Transmediterranean Political Socialisation: The Hirak Movement, the Moroccan Diaspora and Europe as a Political Imaginary
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Transmediterranean Political
Socialisation: The Hirak
Movement, the Moroccan
Diaspora and Europe as a
Political Imaginary
Christoph H. Schwarz. Sociologist, Associated Researcher at the University of Marburg (Germany)
and at the University of Strasbourg (France)
In 2017, after the death of Mohsen Fikri, a Rifian fishmonger from Al Hoceima, a protest mo-
vement began to emerge both inside and outside Morocco, the Hirak, which well illustrates the
complex socioeconomic and political entanglements produced by the migration processes in the
Mediterranean basin. The Hirak calls for greater economic and social investment in the Rif
region by the Moroccan government, as well as the freeing of political prisoners of the cause
and the inclusion of collective memory of the region in the history of Morocco. Most European
emigration comes from the Rif, so in recent years the mobilization of the diaspora in numerous
European countries has been very significant. The Hirak movement is a very interesting case of
transnational European citizenship, as the activists and sympathizers do not see a conflict between
their European citizenship and their Rifian or Moroccan identity.
Introduction In comparison to the Arab Spring protest
in 2011, the Hirak managed to mobilize the
In 2017, Morocco witnessed the biggest social Moroccan diaspora in Europe to a much greater
protests since the so-called “Arab Spring”. degree, particularly those of Rifi origin, not
Unlike then, the focal points now lie in the least because the Rif is the Moroccan region
marginalized rural periphery, especially in the with the highest quota of migration to Europe.
Rif, the Mediterranean coastal region in the The Hirak movement is a relevant case in
North, which also shows the highest rate of point for Mediterranean studies, both regard-
migration to Europe. Here, a massive protest ing questions of spatiality and temporality.
movement, the Hirak, formed after the death On the one hand, it illustrates the complex
of 31-year-old Mohsen Fikri, a poor fishmonger socioeconomic and political entanglements that
in the port city Al Hoceima, in October 2016. migration processes across the Mediterranean
IEmed 28-29.indd 101 11/12/2019 13:33:38102 Transmediterranean Political Socialisation: The Hirak Movement, the Moroccan Diaspora... Christoph H. Schwarz
produce. On the other, it points to the long- activate the garbage compactor and Fikri was
lasting material and political effects of Spanish crushed. To many, his death epitomizes the
and French colonial rule, and the processes of socioeconomic precariousness of the younger
collective memory and historical imaginaries generations and the rampant corruption and
they entail. Furthermore, it provides a highly abuse of authority in Morocco in general, and
interesting case that allows for an analysis of in the Rif in particular.
the role of transnational migration in politi- Accordingly, the manifesto that the Hirak
cal socialization, and the political relevance of movement discussed and expanded upon in
the concomitant overlay of different national, open assemblies and presented to the Moroccan
regional and local identities and identifications. public contains first and foremost very detailed
It is thus a productive empirical point of de- socioeconomic demands such as governmental
parture for a more general dialog between area investments in the structures of the local fish-
studies and the disciplines that allows reflection ing industry. The Hirak also insists that the
on predominant concepts of political socializa- banks in the Rif invest the vast remittances
tion and their methodological nationalism. they receive from the diaspora in local de-
velopment, and not in prestigious projects in
To many, Fikri’s death epitomizes the the Moroccan cities of Casablanca or Rabat.
socioeconomic precariousness of the Furthermore, the movement campaigns for the
younger generations and the rampant establishment of a hospital with an oncology
corruption and abuse of authority in center – a demand that points to colonial his-
Morocco in general, and in the Rif in tory. The cancer rate in the Rif – the highest in
particular the country – is most likely a result of remnants
of mustard gas that the Spanish army deployed
Based on life stories with activists, partici- massively in the war against the Rif Republic
pant observation and informal talks, this article (1921-1926), proclaimed by the charismatic Ab-
looks into the political socialization of Hirak delkrim al-Khattabi who had managed to unite
support activists, particularly in relation to the Rif people. The guerilla army that he had
questions of collective memory and migration. recruited from the villages of the region had
inflicted serious losses on the colonial troops
and driven them back to the enclave of Melilla.
