THE GENDER DIMENSIONS OF FORCED DISPLACEMENT - A SYNTHESIS OF NEW RESEARCH JENI KLUGMAN - ReliefWeb
←
→
Page content transcription
If your browser does not render page correctly, please read the page content below
Public Disclosure Authorized Public Disclosure Authorized Public Disclosure Authorized Public Disclosure Authorized
JENI KLUGMAN
OF FORCED
DIMENSIONS
THE GENDER
A SYNTHESIS OF NEW RESEARCH
DISPLACEMENT
THE GENDER DIMENSIONS OF FORCED DISPLACEMENT A SYNTHESIS OF NEW RESEARCH JENI KLUGMAN * Senior Academic Adviser to the World Bank’s Gender Dimension of Forced Displacement Research Program, Managing Director, Georgetown Institute of Women, Peace and Security and Senior Fellow (non-residential), Brookings Institution. Thanks to Walter Bayer and Elena Ortiz for excellent research support, and Lucia Hanmer and Diana Arango for comments on an earlier draft. Special thanks to Paolo Verme, Audrey Sacks, Alessandra Heinemann, and Ciara Silke for their thoughtful peer review comments, and to Elizabeth Koechlein for excellent editing.
TABLE OF
CONTENTS
Acronyms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Executive summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6
Profile and drivers of deprivations and disparities. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10
Poverty. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12
Livelihoods and economic opportunities. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16
Intimate Partner Violence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19
Adverse gender norms. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21
Implications for policy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24
The feasibility and importance of country-specific analysis . . . . . . . . . . 24
Need to promote economic opportunities—with attention
to earnings. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25
Social protection programs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28
Addressing heightened risk of IPV . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 32
Importance of data and measurement,
and listening to displaced people . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37
Emerging conclusions. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39
Endnotes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 40
Works cited. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4201
ACRONYMS
THE GENDER DIMENSIONS OF FORCED DISPLACEMENT: A SYNTHESIS OF NEW RESEARCH
ACLED Armed Conflict Data & Event ODI Overseas Development
Data Project Institute
AGD Age, gender and diversity SGBV Sexual and gender-based
violence
BH Boko Haram
UCDP Uppsala Conflict Data
DHS Demographic Health Surveys
Program
DRC Democratic Republic of
UN United Nations
the Congo
UNFPA United Nations Population
FTS Financial Tracking System
Fund
GBV Gender-based violence
UNHCR United Nations High
GDFD Gender Dimensions of Commissioner for Refugees
Forced Displacement
UNICEF United Nations Children’s
HRP Humanitarian Response Plan Fund
ICRC International Committee of UN OCHA United Nations Office
the Red Cross for the Coordination of
Humanitarian Affairs
IDMC Internal Displacement
Monitoring Centre USAID United States Agency for
International Development
IDP Internally displaced person
VAW Violence against women
IOM International Organization
for Migration WGSS Women and girls’ safe
spaces
IPV Intimate partner violence
WPS Women, peace and security
MENA Middle East and North Africa
MPI Multidimensional Poverty
Index
The authors of this paper conducted their research under the Gender Dimensions of Forced
Displacement project. The project is co-led by Lucia Hanmer and Diana Arango under the guidance of
Hana Brixi, Global Director, Gender Unit, World Bank Group.
This work is part of the program ‘Building the Evidence on Protracted Forced Displacement: A Multi-
Stakeholder Partnership’. The program is funded by UK aid from the United Kingdom’s Foreign,
Commonwealth and Development Office (FCDO), it is managed by the World Bank Group (WBG) and
was established in partnership with the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). The
scope of the program is to expand the global knowledge on forced displacement by funding quality
research and disseminating results for the use of practitioners and policy makers. This work does not
necessarily reflect the views of FCDO, the WBG or UNHCR.02
EXECUTIVE
THE WORLD BANK GROUP
SUMMARY
While there have been welcome advances in global
evidence on and understanding of forced displacement,
research and analysis of the gendered dimensions
of displacement have been limited. The Gender
Dimensions of Forced Displacement (GDFD) research
program has sought to fill this important gap. A series
of papers were commissioned from leading experts to
address several key questions, namely:
• How does gender inequality affect the extent and
patterns of different dimensions of poverty in forcibly
displaced populations?
• How do conflict and displacement affect gender
norms and the prevalence of IPV and child marriage
for women and girls?
• What are the implications of these findings for the
design and implementation of policies and programs?The GDFD research program produced comprehensively assess deprivation 03
nine detailed country investigations and and poverty. For example, male-head-
three multi-country papers covering 17 ed households are income poorer than
THE GENDER DIMENSIONS OF FORCED DISPLACEMENT: A SYNTHESIS OF NEW RESEARCH
countries using a portfolio of research female-headed households in both
approaches with analysis at individual Somalia and Jordan. But gender in-
and household levels to uncover gen- fluences poverty risk. For example,
der-poverty links. The overall findings in Somalia, single female caregivers,
of multi-country studies of multidi- and IDP widows living outside IDP
mensional poverty covering Ethiopia, settlements are all high poverty risk
Nigeria, Somalia, South Sudan, and categories. Having more income earn-
Sudan, and monetary poverty analysis ers of either sex reduces poverty risk
in Somalia and Jordan, is that displaced for IDP and non-IDP households alike.
households are generally poorer than Interestingly, for IDP households, the
non-displaced households. largest decrease in poverty risk is asso-
ciated with having more female earners,
A tailored Multidimensional Poverty
while having more male earners is asso-
Index (MPI) reveals that displacement
ciated with the lowest poverty risk for
status is associated with deprivation
non-IDPs.
