The US Federal Economic Stimulus Programs, Deficit Spending and Government Borrowing - A Zero Sum Game
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The US Federal Economic Stimulus Programs, Deficit Spending and Government Borrowing - A Zero Sum Game Macro economic analysts and pundits are looking at US economic statistics and wondering what went wrong with the various stimulus packages, in addition to the slow conveyance of the stimulus funds. Why did the funds poured into the economy not have the desired impacts of increased growth in US GDP and employment? Some initial arguments have been put forward that the monies were channeled into the wrong economic sectors where the overall external economic repercussions are very limited, such as the state and local government sectors. Use of a simple tool such as the national Input/Output model can easily show that the least economic impact of a dollar spent in the economy will take place if that dollar is spent by state and local government. Out of the 64 economic sectors in the standard US I/O model (USDOC/BEA1[1]) the state and local government rank number 51 in the value of purchases from the overall economy with purchases from only 21 sectors compared to, e.g., motor vehicles manufacturing sector which ranks first in the value of purchases from 30 high value economic sectors. (For more information please see the following article.) The real problem of the anemic economic reaction does not really reside here. Federal funds have been spent on projects that by all accounts, including a brief look at the Keynesian Bible: The General Theory of Employment, Interest and Money (1936), should fill the gap left by the disappearing private sector demand and the country would be on its way to economic growth and prosperity. Yet two years into the recession there is only a shimmering light at the end of the tunnel, which might, of course, be an oncoming train in the shape of the actual double-dip recession and not the constant recurring newspaper canard. These stimulus packages are not, however, deficit spending vehicles in the neo- Keynesian sense. Keynes, in his General Theory, discussed the possibility of covering government budgetary deficits with "loan expenditures" (ch.10, vi.). His understanding of the relationship between "deflation of effective demand below the level required for full employment will diminish employment as well as prices". He was perfectly willing to use "loan expenditures" to increase the demand, but was vague on the use of the central bank to increase the quantity of money to counter deflationary threats to the economy. About the central bank (the 3rd element) he says "But these again would be capable of being subjected to further analysis and are not, so to speak, our ultimate atomic independent elements." (ch. 18, i). This sounds more like a statement from US Congressional committee: "We need to study the issue more deeply". Why Keynes stopped short of recommending an increase in the money supply in recession times without "loan expenditures" must be allotted a contemporary political "third rail".
Formally government expenditures may be larger than tax incomes, but if complementary expansionary monetary policies without the "loan expenditures", are not pursued the effect predicted by Keynes will not occur. Taxation by the government removes purchasing power from the private sector. Thus, to achieve the desired economic effect when private sector demand decreases is to decrease taxation while increasing public spending. This is what should happen if the aim is to fill in the demand gap. If the government issues and sells bonds in the US market, its initial effect will be the same as a reduction in the money supply done by the Federal Reserve. This action directly reduces the purchasing power in the private sector as free funds seek safe harbors in government coffers. The initial negative effect of these withdrawals of funds from the private sector depends on how fast the money moves back into the economy. Given the experience since February 17, 2009 of the ARRA 2009 [2] fund disbursement velocity one should not be too surprised of the very limited effect these programs have had. Thus, the withdrawal of funds from the private sector through the sale of Treasury Notes is not only a problem of crowding out new real capital formation for production capacities etc, but it also reduces the liquidity in the economy in the same way as a Federal Reserve market operation. The mere fact that the US government provides this safe harbor for private sector free funds, albeit currently at negative real interest rates, makes the portfolio decisions in uncertain times very simple for normally risk taking investors: park your excess funds at the Treasury and find your way to the golf course. Implicit in a neo-Keynesian analysis is a simultaneous implementation of deficit spending and increased money supply. This is done in order to increase consumption and investments - public and private. A brief glance at how the Treasury and the Federal Reserve behaved in the period from when the first signs of a downturn started to shine through in the economic statistics until the full effect of the recession was upon the US economy is shown in Table 1.