The Hirak Movement and Collective In response, the Spanish army released around
Memory 500 tons of mustard gas over the region, and it is
believed that groundwater is still contaminated
The movement that became known as the in many areas. Historians consider the Rif War
Hirak (People’s Movement or Rif Movement) to be the first aero chemical war in history, and
formed after the death of 31-year-old Mohsen probably the first time ever poison gas missions
Fikri, a poor fishmonger in the port city Al Ho- were carried out against a civilian population:
ceima, in October 2016. Fikri had bought a load markets, fields and villages were targeted in at-
of swordfish, which the police, who apparently tacks, during which the mustard gas cartridges
wanted to extort bribes, confiscated, arguing were mostly dropped from planes (Kunz and
it had been fished illegally. When they threw Müller, 1990; Balfour, 2002).
the load into a garbage truck, Fikri jumped in Only with the use of toxic gas, and with
after it in an attempt to save his goods. One the military support of France, which had
of the police officers allegedly gave order to occupied most of Morocco, and the troops of
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Sultan Yousef, who aimed to regain control portrait and the flag of the Rif Republic are
over the Rif, could the Spaniards secure their omnipresent in the protests, and they give the
rule over the region for another two decades. movement a strong dimension of historical
In 1956, the year of Moroccan independence, memory.
Spain finally handed the Rif over to the newly Against the historical background of dec-
appointed King Mohammed v. In reaction, ades of confrontation with the central author-
Abdelkrim Al-Khatabi, who had been exiled ity, it is not surprising that the makhzen – the
since his defeat in 1926, addressed the newly monarchy’s network of patronage and control1
appointed government with the question: “Are – and government-related media soon defamed
you a government or a gang?” the movement as foreign-controlled and
violent separatists. However, the Hirak is far
A public statement by professors of social from demanding independence but precisely
sciences and university members in June calls on the government in Rabat to end the
2017 made it clear that the problems the marginalization of the periphery, to assume
movement scandalizes affect the whole its responsibility, to invest in the region and
country and could be raised in a similar to improve the socioeconomic situation there.
way by citizens in many places in Morocco With this approach, the Hirak movement had
garnered support for its demands well beyond
Shortly after independence, in 1958, an the Rif. A public statement by professors of social
uprising broke out in the Rif, which King Mo- sciences and university members in June 2017
hamed v brutally suppressed with the army. His made it clear that the problems the movement
son, then Crown Prince Hassan, led the military scandalizes affect the whole country and could
action. In 1984, another uprising developed be raised in a similar way by citizens in many
after social protests, and once again, Hassan places in Morocco (Tel Quel, 2017). Accordingly,
ii, now himself incumbent of the Moroccan the solidarity marches that year in Casablanca
throne, let the tanks roll up and insulted the and Rabat, with tens of thousands participants,
demonstrators on television as “vermin”. His were the biggest demonstrations since 2011,
son, Mohamed vi, in turn made attempts to rec- and much like then they united very different
oncile the relations between the central power political factions, from leftists to democrats and
and the Rif. However, to Hirak activists this is Islamists. They thus proved that, unlike in 1959
an unfinished reconciliation at best, since the or 1984, the Rif is not protesting alone this time,
monarchy’s initiatives only benefitted a small and that the massive repression and intimidation
local elite (Suárez Collado, 2017b, 2018). with which the government overruns the Hirak
“Are you a government or a gang?” Sixty movement does not go unobserved.
years after independence, Abdelkrim’s pro- The movement managed to uphold its
vocative question has once again been echo- protests throughout 2017, despite massive
ing against the Moroccan government, in the repression by the central government and the
slogans of the Hirak movement. Abdelkrim’s detention of many activists, among them its
1. “Makhzen, for most Moroccans, is an apparatus of state violence and domination, and at the same time a system
of representation of traditional royal power. Makhzen is also a system of conflict resolution controlled by the king, who
dominates all fields of the social universe. It evokes fear, awe and respect in the Moroccan political culture and refers to a
patrimonial institution that has managed to adapt to the realities of modern Moroccan politics. A clear conception of Makhzen
is still elusive and, to grasp its meaning, a cursory look at its origins and historical development seems necessary at this
point” (Daadaoui, 2016: 41-42).