status at the household level, and gen-
der has important impacts on individual The research findings on livelihoods re-
deprivations within households. In fact, late to a diversity of forced displacement
within households, gender emerges as settings: refugees in Ethiopia and pro-
an important predictive factor in indi- tracted displacement of IDPs in Darfur,
cators of chronic deprivation, such as Sudan. Evidence from all the countries
school completion. Among the multi- investigated demonstrates that sub-
dimensionally poor, girls are less likely stantial barriers constrain the economic
than boys to complete school—reflecting opportunities of displaced women, most
accumulated disadvantage over time. notably in the form of limited education
We also find that the gender of the and care responsibilities. For example,
household head is an indicator of depri- among Ethiopian refugees, the liveli-
vation in most, but not all, countries. hoods of men and women are impacted
differently by displacement, in part
For monetary poverty, many of the
because adverse gender norms result
differences in income poverty risk
in women having fewer opportunities
between internally displaced persons
for economic advancement and bearing
(IDPs) and non-IDPs are associated with
more care responsibilities at home.
differences in household demograph-
ic characteristics and the gender and The drivers of these constraints vary
number of earners in the household. across settings. Endowments, specif-
These, in turn, are often associated with ically lack of access to land, emerge
displacement-related changes in house- as important in Ethiopia while lack of
hold composition and gender roles. education is critical in both Ethiopia and
Darfur. Gender norms as well as factors
One important implication of both the
like access to land shape participa-
multidimensional and monetary pov-
tion in paid work and self-employment
erty analysis is the need to go beyond
versus agricultural work in Darfur, with
the gender of the household head to04
THE WORLD BANK GROUP
women working predominantly in family Women also have less decision-making
farms and businesses. Some barriers are autonomy over their earnings in con-
similar for displaced and non-displaced flict-affected districts.
women. For example, female household
The risks faced by displaced women
headship increases the likelihood of
along their displacement journey and
women’s employment for refugees and
impacts of gender-based violence
hosts in Ethiopia. Nonetheless, some
(GBV) are often lifelong. The Program’s
differences emerge across different
findings buttress existing literature –
contexts. Interestingly, in Darfur, dis-
that is, experiencing sexual violence
placed women are more likely to work
increases risk of future violence, as
than women in the host community.
does witnessing violence, alcohol abuse
Women’s participation in paid work can
and tolerance of violence against wom-
reduce their poverty risk (as found in
en (VAW). In various conflict-affected
Somalia), but there is also evidence that
settings, women have been found to
displaced women in paid work have low
be more likely to experience abuse at
earnings relative to men.
the hands of acquaintances, intimate
The findings of the program’s research partners, family members and people
on intimate partner violence (IPV) in in their community than at the hand of
Colombia, Democratic Republic of the armed actors.
Congo (DRC), Nigeria, Liberia, and
Two studies in the series focus on
Mali, underline that IPV rates are sig-
gender norms—Colombia and Jordan.
nificantly higher for women living in
Gender norms can be defined as the
households in proximity to conflict,
acceptable and appropriate actions for
measured by conflict-related deaths,
men and women that are reproduced
compared to those living in peaceful
through social and economic interac-
areas of the country. In Mali, wartime
tions. Norms are typically embedded
conflict increases the risk of all forms
within both formal and informal institu-
of IPV—physical, emotional, and sexual.
tions. Gender attitudes can be definedas expressed views about appropriate enhance economic inclusion for dis-
05
roles, responsibilities and behaviors. placed populations, including measures
The two studies suggest that gender to increase displaced people’s free
THE GENDER DIMENSIONS OF FORCED DISPLACEMENT: A SYNTHESIS OF NEW RESEARCH
attitudes and gender norms do not movement and access to labor markets
always shift together, and do not al- and financial services, expand inclusive
ways progress toward gender equality social protection to people affected by
during forced displacement. Moreover, crisis and displacement, and provide
attitudes and norms can shift without safe, affordable, and accessible care
corresponding changes in behavior, services, notably quality childcare.
at least within the time frames of the
Public and private donors and multi-
studies. For example, among women in
lateral stakeholders need to work with
Colombia, displacement corresponded
governments to ensure greater policy
with less rigid patriarchal norms around
coherence across humanitarian and de-
gender roles and GBV, but reduced
velopment programs, and direct more
the ability of women to make decisions
multi-year, flexible funding to frontline
about contraception and earnings.
responders in fragile and conflict-af-
A broad implication of the research is fected contexts including via local,
that tracking gender attitudes and behav- national, and international NGOs and
iors among all members of a community women’s rights organisations.
is important, but existing data often miss
A series of recommendations emerge
opportunities to collect information on
for agencies collecting survey data,
gender norms held by men and boys.
including the World Bank, UN agencies
Accounting for and changing commu-
and Demographic and Health Surveys
nity and familial gender norms, not just
(DHS), starting with including dis-
those of girls themselves, is important.
placed populations in population-wide
Additionally, adolescent refugee girls are
and household-based data collection,
a distinct group who face unique chal-
especially in countries where there
lenges. Among the implications for policy
are significant numbers of displaced
and programming are the importance of
people. Within households, sex-disag-
contraception in basic health packages
gregated individual-level data is needed
and the engagement of men to promote
to enable a better understanding of the
more gender-equitable relationships.
