ‘cross-over’, however, is more negatively associated with the White-dominated South African music industry’s imagined concept of cross-over, which raises issues of negative cultural appropriation. To the international music industry, the term refers to movement across marketing categories, such as religious to popular, or rock to rap, being used to local ends. A very useful article to read for a more in-depth understanding of the term ‘cross-over’ with regards to the South African music industry, is Lara Allen’s piece on kwaito (see References). cultural boycott a ban imposed on South Africa by several countries, whereby their citizens were forbidden to travel to, or sell their performance in or to South Africa (Muller 2008: 49) Paul Simon famously infringed the cultural boycott in the recording and subsequent tour of his international hit album Graceland (1986). Foreign artists acquiesced with the cultural boycott in anti-apartheid stance, so Graceland raised heated debate about issues of cultural appropriation and political sensitivity. Paul Simon collaborated with various South African artists in the recording of this album in South Africa, apparently in violation of the UNESCO cultural boycott. While it sold in excess of 6 000 000 copies, the Graceland’s cross-cultural content provoked a highly politicised debate concerning the cultural boycott and issues of cultural imperialism. When the United Nations publically absolved Paul Simon of any breach of the cultural boycott, anti-apartheid groups in Britain were not placated. Indeed, the Graceland tour would not have been possible without the implied endorsement of two South African exiles of long-standing international recognition who featured in the tour, Hugh Masekela and Miriam Makeba (who had been a major force behind the establishment of the cultural boycott in 1963). Paul Simon was accused of being a carpetbagger, indulging in a colonialist plundering of another musical culture. He was slated for being disrespectful of anti-apartheid politics and accused of cultural imperialism (an idea of the left that developed to describe the cultural analogue of international political domination). Yet as Garofalo has contended: ‘Graceland cannot be neatly contained within a formulation like cultural imperialism. On balance, its effect has been progressive’ (1992: 4). While Graceland may have been governed by commercial interests and Paul Simon can be legitimately criticised for reserving the copyrights, the creative process behind Graceland appears to have involved willing cross-cultural collaboration. In a BBC documentary at the time, South African guitarist Ray Phiri (of Stimela fame) described Simon as ‘honest and sincere about the whole thing.’ Phiri made this comment with regards to the furore that Graceland
sparked: ‘I was also breaking the cultural boycott by working with Paul Simon and getting out of South Africa, but I don’t regret that. Because even the cultural boycott wouldn’t have been properly addressed if Graceland didn’t take place. So it … gave us a chance to re-address the cultural boycott and start understanding … all I was doing was just to address a serious issue by asking: “how can you victimise a victim twice?”’ (ibid.) In the same BBC interview, Paul Simon defended allegations of cultural theft and imperialism by saying: ‘It’s as if people think that I go into a place and find people who really are absolutely unaware of what they’re doing and I capture them in some way that they don’t know, as opposed to people who are really good at their job! … As if they’d had no experience in business, as if they had no experience recording, as if they didn’t have lawyers and agents, and an agenda that they wanted to follow for their careers, and a sense of curiosity about what my project was! … It’s just very paternalistic thinking that only we Europeans are sophisticated and they’re Africans, so they’re not sophisticated and therefore I must be taking advantage.’ cyclical structure a musical form that repeats endlessly, without clearly articulated structural points of beginning and ending. It is a form that doesn’t move from point A to point B, but seems to continuously return and start all over again (Muller 2008: 49) diaspora the dispersion of communities of people, languages, and cultures that were previously located in a single place; there is often a narrative of suffering and dislocation that accompanies the process of dispersion (ibid.: 50) forced removal many communities were destroyed by government decreed forced removals, sometimes to clear racially mixed slum areas, and other times to purge white neighbourhoods of ‘other’ racial groups (ibid.: 30) four-part harmony a style emerging out of the Back Chorale tradition, where voices are divided by function and register in soprano, alto, tenor, and bass, a structure modified and indigenised in twentieth-century South Africa, e.g., in isicathamiya performance (ibid.: 19) Gallo until 2006 when Warner International bought the company and its archives, Gallo Music