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most prominent voice, Nasser Zafzafi. In sum- and the nation state that largely excluded the
mer 2018, members of the Hirak leadership experience of migration, transnational biogra-
were sentenced to prison terms up to 20 years. phies, and the hybridity of identities, resulting
The lawyers appealed but the verdict was in a prevalence of methodological nationalism
confirmed by the Moroccan courts in spring (Beck and Beck-Gernsheim, 2008). This is not
2019. Many Moroccans consider this a return only problematic with regard to the transfer-
to the “Years of Lead”, as the phase of violent ability of the methods and basic assumptions
repression of dissent under the former King of political socialization research to societies
Hassan ii was termed. of the Global South, such as North Africa and
West Asia (NAWA), but also for the findings on
the Global North itself, even more so against
Transnational Mobilization the background of the refugee movements to
Europe since 2011, and the general history
In comparison to the “Arab Spring” protest of migration to Europe from this region. In
in 2011, the Hirak managed to mobilize the area studies, space is usually conceptualized as
Moroccan diaspora in Europe to a much greater relational, dynamic and de-territorial (Massey,
degree, particularly those of Rifi origin (Du- 2005; Schwedler, 2013). This engagement with
mont, 2016; Schwarz, 2018). The Rif is the space also holds questions with regard to tem-
Moroccan region with the highest quota of porality. Long-held assumptions of political so-
migration to Europe, and already in parallel cialization research, such as when the process of
to the first Hirak mobilizations, a Mohsen political socialization comes to an end, and how
Fikri Committee in Brussels had called for a political values are passed on from generation
protest vigil in early November 2016. Shortly to generation, are often turned upside down by
after that, Hirak support committees started mobility between geopolitical spaces and the
to mushroom in many cities with a significant experience of different political institutions
Moroccan diaspora across Europe, i.e. in France, and cultures. For example, Wong and Tseng
Belgium, the Netherlands, Spain and Germany. (2007) for the USA show how immigrants’
The activists, mostly of Rifi origin, build their children often “re-socialize” their parents
networks on social media platforms, but com- politically. Other scholars even conceptualize
mittees also frequently visit each other person- migration as a further, independent (political)
ally, for demonstrations and protests in front of socialization process (Paul, 2013; Pachi et al.,
Moroccan embassies and consulates, as well as 2017). Regarding identity, sense of belonging
in front of the European Parliament in Brussels and citizenship, spatial imaginaries from dif-
and Strasbourg. They thus offer a particularly ferent epochs are highly important in forming
promising point of departure to reflect on cer- a reservoir of identity reference points that can
tain problems regarding the conceptualization be reactivated again and again in new configu-
of political socialization. rations, especially when a hegemonic structure
is shaken (Hirschhausen, 2017).
Political Socialization, Spatiality and
Temporality Identities and Identifications
Most political socialization research has so In European nation states, the preeminent
far relied on an understanding of citizenship concern of public discourse regarding ques-
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tions of migration revolved around questions daughters, were having the same debate. It
of “integration” of the newcomers and suspi- was incredible, amazing, and was not only with
cions regarding their “loyalty” to the respec- the Moroccan population, but also Latin […].