situation of different household mem-
Humanitarian and development policies bers, dependency ratios and more. Our
and programs should seek to under- studies underline the important role of
stand and address intersectionality of gender norms in shaping constraints
gender and displacement, to close gen- and opportunities for women, men,
der gaps in education and paid work, girls, and boys. Data on gender norms
development outcomes such as income should be collected, including from
and other dimensions of poverty, as men and boys. Learning from qualita-
well as the risk of GBV. tive information from displaced groups,
and including the voices of displaced
It is critical that host governments take
women is key, especially those facing
concrete steps to review and, where
multiple disadvantages.
necessary, revise national laws and
policies to achieve gender equality andINTRODUCTION
The gender dimensions of forced dis- The vast majority of forcibly displaced
placement are critical to the Sustainable people are located in low- and mid-
Development Goals (SDGs), not dle-income countries, with Turkey,
least because the numbers of forci- Colombia, Pakistan, and Uganda host-
bly displaced persons have reached ing the largest numbers of refugees
unprecedented levels. Most recent globally. 2 While it is difficult to quan-
estimates indicate there are 26.4 million tify the average duration of refugee
refugees and 48 million internally dis- displacement, displacement is often a
placed persons (displaced within their long-term challenge. 3 Global evidence
countries, IDPs) globally.1 suggests that displaced women have
less access to employment opportuni-
The Gender Dimensions of Forced
ties than displaced men4 and face a lack
Displacement (GDFD) research program
of access to crucial services including
has sought to deepen the understand-
sexual and reproductive health services,
ing of key gender disparities among
mental health support, continued edu-
forcibly displaced people, by examining
cation and skills training, and services
gaps and the drivers, with a focus on
needed after experiencing GBV. 5
GBV, and the discriminatory norms that
prevent women from owning proper- The interaction of gendered power
ty, engaging in paid work and making relations and inequality with displace-
decisions about their own lives. The ment raises challenging questions that
program generated nine country stud- our research program was designed to
ies—Colombia, Democratic Republic address, namely:
of Congo, Ethiopia, Jordan, Liberia,
• How does gender inequality affect
Mali, Nigeria, Somalia, and Sudan—as
the extent and patterns of different
well as multi-country studies on child
dimensions of poverty in forcibly
marriage, multi-dimensional poverty,
displaced populations?
IPV covering 17 countries (see Annex
• How does conflict affect the prev-
1). These analyses cast new light on
alence and nature of IPV and child
the interaction of gender inequality
marriage for women and girls?
and forced displacement, and fill two
important gaps in the literature by • What are the implications of these
providing first, evidence on poverty findings for the design and imple-
and violence experienced by displaced mentation of policies and programs,
women; and second, a focus on inter- and for institutional arrangements?
nal displacement. Earlier studies based To set the stage, it is useful to highlight
on microdata, with the exception of some key findings from recent analysis,
Colombia, are almost entirely focused captured via a comprehensive multidi-
on refugees. mensional measure, the Women, Peaceand Security (WPS) Index. This Index Gender gaps are greatest for employ-
07
captures women’s status in the domains ment, with rates for displaced men at
of inclusion (e.g., education and paid least 90 percent higher than for dis-
THE GENDER DIMENSIONS OF FORCED DISPLACEMENT: A SYNTHESIS OF NEW RESEARCH
work), justice (formal legal protection placed women, peaking at 150 percent
and discriminatory norms), and security in Nigeria where approximately 36
(IPV and safety in the community), on percent of displaced men are employed
a scale of 0-1, with higher values rep- compared to about 15 percent of dis-
resenting higher levels of achievement. placed women. This reflects broader
The Index was applied in five Sub- labor market segregation by gender
Saharan African countries –Ethiopia, around the world, compounded by
Nigeria, Somalia, South Sudan, and language barriers, lower literacy rates,
Sudan—that are also investigated as unpaid care responsibilities, and gen-
part of the GDFD program. der norms that limit refugee women’s
prospects. 6 There are also important
In all five countries, WPS Index scores
nuances: for example, the paper on
for displaced women are worse than
Syrian refugees highlights challenges
host scores, with an average disadvan-
faced by older women. Overall, gender
tage of about 24 percent in favor of
emerges as a major factor that interacts
host country women (figure 1). The
with context specific challenges and
disadvantage was greatest in South
also intersectional vulnerabilities.
Sudan, where the score for displaced
women (0.284) stands about 42 per-
cent below host women.
FIGURE 1: WOMEN PEACE AND SECURITY INDEX SCORES FOR DISPLACED AND HOST WOMEN
0.7
0.6
WPS Index score
0.5
0.4
0.3
0.2
Nigeria Somalia Sudan Ethiopia South Sudan
DISPLACED HOST
Source: GIWPS and PRIO 2021.
Note: Potential Index scores range between 0 and 1, where higher scores represent higher levels of achievement08 Comparisons between displaced wom- paid work becomes more critical for
en and host country men expose even family incomes during displacement.
starker gaps, highlighting the cumula- However, women are also often limited
THE WORLD BANK GROUP
tive effects of displacement and gender in their ability to access labor markets
inequality (figure 2). In Ethiopia, for ex- in the host community – not least due
ample, almost three times the share of to care responsibilities, and often also
host country men is employed relative due to lack of formal documentation for
to refugee women. There are also some work and security concerns, unfamiliar-
unexpected findings – for example, host ity with language and limited networks,
men are more likely to feel unsafe in which are especially important where
their community than displaced women the informal sector is the main source
(8 versus 5 percent). of jobs. There are reports that displaced
women face high risks of GBV at work
Analysis reveals the compounding risks
or while commuting. 8 Even when they
of displacement on women’s safety.