was the most important recording enterprise in South Africa Grand Apartheid the period from the 1960s, when the laws established in the 1950s began to be enforced in South Africa harmonic cycle a chord structure that repeats over and over homeland in attempt to keep all ‘non-Europeans’ out of White space—83% of the total land mass of South Africa—the apartheid government created a series of ‘Independent Homelands’ also called Bantustans, which were intended to be the ‘homes’ of all Black South Africans according to language, culture and so forth. This included those who had lived in White urban areas, who were then forced to return to their ‘home’ lands if they lost their jobs, or didn’t have written proof of employment. These ‘homelands’ were not recognised by any significant world organisation, like the United Nations (ibid.: 30-31) homophonic the music texture that best describes singing in four-part harmony—there is a dominant melodic line in the soprano, with the other three voices singing in harmonic support of the melody hybrid a term which means the cross/amalgamation/combination of different elements ingoma buska ‘ingoma’ means music in Zulu and Xhosa and presumably ‘buska’ is an Anglicisation of ‘to busk’/perform impromptu. This term is lifted from the IEb syllabus, and is most likely a misspelling of ingoma ebusuku which David Coplan defines as: ‘(Zulu: ‘night music’) Any of a range of urban proletarian Zulu-Swazi forms of choral music patterned after African church choirs and combining Zulu-Swazi, European, Afrikaans, and black American performance elements in a syncretic blend. See bombing [included above].’ (Coplan 1985: 266).
isicathamiya also called mbube after the ‘Mbube’/’Wimoweh’ hit of the mid-1930s in South Africa, is the close-harmony a cappella male singing made famous by Ladysmith Black Mambazo. Literally translated, it means to ‘walk on tip toe, or stealthily like a cat’, a clue to how the dance is performed and the kinds of sounds produced by these performers. Veit Erlmann’s work is the most in-depth research into this musical genre, although extremely valuable reading too is Ballantine’s work (see References). There is also a film documentary on isicathamiya entitled On Tiptoe: Gentle Steps to Freedom that students will find informative. It includes particularly articulate descriptions of this music style, its origins and development by Angela Impey, an ethnomusicologist based at the University of KwaZulu Natal. isishameni a song and dance style from the Midlands of KwaZulu Natal, a style valued by Ladysmith Black Mambazo leader Joseph Shabalala jive lively dancing between a man and a woman, with the man ‘swinging’ the woman, accompanied both by jazz and then rock music; very popular in Black communities in the 1940s and 1950s in South Africa; often called ‘Zulu jive’ or ‘sax jive’ for example (ibid.: 69) kwaito South African hip-hop for a post-apartheid era Kwaito is considered a musical expression of the freedom that black urban youth experienced in the 1990s with the change of political dispensation in South Africa, sometimes described as Y culture. Lara Allen wrote: ‘Coming of age during Thabo Mbeki’s presidency, Y culture arguably enacts Mbeki’s relatively directed, bounded, and potentially exclusionary “African renaissance” philosophy’ (Allen 2004: 82). Kwaito addressed socially significant issues, using cross-over musical techniques, and making explicit claims to national cultural leadership (ibid). Mostly considered to be hip-hop based, kwaito plays with other transatlantic Black genres like rap, reggae, and house. In kwaito, women are often portrayed as rauchy sirens. Some people have argued that this is demeaning to women while others have argued that women actually use kwaito performance for their own empowerment (Impey 2001:49). kwela pennywhistle music of 1940s and 1950s South Africa Kwela was township music that preceded the development of a distinctive South African clarinet and saxophone sound in jazz. The most in-depth research on kwela has been conducted and written up by Lara Allen (see References). local music music made locally for local consumption, in contrast to the norm of broadcasting music produced elsewhere in the world, the USA and Britain, for example (Muller 2008: 50) Lusterlied a form of Afrikaans song prevalent in the 1980s and 1990s marabi working-class music created and performed in illegal drinking establishments or shebeens in 1920s and 1930s South Africa Marabi was largely a keyboard style, a truly hybrid musical form (Muller 2008: 97), often employing whatever instruments were available: honky-tonk pianos and home-made drums such as stones in tins. Very few recordings exist but marabi is a style remembered through aural tradition by South African musicians and continues to be referenced in compositions and performances today. maskanda a Zulu musician, usually a guitarist, a musical bow, or violin player; also refers to the style of music played by such a musician (ibid.: 19) Maskanda is considered to be a