tive countries of arrival. In consequence, mi- It was incredible to see how the justifications
grants’ political activism that aims at changes of the fathers and mothers were the same,
in their – or their families’ – countries of whether Moroccans, Colombians or Domini-
origin – sometimes referred to as homeland cans. In the end, our parents were afraid of
politics – has often been met with suspicion the unknown and the unknown is the culture
by the public, and remained understudied in of the host country; that was the fear. [...] The
academia (Beaugrand and Geisser, 2016; Suárez fear was also that we might lose our origin, in
Collado, 2017a). other words, what for them was their origin,
which is ours: loss of language, loss of identity,
The justifications of the fathers and loss. They weren’t ready or no one had prepared
mothers were the same, whether them to understand that this identity is always
Moroccans, Colombians or Dominicans. under construction […]. So, they forbade ev-
In the end, our parents were afraid of the erything because of their origin, such as what
unknown and the unknown is the culture are you doing? Hating your origin and also
of the host country; that was the fear rejecting it, recklessly. The association helped
us with this, to learn again that it’s wonderful
Some activists, like Fatima2 (42 years old) to be of Moroccan origin. Now, at the age of 42,
from Madrid, indeed report certain fears of I’m really proud to be a native of Madrid and
her parents regarding a loss of their cultural Amazigh. When it suits I can say I’m from the
identity and alienation from their children. Rif and, when it suits, that I am from Madrid.”
She had migrated to Spain with her mother Whereas Fatima’s parents were always
and her siblings at the age of 1, in order to very proud and conscious of their Rifi origin,
join her father. In her youth, Fatima had very to others the Hirak protests mark a key event
actively and consciously discussed and negoti- to “discover” or “re-discover” their Rifian or
ated her identity with her peers and engaged Amazigh identity. Again, this does not neces-
in conflict with her parents. At the age of 16, sarily create tensions over identification with
she had founded an association with other the country of arrival. Take the case of Lahcen
teens of Moroccan origin, which would soon (37 years old), a member of a Hirak support
also include young people of Latin American committee in the Frankfurt region. He had
origin, in order to reflect upon their situation migrated to Germany at the age of 6, in the
as immigrants’ children in Spanish society. course of family reunification. In an interview
Together they even organized intergenerational in May 2018, he stated that he had never been
workshops to discuss their situation with their to a demonstration before. His parents are
parents: “There was an intergenerational ac- both from the Rif, and they had participated
tivity where we had a debate […] about how in demonstrations in support of the Palestinian
we, the sons and daughters, felt and how they cause before, but he was always uninterested.
felt. But we fathers and mothers, sons and However, in 2017, he occasionally joined one of
2. All the names of interviewees were pseudonymized in order to protect their identiy and the identiy of the other persons
they talk about.
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the local protests in Frankfurt against the im- (“because I grew up here and I am actually very
prisonment of the Hirak activists. Immediately free in my head”).
after that, he very avidly started to research the More radical Rifian diaspora activists would
history of the region online, through Wikipedia surely not subscribe to such a position regarding
and Facebook. He does not speak Arabic, only the relation to Morocco. In fact, there is a rift
Tarifit and German, and as many of the posts within the Hirak support movement between,
on Facebook were in Arabic, he had to ask his on the one hand, a faction that confines itself
wife for help, who is also from the Rif. to the mostly socioeconomic demands of the
Lahcen declares: “I didn’t know anything, Hirak itself and aims at alliances with Moroc-
and then you actually notice, well, okay, that’s cans of non-Rifi origin and, on the other, a
actually my identity. That’s us. And there it “republican” faction that campaigns for long-
started, we searched Wikipedia, YouTube, term independence from the Rif, arguing for a
searched for videos, looked at history, okay, what national right of self-determination.