are working outside the home, their
In each of the countries, levels of cur-
economic activities are often low status
rent IPV were higher among displaced
and poorly remunerated.
women compared to women in the
host population. In Somalia, host wom- Each of the papers in this research
en experienced IPV at a rate nearly 30 program drew on high-quality, rep-
percent lower than displaced women resentative microdata. In the past,
(26 versus 36 percent), and in South the absence of such data has limit-
Sudan, nearly half (47 percent) of dis- ed research on gendered dimensions
placed women have experienced IPV in of displacement (Brück and Stojetz,
the past year — a number nearly double 2020). In cases where such data do ex-
the national estimate of 27 percent and ist, it may not be released. However, this
quadruple the global average of about barrier is being overcome by deliberate
12 percent.7 efforts to include forcibly displaced
persons in survey samples (EGRIS,
The GDFD program builds on recent
2018a; EGRIS, 2018b; Pape and Sharma,
research, especially writings adopting
2019), in adjusting questionnaires to
a feminist lens, which has found that
account for experiences of forced dis-
forced displacement is associated with
placement (Brück et al, 2016), as well as
shifts in multiple domains. Shifts can
ensuring that the data is released in a
occur when gendered dimensions of
timely way.
everyday life change in terms of liveli-
hoods, support networks and access to We turn now to outline findings across
services. Forcibly displaced people typ- multiple domains of forced displace-
ically face several shifts simultaneously, ment and, in the subsequent section,
which may not all be in the same direc- the implications for programs and
tion. For example, in female-headed policies.
forcibly displaced households, women’sFIGURE 2 GENDER GAPS BETWEEN DISPLACED WOMEN AND HOST COMMUNITY MEN 09
THE GENDER DIMENSIONS OF FORCED DISPLACEMENT: A SYNTHESIS OF NEW RESEARCH
Ethiopia
Nigeria
Somalia
South Sudan
Sudan
-50 0 50 100 150 200
Community safety Financial inclusion Employment
Mobility Cellphone access Education
Legal identification
Source: GIWPS and PRIO 2021
Note: Gaps show the percentage gap in favor of host country men. For Ethiopia, the employment gap is 266 percent
and the financial inclusion gap is 1063 percent.PROFILE AND
DRIVERS OF
DEPRIVATIONS
AND DISPARITIES
New empirical analysis was undertaken and more recent displacement in
for nine countries, six in Sub Saharan Northeast Nigeria. Figure 3 shows the
Africa, alongside several multi-coun- number and share of IDPs for each of
try studies (table 1). The focus is on the countries we examine.
IDPs, who currently account for about
The results reveal systematic disadvan-
twice as many displaced as refugees
tage in the risks that women face of
globally. The studies cover a diversi-
income and multidimensional poverty,
ty of displacement settings including
limited access to livelihoods, height-
refugees in Ethiopia, protracted dis-
ened prevalence of GBV and persistent
placement of IDPs in Darfur, Sudan,
discriminatory norms.TABLE 1 SUMMARY OF GDFD STUDIES, DATA SOURCES AND FEATURES 11
THE GENDER DIMENSIONS OF FORCED DISPLACEMENT: A SYNTHESIS OF NEW RESEARCH
Displacement
Country Year Data source Population Identification
setting
Colombia 2005, Demographic Health Refugees and Non-camp Individual
2010, Survey, UCDP database IDPs survey
2015 responses
DR Congo 2018 USAID Baseline Survey IDPs Non-camp Individual
survey
responses
Darfur, 2018 IOM, World Bank, and IDPs Camp Camp location
Sudan ACLED and household
survey
Ethiopia 2017 World Bank Ethiopia Skills Refugees Camp and Household
Profile Survey non-camp survey
Jordan 2011- UNHCR Profile Global Refugees Camp and Household
2014, Registration System, the non-camp survey, as
2016 Jordanian Home-Visits reported by
dataset, 2016 Jordan Labor the principal
Market Panel Survey applicant
Liberia 2007 Demographic Health Self-identified as Non-camp Individual
Survey, ACLED displaced survey
responses
Mali 2006, Demographic Health Coded for NA Individual
2018 Survey, ACLED conflict affected survey
and non-conflict responses
affected women
Nigeria 2008, Demographic Health Coded for NA Individual
2013 Survey, ACLED conflict affected survey
and non-conflict responses
affected women
Multicounty Various Multiple Refugees and Camp and Varies
IDPs non-camp12 FIGURE 3: DISPLACED PEOPLE, TOTAL NUMBERS AND AS A SHARE OF TOTAL POPULATION, SELECTED
COUNTRIES, 2020
THE WORLD BANK GROUP
6.000.000 22
5.000.000 18
Number of displaced persons
Share of total population (%)
4.000.000 14
3.000.000 10
2.000.000 6
1.000.000 2
0 0
ia
C.
ia*
n*
li
a
lia
n
n
Ma
eri
da
da
mb
.
rda
ma
D.R
iop
Su
Su
Nig
lo
So
Jo
Eth
Co
uth
So
Displaced population* Displaced population/total population
*Data show the population of IDPs for all countries except Ethiopia and Jordan, which count the number of refugees.