Table 1 -Estimated Ownership of U.S. Treasury Securities - (In Billions of US dollars) Federal Quarterly Reserve International Domestic Changes in Year and Total International & Intra & Private Private Private end quarter Public Debt Holdings US Govt Holdings Holdings Domestic Holding Holdings 2007 - Dec. 9,229.2 4,833.5 4,395.7 2,352.9 2,042.8 - 2008 - 9,437.6 4,694.7 4,742.9 2,507.5 2,235.4 192.6 Mar. June 9,492.0 4,685.8 4,806.2 2,587.2 2,219.0 -16.4 Sept. 10,024.7 4,692.7 5,332.0 2,799.5 2,532.5 313.5 Dec. 10,699.8 4,806.4 5,893.4 3,076.3 2,817.1 284.6 2009 - 11,126.9 4,785.2 6,341.7 3,264.7 3,077.0 259.9 Mar. June 11,545.3 5,026.8 6,518.5 3,382.1 3,136.4 59.4 Sept. 11,909.8 5,127.1 6,782.7 3,575.3 3,207.4 71.0 Dec. 12,311.4 5,276.9 7,034.5 3,691.5 3,343.0 135.6 2010 - 12,773.1 5,259.8 7,513.3 3,884.0 3,629.3 286.3 Mar. Changes Dec 07 - 3,543.9 426.3 3,117.6 1,531.1 1,586.5 - Mar 10 Source: Office of Debt Management, Office of the Under Secretary for Domestic Finance, table titled as above. Whereas the Federal Reserve just covered some $426 billion of the Treasury's funding needs during this period, the private US sector provided close to $1.6 trillion, slightly more than foreign investors - public and private. This means that the Treasury soaked up a major part of available U.S. private funds, while the Federal Reserve was sitting on the fence watching the US economy tank. Interest rate manipulation, the Federal Reserve's normal monetary policy instrument, ceased to function as intended when the federal funds rate fell into the 'liquidity trap" as it dropped from 3.94% in January 2008 to 0.11% in January 2010. Only by February 19th of 2010 did the Federal Reserve move its discount window rate from 0.50% to 0.75% where it still stood a the end of 2010, but left the federal funds rate unchanged around 0.2%. The Bank's announcement November 3, 2010, the now famous QE2 announcement, i.e., the $600 billion monetary easing in $75 billion monthly tranches, might be to late and wasted in the expected inflationary fog. Not entirely a leap out of the liquidity trap. Looking at the development of the widely quoted measurements of US money supply M1 and M2 (see Federal Reserve Bank for detailed definitions) does not increase the level of comfort with the Treasury and Federal Reserve's handling of the economy during these trying times.
Table 2 - Changes in the Official Supply of Money Percent change at seasonally adjusted annual rate M1 M2 3 Months from Oct 2009 to Jan 2010 0.6 -0.9 6 Months from Jul 2009 to Jan 2010 3.2 0.6 12 Months from Jan 2009 to Jan 2010 6.5 1.9 9 Months from Jan 2010 to Oct 2010 5.9 3.3 Source: US Federal Reserve Bank During the last quarter of 2009 the Federal Reserve actually worked to decrease the broader measure of the supply of money by almost one percent. Likewise, the longer term manipulations of M2 do not fit well into a cooperative model for fighting a recession. Although the goals of monetary policy are spelled out in the Federal Reserve Act, which specifies that the Board of Governors and the Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) should seek "to promote effectively the goals of maximum employment, stable prices, and moderate long-term interest rates." [3] , it does not seem that the maximum employment edict plays any significant role in the overall concerns of the Federal Reserve Board or its current Chairman. This seeming conundrum can be traced back to the conflict between the inflation target set by the Federal Reserve and its employment policy as perceived by the Board. Its overall policies are focused on keeping the US inflation rate somewhere in the range of 1-2% p.a., thus a non-cooperative model for fighting the current recession suits the Bank just fine. It might now, however, be advisable for the Federal Reserve to increase its inflation target as cautiously and somewhat apologetically mentioned in the Financial Page in The New Yorker recently "Boosting inflation isn't the right policy, but it may just be the correct one." [4] The simple model presented by Keynes makes a serious case for supplanting dwindling private sector demand and investments by public demand and investment. In order to maintain the logic inherent in the recommendations derived from that model, fiscal and monetary policies must be coordinated so that they work together rather than oppose each other. Although manipulation of the monetary measures play an important role in the management of the economy, removing huge amounts of domestic private sector funds from the economy and parking them in the US Treasury vaults is entirely counterproductive, even if these funds, in a year or two, will appear in a bank near you. The cooperative model for fighting the recession will, as domestic funds seek private sector employment, also results in inflationary pressures which might just be what is needed. There are numerous ways to implement such a model. During recessions, such as we have experienced over the last two years, one "simple" way to engineer such a policy is for the US Treasury to not sell the Notes to the domestic public. The Department should rather only sell their Notes to the Federal Reserve and international investors, including foreign sovereign wealth funds. The likelihood of such an event, however, is zero. The expectational hazards involved in this change in the US monetary policies and the evasive actions taken by our trading partners may work to effectively counteract or nullify the intended impact of reduced long-term interest rates.
The Minutes from the September 21st, 2010 FOMC meeting and the Banks press release of November 3, 2010 indicate a slight change of heart among its members. The Fed are now pouring more money into the US economy by buying Treasury Notes, but the fear of a significant depreciation of the US dollar in the foreign exchange markets have put our trading partners in a traditional "beggar-thy-neighbor" accusatorial mode. End Notes [1] See e.g., US DOC/BEA: Industry by Industry Total Requirements Summary Table after Redefinitions, 2007 [2] The American Recovery and Reinvestment Act of 2009 [3] The Federal Reserve System - Purposes & Functions, Ninth Edition, June 2005 [4] James Surowiecki, In Praise of Inflation, The New Yorker, September 27, 2010, p.31
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