Zulu migrant musical form. Traditional musical principles were applied to newly-adopted instruments like guitar and concertina. Hence maskanda is a good South African example of acculturation in music. mbaqanga originally referenced African/township jazz, increasingly came to mean the studio- produced, government controlled sounds of 1960s Zulu pop (ibid.: 97) It is important to understand that the meaning of this term changed over time. It was originally used to describe the next stage of the marabi-influenced swing style of the 1930s and 1940s, in developing a distinctive African jazz sound. In the 1960s, the era in which much of the jazz community either left the country or stopped playing music, mbaqanga, sometimes called msakazo (broadcast music) became a
largely studio generated, more popular township sound. Mbaqanga has become an umbrella term used to describe the music made by small bands playing the music popular in Black communities from the 1930s to the present. It is the style featured in much of the protest music-theatre of the 1980s and early 1990s, in the productions of Mbongeni Ngema specifically. This includes Sarafina! (the musical and movie starring Whoopi Goldberg with an appearance by Miriam Makeba) (ibid.: 85-6). mbube close-harmony a cappella male singing and the predecessor to the quieter isicathamiya The term is famously associated with Solomon Linda’s composition of the same name. minstrel history a globally disseminated history about performers who wore blackface and entertained in variety shows (ibid.: 50) moppie upbeat comic song sung by working-class Coloured people from Cape Town, often in New Years festivities (ibid.: 97) mqashiyo style of popular music in Johannesburg townships and on radio (ibid.) msakazo literally meant broadcast music music hall the British name for vaudeville (ibid.) non-racial while in the United States for example, diversity usually means multi-racial, South Africans have stressed the significance of a non-racial society, i.e., a society that does not define itself in racial terms (see ANC Freedom Charter for an early example of such thinking) (ibid.: 81) pentatonic the five-toned scale used for song composition phrase overlap often in a call and response and cyclical musical structure, phrases that overlap are those that start before the preceding phrase has come to an end polyphonic literally means more than one voice, typically a polyphonic texture is one in which several parts (voices) of sounds interact independently of each other (ibid.: 20) segregation racial discrimination prior to the apartheid era Sophiatown jazz jazz music popular in the 1940s and 1950s in Sophiatown. Sophiatown was one of the interracial areas in Johannesburg destroyed by the apartheid government. Sophiatown jazz refers to the era of both big bands and smaller ensembles, including vocal quartets. Writers Christopher Ballantine and Gwen Ansell are particularly worth reading for an understanding of this genre and the era in which it existed (see References). Also see Township Jazz. South African protest music the politicised music associated with the anti-apartheid movement. This includes the anti-establishment Afrikaans Protest Music of the 1980s and 1990s, however, is much more associated with Black African freedom songs. Perhaps the most famous example is Enoch Sontonga’s hymn ‘Nkosi Sikelel’ iAfrika’. To modern ears its lyrics may seem apolitical, yet the song’s message of ‘God Bless Africa’ became strongly associated with anti-colonialism and African nationalism, and it became the national anthem of five African countries. In the South African historical context, this hymn was sung at the closing of the first South African Native National Congress in 1912 and by 1925 had been adopted as the official anthem of this organisation, now known as the African National Congress (ANC). ‘Nkosi Sikelel’ iAfrika’ became imbued with anti-apartheid political meaning, a dignified utterance that valued Africa and Africans (anathema to apartheid philosophy and policy). Poignantly described in the film Amandla!, another example is ‘Senzeni Na?’ which took on profound meaning by the 1980s. Repeatedly sung at massed funerals and demonstrations, it was not only its explicit lyrics but also the singing of it which became imbued with the loss, tragedy and rage brought about by the injustices of apartheid and its government’s gross infringements on human rights. A third example is the songs of Miriam Makeba. Many of the songs she sang were entirely apolitical or of innocuous lyrical content. Yet Makeba was a politicised figure. Exiled in the 1960s by the South African government from returning home and the first, much-publicised Black African woman to speak at the United Nations in plight of her country, Makeba used her status as a celebrated singer to campaign against South Africa’s oppressive political regime. Many of the songs she sang became politicised by the mere fact that she was singing them, of course influenced by the context in which she sang them.