Sources: Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre. Global Internal Displacement Database. Accessed 13 Sept. 2021.
https://www.internal-displacement.org/database/displacement-data
Total Population: The World Bank. Data. Accessed 6 Sept. 2021. https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SP.POP.TOTL?lo-
cations=CO-CD-ET-LR-ML-NG-SO-SS-SD-JO
Refugees: United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. 2021. Global Trends Forced Displacement in 2020. Annex
Table 1, Column B. https://www.unhcr.org/60b638e37/unhcr-global-trends-2020
school attendance, primary school
POVERTY completion, unemployment, and legal
identification. Displacement is found to
significantly increase the likelihood of
It is well known that forcible displace-
a household being multidimensionally
ment is often characterized by loss of
poor, whereas gender has important
livelihoods and assets and the accumu-
impacts on individual deprivations with-
lation of debt. The vast majority move
in households.
into resource-poor settings in develop-
ing countries.9 Our studies show that Within households, gender emerges
IDPs are poorer than non-displaced as an important predictor of chronic
people on both multi-dimensional and deprivation, such as failure to com-
income poverty metrics. The inves- plete school, reflecting accumulated
tigations also underline the need for disadvantage over time. Among the
a portfolio of approaches to uncover multidimensionally poor, children in dis-
gender-poverty links, which need to be placed households, especially girls, face
understood at the individual as well as greater barriers to educational equity
household levels. with boys than host community peers.
The higher levels of intrahousehold
The analysis of the intersection of
gender inequality in school attendance
gender, forced displacement, and mul-
and legal identification in displaced
tidimensional poverty in Ethiopia,
households, relative to non-displaced
Nigeria, Somalia, South Sudan, and
households, underlines the importance
Sudan focuses on deprivations inof going beyond household-level out- Compared to households with no
13
comes. Our findings suggest these earners, having two or more earners is
inequalities typically weigh against associated with the largest reduction
THE GENDER DIMENSIONS OF FORCED DISPLACEMENT: A SYNTHESIS OF NEW RESEARCH
women, although sometimes boys and in poverty risk for both IDPs and non-
men are disadvantaged. IDPs. Interestingly, for IDP households,
the largest reduction in poverty risk is
More detailed investigations in Somalia
associated with having mostly women
focused on links between income pov-
earners rather than mostly men earners
erty and female headship and other
(40 versus 36 percent reduction in risk).11
explanatory variables. While national
poverty rates are very high overall (70 Darfur, Sudan is well known for massive
percent), the highest rates are among forced displacement. GDFD inves-
IDPs (77 percent), and male-headed tigations in El Fasher highlights the
households are poorer than fe- protracted nature of displacement: the
male-headed households, regardless average household arrived over a de-
of displacement status (81 versus 70 cade ago and 29 percent of IDPs have
percent for IDPs, and 68 versus 65 been born in El Fasher.12 Overall pover-
percent for non-IDPs). Controlling for ty rates are very high – exceeding 80
individual, household and displacement percent – but IDPs are 22 percent more
characteristics enables a more nu- likely to be poor than non-IDPs, even
anced assessment of the links between though IDPs were more likely to work
poverty risk and gender. Male-headed in any form of employment and en-
households are associated with high- gage in more activities than non-IDPs.
er poverty risk for IDPs, but not for Likewise, IDP women worked more on
non-IDPs, among whom widows are average than non-IDP women, but were
40 percentage points more likely to also more likely to be poor. This was
be poor. All types of IDP households not the case for men and points to the
with children10 are 17 to 20 percentage importance of the quality of economic
points more likely to be poor than IDP opportunities, explored further below.
households without children. By way
A 2018 survey in North East Nigeria
of contrast, in the host community,
covering IDPs (in camps and host com-
household demographic composition
munities) and non-IDPs is another case
is not strongly associated with poverty
with overall very high poverty rates: an
risk, with the exception of multi-gener-
estimated 84 percent of households
ational households with children. These
fell below the 1.90 USD/day poverty
results are consistent with the view that
line, around half had not eaten bread in
disruptions to family structure during
the week prior and 70 percent had not
displacement increase households’ risk
eaten meat or dairy products. While
of poverty and, in the case of non-
the monetary poverty rate is highest
IDPs in Somalia, it is important to be
for female-headed households, wheth-
aware of the heightened poverty risk of
er or not they are displaced (around
widows.
91 percent), displaced female-headed
The results from Somalia also point to households are worst off in terms of
the importance of paid work, especial- multi-dimensional poverty.13 This is
ly for women and for IDP households. consistent with the finding from the14 multidimensional poverty analysis that deprivations in school attendance, de-
while displaced women are often more fined as any child of primary school age
deprived than non-displaced women, not attending school up to class 6. In
THE WORLD BANK GROUP
as in Nigeria, in some countries be- Nigeria, for example, 34 and 31 percent
ing female can be a stronger driver of of IDP girls and boys were deprived in
multidimensional poverty than dis- this dimension, compared to 21 and 20
placement, highlighting the variability percent of non-IDP girls and boys.
and complexity of the displacement
Table 2 showcases these relative
experience.
rates of education deprivation across
Looking at other dimensions of poverty, the countries investigated, and ta-
both displacement status and gender ble 3 shows the same for children.
affect access to schooling, with dis- Interestingly, Darfur, Sudan emerges as
placed girls often most disadvantaged, the only place among these five set-
and displaced women having fewer tings where girls are not worse off than
years of schooling than displaced men. boys in schooling, whether or not they
There are nuances, however. Our pro- are displaced. This unexpected result
gram’s findings on Syrian refugees in again underlines the importance of
Jordan suggest that displacement could country-specific analysis.
open opportunities for younger women,
Among displaced communities, fe-
but for older women was much more
male-headed households are more
challenging. Similar findings emerged in
likely to be deprived in years of school-
Darfur.