happened back then? I mean I already knew
the history of Abdelkrim, but nothing before There is a rift within the Hirak support
and nothing after. Then I looked at Wikipedia, movement between, on the one hand, a
the story went back a long way, almost to the faction that confines itself to the mostly
Phoenicians. Okay, where do we come from, socioeconomic demands of the Hirak itself
who are we? So my interest grew, okay, this is and aims at alliances with Moroccans
who we actually are, and why are they treating of non-Rifi origin and, on the other, a
us like that? The Alawites or the rulers who are “republican” faction that campaigns for
in power now, or the Arabs who are in power long-term independence from the Rif
now. And when you look more into it, you just
find this injustice towards us, and that is us. However, despite the often acerbic division
Why do they treat us like that? And because between these two factions, despite the strong
I grew up here and am actually very free in references to collective memory of colonial
my head, it doesn’t fit into my head that they violence, and despite the often marginalized
are like that. And when I realize that we are position of Moroccan migrants in European
ready to let them rule us, but not like that. We societies, both factions share a highly positive
are also the people, we also belong to Morocco, reference to the European project. One activist
why should we call ourselves Moroccans and residing in Germany even stated that the actual
our history is not part of Moroccan history?” key reason for division and conflict within the
What is noteworthy in this passage about a Hirak support movement in the diaspora was
process of active search for his Rifian identity, not so much the question of independence,
is the relatedness, or in fact entanglement, of but whether people had been politically active
different identifications that to Lahcen are with associations or political parties in Morocco,
no contradiction. He strongly identifies with or whether they had started to engage as a
Amazigh or Rifian identity, but that does not member of the diaspora in Europe. The latter,
mean he demands independence for the region. he argued, had more integrity and credibility
Instead, he insists on including the history of because they were not tainted with “Moroc-
the Rif as part of Moroccan history. Further- can politics”, which he described as essentially
more, he emphasizes that one reason why he corrupt and coopted by the makhzen. In many
considers the treatment of the Imazighen as interviews, Europe was described as the spatial
unjust is his political socialization in Germany epitome of dignity, equality and social justice,
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and as such compared to the Moroccan regime progress with the aim of assimilating it, as
and the conditions of politics in Morocco. This an example to follow […]. That’s why the
reference to political freedom in a European Mediterranean is defended, because it has a
country also came up frequently in public state- component of tolerance. And the people of
ments. At a protest organized by activists from the Rif, if we want to make progress, have to
France and Germany in Frankfurt am Main, in feed off tolerance. A social movement without
February 2018, on the occasion of the visit of these principles, tolerance, democracy, pacifism,
the Moroccan diaspora minister, many speeches cannot go far […]. That’s why we defend this
explicitly contrasted the political realities of space, because the Rif is part of North Africa.
Europe and Morocco. Only here he had learned North Africa is a place of meeting of centuries-
how institutions can function under the rule of old civilizations and, when we stand up for
law, one of the speakers emphasized. Another our memory, we do not only mean the part
speaker addressed the makhzen and shouted: related to the Republic of the Rif but, also, the
“We live here now, you can’t hurt us!” centuries-old memory of the Mediterranean.”
That political imaginary comes, of course,
Many speeches explicitly contrasted the with very concrete criticisms. Abdul stressed:
political realities of Europe and Morocco. “Europe still owes a historical debt to the Rif
Only here he had learned how institutions and the best way of making it good is to invest
can function under the rule of law, one of in strengthening democracy and local develop-
the speakers emphasized ment. The Hirak is offering this opportunity
to Europe and to Morocco, simply demanding
Such an imaginary of Europe, i.e. the activ- that the Moroccan regime complies with the
ists’ “European Mental Space” (Schütze and international agreements signed on this issue.”