An example of a lyrically-explicit South African protest song is ‘Siyaya ePetoli’ (‘We are going to Pretoria’), an obviously anti-apartheid song, often accompanied by toyi-toyi dancing during anti-apartheid demonstrations. ‘That was the most famous and loved song. It meant that we were going to occupy the Union Building and remove whoever was in that building’ (Ansell 2004: 194). So South African protest music had different forms: explicit or subtle, yet all imbued with political meaning. South African Rock popular music of the rock genre made in South Africa from the 2000s to today Township Jazz a live musical performance, recorded and reissued by Gallo, that celebrated Black South African jazz in the 1950s (Muller 2008: 82) This term is meant to describe the lighter, popular forms of African jazz commonly performed in South Africa’s Black townships in the post-war era (ibid.: 98) traditional music a very complicated label in South African history, because of the ways in which ‘traditional’ music underpinned the apartheid plan; but today traditions are valued by even the most progressive citizens (ibid.: 50) transnational a process which extends over several nations, states or corporations (ibid.: 20) ‘tribal’ identity like ‘tradition’ tribe is a complicated term—much scorned during the apartheid era because of its association with primitiveness and backwardness, ‘tribalism’ has given new value in the tourism industry in contemporary South Africa (ibid.: 50) ukuvamba vamping, or strumming chords on guitar unison musical parts functioning as one voice i.e., all singing/playing the same pitch simultaneously vaudeville theatrical show consisting of a program of short acts of different kinds, including song, comedy sketches, dance, and magic acts (ibid.: 51) world music a marketing category created by the music industry in the mid-1980s to sell music that was not part of the popular mainstream (ibid.: 21) ‘World music’ is a deceptive term, for it misleadingly implies ‘global music’, where in fact it refers specifically to non-Western music. In the early academic discourse of Western anthropologists, world music—then studied as the folk music of ethnic, non-Western cultures—was defined in negative opposition to Western art music. Many resulting fundamental perceptions and misconceptions about world music (as popular and/or folk music) by the West persist in popular discourse today. The concept of ‘world music’ remains in currency since its inception in the late eighties as a popular marketing category. World music sits in a postcolonial space which belies its all-embracing title. Zonk! Both a live stage production created at the end of World War II in South Africa, and the film made in the 1950s that illustrates the content of South African variety shows of the same period
BIBLIOGRAPHY & RECOMMENDED READING This list is written primarily as a resource for teacher. The highlighted publications listed in bold are suggested as most useful/accessible to pupils (although you may need your music teacher’s help getting hold of them). Sources highlighted in grey are highly suggested for teachers to have read. Sources highlighted in pink are essential reading for all (your teacher may well have assimilated such reading into notes for you). Agawu, K. 2003. Representing African Music: Postcolonial Notes, Queries, Positions. New York: Routledge. Allen, L.V. 1993. ‘Pennywhistle Kwela: A Musical, Historical, and Socio-Political Analysis’. University of Kwa- Zulu Natal: Masters thesis. _____. 