ing – the gap is 23 percentage points
A GDFD multi-country study of multi- among people displaced in Ethiopia,
dimensional poverty examined relative 27 percentage points among displaced
deprivations in years of schooling--de- South Sudanese, and 14 percentage
fined as no household member of the points among Sudanese.15 Children
appropriate age having completed at in female-headed households are
least six years of schooling—between also more likely to be deprived in
displaced and non-displaced people.14 school attendance than those living in
The starkest differences in education male-headed households. This depri-
deprivation rates appear to emerge vation is 3 percentage points higher
where access to schooling is also far among female-headed households in
from universal for host communities, Ethiopia and 8 percentage points high-
as in Ethiopia and Somalia. In Ethiopia, er among female-headed households
66 and 68 percent of male and female in South Sudan (table 3). While we are
refugees, respectively, were deprived of unable to identify the causal drivers, it
years of schooling, compared to 37 and may be partly driven by daughters pick-
33 percent of male and female hosts. ing up care and other work at home,
In Somalia, 97 percent of both male or possibly working outside the home,
and female IDPs were deprived, com- as well as the overall higher rates of
pared to 60 and 63 percent of male and deprivation in these households. Results
female non-IDPs. In Sudan, the rates of from Sudan showed local violence had
education deprivation were again much a strong negative impact on school
higher among displaced versus non-dis- attendance for IDPs and non-IDPs, and
placed women: 29 versus 19 percent. girls and boys alike.
Similar results emerged for individualTABLE 2 ADULTS DEPRIVED IN EDUCATION BY DISPLACEMENT STATUS AND BY GENDER, PERCENT. 15
Refugees Hosts
THE GENDER DIMENSIONS OF FORCED DISPLACEMENT: A SYNTHESIS OF NEW RESEARCH
Male Female Male Female
Ethiopia 66 68 37 33
IDPs Non-IDPs
Male Female Male Female
Nigeria 54 56 39 45
Somalia 97 97 60 63
South Sudan 43 48 40 52
Sudan 28 29 26 19
TABLE 3 CHILDREN DEPRIVED IN SCHOOL ATTENDANCE BY DISPLACEMENT STATUS AND GENDER, PERCENT.
Refugees Hosts
Male Female Male Female
Ethiopia 16 19 11 11
IDPs Non-IDPs
Male Female Male Female
Nigeria 31 34 20 21
Somalia 64 68 59 63
South Sudan 20 25 25 29
Sudan 22 21 15 12
Source: Admasu, et al. 2021. Multidimensional Poverty, Gender, and Forced Displacement: A+ Multi-Country, Intrahouse-
hold Analysis in Sub-Saharan Africa. Tables 7, 8, 9, 10, and 11.
Notes: Deprived in years of schooling means that no household member of school age has completed at least 6 years
schooling; deprived in school attendance is a child of primary school age in household not attending school
Our investigation of income poverty households in both time periods. By
in a large sample of Syrian refugees in 2018, female-headed households and
Jordan over the period 2013-2018 using single caregivers (the vast majority of
UNHCR data found no significant differ- whom are women) were worse off than
ence in per capita expenditure between male-headed households by about
male- and female-headed refugee 15 percentage points. These findings
households, without any economies of demonstrate that examining per capita
scale (table 4).16 Adjusting for econo- income without accounting for house-
mies of scale reversed poverty rankings hold economies of scale can conceal
between male- and female- headed gendered differences in poverty.16 TABLE 4 PERCENTAGE OF HOUSEHOLDS BELOW 40TH PERCENTILE OF EXPENDITURE DISTRIBUTION, SYRIAN
REFUGEES IN JORDAN, PERCENT.
THE WORLD BANK GROUP
Poverty adjusted by
Baseline Poverty Headcount
Economies of Scale
2013-14 2017-18 2013-14 2017-18
Male-headed household 41 40 36 33
Female-headed household 38 40 38 49
Couples with children 54 48 40 35
Single caregivers 40 42 38 48
Source: Hanmer, et al. 2022, forthcoming, Table 3. The economies of scale adjustment divides household consumption
by the square root of household size.
LIVELIHOODS economic rights as hosts. The gaps
in access to economic opportunities is
AND ECONOMIC likely shaped by norms around unpaid
OPPORTUNITIES
work and care responsibilities as well as
discrimination. Refugees often face larg-
er barriers if there are formal constraints
While the constraints and results are to paid work.
context specific, displaced women In Ethiopia, Nigeria, South Sudan and
often face disadvantages in access- Sudan, but not Somalia, displaced
ing economic opportunities relative women were consistently less likely
to displaced men, host women, and to be employed than displaced men
host men, highlighting the compound- (table 5). In Ethiopia, just 2 percent of
ing effects of displacement on gender displaced women had access to their
inequality. This is despite the fact that own bank account, compared to 27 per-
IDPs, by law, should have the same cent of host women.
TABLE 5 DISADVANTAGES ACROSS GENDER AND DISPLACEMENT STATUS IN EMPLOYMENT AND FINANCIAL
INCLUSION, PERCENT.