Schröder-Wildhagen, 2014), is of particular While many interviewees emphasize that in
interest in a time of an existential crisis of the Europe they feel much more at ease with the
European project and the rise of right-wing pop- exercise of Amazigh and Rifian culture, they
ulism and EU-scepticism. Some of the activists likewise understand their engagement as genu-
have family members in other European coun- inely European, in fact, as an exercise of their
tries who they have been visiting on a regular European citizenship, despite – or precisely
basis. Now, in the framework of their activism, because – of their vocal criticism regarding the
they travel across Europe even more frequently EU’s cooperation with Morocco. Ibrahim (62)
in order to meet with other Hirak supporters grew up in Meknès, where he had been an ac-
for protests, discussion and coordination. Within tivist in leftist student groups within the Union
the transnational diasporic networks they thus Nationale des Étudiants du Maroc (UNEM). He
create, they exchange experiences of migration came to Strasbourg to study in the 1980s, took
to the respective countries, and learn about the on French citizenship, and describes himself as
living conditions and the culture there, as well a convinced European. He sends his little son
as about the conditions of the Rifian diaspora. to a German school, and learns German with
Abdul (32 years old), an activist in Madrid, him. In an informal talk, he recounted that
reflected upon the issue as follows: “When every time he receives visitors from Morocco,
we talk about the Mediterranean, we usually he takes them to the Jardin des deux Rives, a
identify it with Europe. We don’t understand park on both the French and the German bank
Europe as a geographical area, but as a space of the river Rhine: “We walk over the bridge
of ideas, enlightenment, development and across the Rhine and, on the other side, I ask
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my visitors: ‘Did you notice? We are now in visited Morocco, specifically to learn about
Germany.’ They are usually surprised that we to the situation in the Rif, also with regard
just crossed a border between nation states, just to their constituency in the Netherlands, as
like that. Just imagine, France and Germany Piri emphasizes. They first attended the trial
had waged war against each other so ferociously of Nasser Zafzafi in Casablanca, and met the
over centuries. I think the Maghreb states could team of the prisoners’ lawyers, who informed
learn so much from this, especially Morocco them of the irregular procedures in the trial.
and Algeria.” Then, Moroccan authorities would not allow
On another occasion, I met Ibrahim at a them to continue their trip to Al Hoceima, as
protest in the center of Strasbourg. He told me they had announced it. Piri wants the European
that just some moments ago he had been ap- Parliament to take a clear position and address
proached by a man who seemed annoyed with the situation of the Hirak detainees as political
their protest, and who had provocatively asked prisoners and put the human rights situation
why they did not protest “in their own coun- in Morocco at the top of its agenda.
try.” Ibrahim supposed that he was a member
of the right-wing Rassemblement National. Strasbourg and Brussels are hotspots of
“I responded: ‘This is my own country. I am Hirak support mobilizations because
French now, and I am protesting because, as a Hirak solidarity committees have
French citizen, I am outraged by the human mobilized protest rallies not only in front
rights violations that take place on the other of Moroccan embassies and consulates
side of the Mediterranean.’” throughout Europe but also in front of the
Strasbourg and Brussels are hotspots of European institutions
Hirak support mobilizations because Hirak
solidarity committees have mobilized protest On several occasions, Piri and other MEPs
rallies not only in front of Moroccan embassies invited Zafzafi’s parents who spoke at a meeting
and consulates throughout Europe but also in at the European Parliament in Strasbourg and
front of the European institutions. The EU reported on the situation of the prisoners. In
is Morocco’s most important trading partner, addition, Hirak supporters have, with relative
accounting for almost 60% of its trade in success, campaigned for a nomination of Nasser
2017, with both sides currently negotiating Zafzafi for the Sakharov Prize of the European
a Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area Parliament, where he achieved second place.
(DCFTA). At the European Parliament, the Recently, activists managed to get the MEPs
activists have gained the support of several that are sympathetic to the Hirak’s cause and
MEPs, among them Kati Piri, member of the show solidarity with its prisoners to form their
Dutch labour party and of the EU Committee own parliamentary group, the Friends of the
on Foreign Affairs. “In the Netherlands, we Rif. Currently, activists and MEPs are mobiliz-
have a community of about 400,000 Dutch ing for a nomination of Zafzafi for the Vaclav-
Moroccans, of which the vast majority come Havel-Prize of the European Council. These
from the Rif,” Piri stated in an interview in new networks and their dynamic interplay
Strasbourg in May 2018. Members of her party between diaspora activists, European repre-
who have their origins in the region approached sentatives, and the protests on the ground in
her about the human rights situation there. Morocco could be of importance in determin-
In April that year, Piri and the former Dutch ing to what extent current and future protests
Minister of Development, Lilianne Ploumen, will bring about change in the country.
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