2000. ‘Representation, Gender and Women in Black South African Popular Music, 1948-1960’. University of Cambridge: Ph.D. thesis. _____. 2003. ‘Commerce, Politics, and Musical Hybridity: Vocalising Urban Black South African Identity During the 1950s’.Ethnomusicology 47(2), 228-249. _____. 2004. ‘Music, film and gangsters in the Sophiatown imaginary: featuring Dolly Rathebe’. Scrutiny2, vol. 9, no 1, 19-38. _____. 2005. ‘Kwaito versus Crossed-over: Music and Identity during South Africa’s Rainbow Years, 1994- 1996’. Social Dynamics 30(2), 82-111. Allingham, R. 1994a. ‘Hip Kings, Hip Queens: The Story of South African Jazz, at Home and Overseas’. In World Music: The Rough Guide, 391-407. London: Penguin Books. ______. 1994b. ‘Township Jive: From Pennywhistle to Bubblegum—the Music of South Africa’. In World Music: The Rough Guide, 373-390. London: Penguin Books. Anderson, M. 1981. Music in the Mix: The Story of South African Popular Music. Johannesburg: Ravan Press. Ansell, G. 2004. Soweto Blues: Jazz, Popular Music & Politics in South Africa. New York: Continuum. Ballantine, C. 2012 [1993]. Marabi Nights: Jazz, ‘Race’ and Society in Early Apartheid South Africa. Scottsville: University of KwaZulu-Natal [Ravan Press]. Blacking, J. 1974. How Musical is Man? Seattle: University of Washington Press. Boonzaier, E., and J. Sharp. 1988. South African Keywords: The Uses and Abuses of Political Concepts. Cape Town: David Philip. Bozzoli, B., with M. Nkotsoe. 1991. Women of Phokeng: Consciousness, Life Strategy, and Migrancy in South Africa 1900-1983. Johannesburg: Ravan Press. Broughton, S. et al, eds. 1994. World Music: The Rough Guide. London: Penguin Books. Burnett, R. 1996. The Global Jukebox: The International Music Industry. London: Routledge. Chitauro, M., Dube, C. and Gunner, L. 2001. ‘Song Story and Nation: Women as singers and actresses in Zimbabwe’. In Politics and Performance: Theatre, Poetry and Song in Southern Africa, ed. Gunner, L., 110-138. Johannesburg: Witwatersrand University Press. Clayton, M., T. Herbert and R. Middleton, eds. 2003. The Cultural Study of Music: A Critical Introduction. London: Routledge. Cook, N., and M. Everist, eds. 1999. Rethinking Music. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Coplan, D.B. 2008 [1985]. In Township Tonight! South Africa’s Black City Music and Theatre. Johannesburg: Jacana [Ravan Press]. Erlmann, V. 1991. African Stars: Studies in Black South African Performance. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. _____. 1996. Nightsong: Performance, Power, and Practice in South Africa. London: The University of Chicago Press. Finnegan, R. 1989. The Hidden Musicians: Music-Making in an English Town. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Frith, S. 1996. Performing Rites: Evaluating Popular Music. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Frith, S., W. Straw and J. Street, eds. 2001. The Cambridge Companion to Pop and Rock. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Gebesmair, A., and A. Smudits, eds. 2001. Global Repertoires: Popular Music within and beyond the Transnational Music Industry. Hampshire: Ashgate.