Employment Financial inclusion
Country Displaced Displaced Host Host Displaced Displaced Host Host
women men women men women men women men
Ethiopia 6.5 14.6 8.2 23.9 2.3 2.8 27.4 26.6
Nigeria 14.5 36.2 14.8 39.2 23.9 24.2 40.1 41.2
Somalia 5.3 6.9 5.8 6.1 57.8 59.1 72.9 73.6
South
6.8 7.5 6.8 8.5 – – – –
Sudan
Sudan 7.0 7.5 7.9 8.1 7.2 7.0 11.2 11.4
Source: Estimates underlying WPS Index, 2021 based on DHS/ HFS dataOur findings indicate that displaced The Darfur study thus suggests that
17
women face greater barriers to labor gendered constraints faced by IDP
market participation than displaced women begin in the norms and insti-
THE GENDER DIMENSIONS OF FORCED DISPLACEMENT: A SYNTHESIS OF NEW RESEARCH
men, although the identified constraints tutions at their place of origin. Both
vary across settings. For example, lack IDP men and women face additional
of access to land emerges as important barriers in their destination places. IDP
in Ethiopia, while lack of education is women thus face a “double burden”
significant in both Ethiopia and Darfur. of disadvantage in access to econom-
As noted above, in Darfur, displaced ic opportunities. For younger women,
women were more likely to work than displacement offers some opportunities
women who had not been displaced, al- to advance their education and over-
though they were still more likely to be come gendered disadvantages. But for
poor. This reveals the low returns to the older displaced women who have had
types of jobs undertaken by displaced less chance to catch up with their edu-
women in the region. cation upon arrival in camp, the double
burden is strongest. These findings
There are significant gender gaps among
point to the need for policy responses
the displaced in Darfur. Women are much
to concurrently address the needs of
less likely to be employed and about half
the long-term displaced and gender
as likely to be paid by someone else, or
inequality. Among IDPs, the design of
in self-employment either on or off farm.
programs and policies should be in-
While the extent to which gender norms
formed by the profile of disadvantage.
could be directly linked to economic
In the case of Darfur and livelihoods,
opportunities was not well captured by
this seems to point to older women
the data, the Darfur study linked major
needing the greatest support.
gender gaps in access to jobs, especial-
ly paid work and off-farm employment, In Colombia, displaced status is asso-
to gender norms. While there were no ciated with more traditional gender
significant gender differences in access norms as measured by attitudes to-
to markets and services, perceptions of wards women’s role in the domestic
safety and legal documentation, there sphere. For example, controlling for a
were differences in educational achieve- range of observable factors, like place
ments. Compared to displaced men of of origin and education, displacement
the same age and background, displaced reduces the probability of disagreeing
women were less likely to be in school with the statement ‘a woman’s main role
when they left and have lower levels of is family caregiving and cooking’ by 6-8
schooling and literacy today. The au- percentage points.18 Simultaneously,
thors argue that gender norms at the IDP women are 7-9 percentage points
place of origin shaped observed gender less likely to be able to decide what to
gaps in IDP employment.17 Compared do with the money they earn than their
to IDP women, IDP men engage in more non-IDP counterparts.19
activities, work more hours per week
The 2017 Skills Profile Survey cov-
and months per year in their main in-
ered different refugee-hosting
come-generating activity, and are less
regions of Ethiopia: Tigray-Afar
likely to have their main activity in agri-
(Eritrean), Gambella (South Sudanese),
culture (32 versus 38 percent).
Benishangul-Gumuz (Sudanese and18 South Sudanese), and Somali (Somalis) example, Syrian refugee women in
and their host communities. Significant Jordan may become breadwinners for
gender gaps are revealed in employ- their households without any diminution
THE WORLD BANK GROUP
ment, both among refugees and hosts of their responsibility as the caretakers
(9 and 15 percentage points respective- for their families. 24 Similar dynamics
ly). In multivariate analysis, the number have been reported for IDP widows in
of young children, lack of access to Nepal, 25 Chechen refugees in the Czech
agricultural land, and lack of physical Republic, 26 and IDP women in Darfur. 27
safety were found to reduce female
In Ethiopia, the number of young chil-
employment. Living in a female-head-
dren in a household was found to
ed household, having more years of
significantly reduce female - but not
education, and experiencing longer
male - employment among refugees,
displacement duration increases the
while the number of children in a
probability of female employment. More
household increased male employment
generally, displaced people had fewer
among hosts. 28 This confirms the glob-
economic opportunities. Refugees in
al pattern whereby gendered divisions
Benishangul-Gumuz region (Sudanese
of unpaid labor adversely affect wom-
and South-Sudanese refugees) are 65
en’s employment opportunities. As
percentage points less likely to be in
explored further in Section 3 below,
employment compared to their hosts.
these results also imply an unmet need
Somali refugees have better employ-
for childcare services, which could be
ment opportunities than other refugee
an area for support to facilitate the
groups in Ethiopia, which might be
expansion of economic opportunities,
traced to their lower language and
particularly for women. The results from
cultural barriers to integration in
Ethiopia also underline the importance
Somali, Ethiopia. 20
of education to women’s paid employ-
Gendered divisions of childcare re- ment prospects, while female heads of
sponsibilities often limit women’s labor households were also more likely to be
force participation. Using panel data in paid work. Interestingly, access to the
from 97 countries, Bloom, et al. (2009) internet, physical safety and remittanc-
estimate that a birth reduces a woman’s es did not have significant effects in a
labor supply for paid work by almost multivariate probit analysis.