Impey, A. 1992. ‘They Want Us With Salt and Onions: Women in the Zimbabwean Music Industry’. Indiana University: Ph.D. thesis. _____. 2001. ‘Resurrecting the Flesh? Reflections on Women in Kwaito’. Agenda No. 49, 44-50. JSTOR archive, accessed 16 March 2010. James, D. 1991. ‘Musical Form and Social History: Research Perspectives on Black South African Music. In History from South Africa: Alternative Visions and Practices, ed. J. Brown et al, 309-18. Philadelphia: Temple University Press. _____. 1994. ‘Basadi ba baeng/The Women are Visiting: Female Migrant Performance from Northern Transvaal’. In Politics and Performance in Southern Africa, ed. E. Gunner, 81-110. Johannesburg: Witwatersrand University Press. _____. 1999. Songs of the Women Migrants: Performance and Identity in South Africa. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. Jorritsma, M. 2011. Sonic Spaces of the Karoo: The Sacred Music of a South African Coloured Community. Philadelphia: Temple University Press. Lucia, C., ed. 2005. The World of South African Music: A Reader. Newcastle-upon-Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Press. Makeba, M., with J. Hall. 1988. Makeba: My Story. Johannesburg: Skotaville. Makeba, M., with N. Mwamuka. 2004. Makeba: The Miriam Makeba Story. Johannesburg: STE Publishers. Meintjes, L. 2003. Sound of Africa! Making Music Zulu in a South African Studio. Durham: Duke University Press. Middleton, R. 1990. Studying Popular Music. Milton Keynes: Open University Press. _____. 2000. Reading Pop: Approaches to Textual Analysis in Popular Music. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Mojapelo, M., and S. Galane, ed. 2008. Beyond Memory: Recording the History, Moments and Memories of South African Music. Somerset West: African Minds. Molefe, Z.B., and M. Mzileni. 1997. A Common Hunger to Sing: A Tribute to South Africa’s Black Women of Song 1950 to 1990. Cape Town: Kwela Books. Monsoon, J. 2008. Stars, Bars & Guitars: A Journey in South African Music. Cape Town: Struik. Muller, C.A. 1996. ‘Sathima Bea Benjamin, Exile and the “Southern Touch” in Jazz Creation and Performance’. African Languages and Cultures 9(2), 127-143. JSTOR archive, accessed 11 March 2010. ______. 2008 [2004]. Music of South Africa. New York: Routledge. Nettl, B., and P.V. Bohlman, eds. 1991. Comparative Musicology and Anthropology of Music: Essays on the History of Ethnomusicology. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. Nettl, B., et al., eds. 1992. Excursions in World Music. New Jersey: Prentice Hall. Nicol, M. 1991. A Good-looking Corpse: The World of Drum – Jazz and Gangsters, Hope and Defiance in the Townships of South Africa. London: Minerva. Nketia, J.H.K. 1975. The Music of Africa. London: Victor Gollancz. Olsen, K. 2000. ‘Politics, Production and Process: Discourses on Tradition in Contemporary Maskanda’. University of Kwa-Zulu Natal: Masters thesis. _____. 2001. ‘Mina ngizokushaya ngengoma’/’I Will Challenge You with a Song’: Constructions of Masculinity in maskanda. Agenda, 49, 51-60. JSTOR archive, accessed 16 March 2010. Shuker, R. 1998. Key Concepts in Popular Music. London: Routledge. _____. 2001. Understanding Popular Music, 2nd ed. London: Routledge. Sweeney, P. 1991. Directory of World Music: A Guide to Performers and their Music. London: Virgin. Taylor, T.D. 1997. Global Pop: World Music, World Markets. London: Routledge. Titlestad, M. 2004. Making the Changes: Jazz in South African Literature and Reportage. Pretoria: University of South Africa Press. Topp-Fargion, J. 1992. ‘Women and the Africanisation of Taarab in Zanzibar. Unpublished PhD thesis, School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London. _____. 1993. ‘The Role of Women in Taarab in Zanzibar: An Historical Examination of a Process of “Africanisation”’. World of Music 35(2), 109-25. Van Schalkwyk, A. 1994. ‘The Voice of Protest: Urban Black Women, Song and Resistance in the 1980s’. University of Kwa-Zulu Natal: Masters thesis. Wallis, R., and K. Malm. 1984. Big Sounds from Small Peoples: The Music Industry in Small Countries. London: Constable. Whaley, A. 2004. Brenda Remembered. Cape Town: Spearhead.
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