two years during her reproductive life. 21
The factors associated with work out-
Cross-national surveys in the OECD
side the home for displaced women are
have found that in households where
similar to those facing non-displaced
women are expected to do most of the
women, for example, the need to juggle
child rearing (and home labor activi-
care responsibilities. Female headship
ties), the number of children is higher
also increases the likelihood of wom-
and the probability that the woman par-
en’s employment for both refugees
ticipates in the labor market is lower. 22
and hosts in Ethiopia. However, there
In Germany, the share of married wom-
are also differences. The GDFD results
en working full-time drops drastically if
show that displaced women are more
they have school age children—from
likely to be in paid work than women in
76 to 11 percent. 23
host communities in Darfur, 29 and both
Displaced women often maintain non-settlement IDPs and non-IDPs in
their roles as primary caregivers. For Somalia. 30 However, in Darfur, displacedwomen’s lower levels of education and violence in the home. In both Colombia
19
other constraints mean that their earn- and Liberia, controlling for wealth
ings are lower, and were more likely to quintile, displaced women reported
THE GENDER DIMENSIONS OF FORCED DISPLACEMENT: A SYNTHESIS OF NEW RESEARCH
classed as “unpaid labor.” 40 to 55 percent greater odds of ex-
periencing past-year IPV compared
Our investigation of livelihoods in North
to their non-displaced counterparts. 34
East Nigeria reveals that, regardless of
In DRC, women also reported experi-
displacement status, women are less
encing higher levels of sexual violence
likely to be employed than men. 31 Rates
by non-partners. The evidence under-
of employment among displaced wom-
lines the fact that in conflict-affected
en are around 15 percent, compared to
settings, women are more likely to
39 percent for host men. However, local
experience abuse at the hands of ac-
conflict substantially reduces the likeli-
quaintances, intimate partners, family
hood of any economic activity with no
members and people in their communi-
gender differences. The adverse im-
ty than at the hand of armed actors.
pacts of conflict are most pronounced
when levels of violence are high, as Fatal conflict events in the vicinity of
measured by conflict exposure at the where women live also consistently
district level, including exposure to any increase women’s experiences of IPV.
form of collective violence, exposure to In both Colombia and Liberia, living in a
violence against civilians, and exposure district with at least one conflict fatali-
to fatalities. ty increased the odds of past-year IPV,
suggesting both conflict and displace-
In sum, the GDFD poverty and liveli-
ment independently and significantly
hoods analysis consistently points to the
increase women’s risk of violence.
importance of displaced women’s paid
work to families, but also to constraints In the DRC, both displacement and ex-
which limit the nature and quality of their periencing war-related abuses affected
employment.32 Many of the constraints women’s risk of multiple forms of GBV. 35
echo those documented for women Both types of experiences were signifi-
more generally.33 A number of barriers cantly associated with higher levels of
appear to be amenable to policy and IPV, specifically:
program interventions, including educa-
• Ever-displaced women face 11 per-
tion, childcare and perceptions of safety,
cent higher risk of IPV and currently
as well as the importance of changing
displaced women face 20 percent
norms around paid and unpaid work.
higher risk of IPV.
• Women who experienced at least
INTIMATE PARTNER
one incident of war-related abuse
had a 12 percent higher risk of life-
VIOLENCE time IPV and 14 percent higher risk
of past-year IPV.
• Having been displaced at any point
In the diverse settings explored in the
in her life increases a woman’s risk
GDFD research – Colombia, Democratic
of lifetime and past-year IPV by 6
Republic of Congo, Mali, and Liberia
percent and experiencing war abus-
—women who have been forcibly dis-
es increased risk of lifetime IPV by 9
placed consistently experienced more
percent.20 Analysis of data in Mali from 2006 and In the DRC, the research finds links
2018, spatially linked with ACLED con- between conflict-related violence and
flict data, compares outcomes before IPV: women experiencing physical or
THE WORLD BANK GROUP
and during conflict across conflict- economic abuses inflicted by armed
and non-conflict-affected districts. 36 actors also experienced a significant
Conflict is found to increase the risk of increase in IPV. 39 Specifically, women
combined IPV, a measure that includes who experienced at least one incident
physical, emotional and sexual forms of war-related abuse40 had a 12 percent
of IPV. Living in a conflict-affected area higher risk of lifetime IPV and 14 per-
increases the probability of a woman cent higher risk of past-year IPV. Being
experiencing physical IPV by about 14 employed, having an abusive father,
percent, and of combined IPV by 18 and having a partner that uses drugs or
percent after controlling for a range of alcohol were also associated risk factors
factors, including her attitudes towards for the conflict affected women.
the acceptability of wife beating, wit-
Forced displacement can amplify the
nessing IPV in childhood, religion and
risk of child marriage.41 This has been
regional fixed effects. However, the re-
traced to families marrying off daugh-
sults do not show any effect of conflict
ters for the protection of a male spouse
on sexual IPV alone.
or for greater financial security.42 Our
A study using the same methodology in new multi-country analysis suggests
Nigeria finds that the presence of Boko more mixed results, which vary across
Haram (BH) increases the probability country contexts.
that women experience physical or sex-
Our findings provide solid evidence
ual IPV by about 4 percentage points
for the need for policy makers and
after controlling for known correlates
programs to seriously consider the
of IPV: partner’s alcohol use, previous
significant risks of GBV that displaced
exposure to IPV and condoning IPV as
women and girls face, to ensure actions
a social norm. Controlling behaviors
are taken to prevent such violence, and
from husbands/partners– another form
to enable support for survivors, as out-
of IPV—are heightened in locations that
lined in Section 3 below.
are impacted by the BH insurgency. In
these places, women’s risk of experienc-
ADVERSE GENDER NORMS
ing controlling behavior increases by 14
percentage points, indicating that the
BH insurgency exacerbates behaviors
that are often pre-cursors to physical Gendered social norms, the shared
and sexual IPV. 37 behavioral ‘rules’ that define what mem-
While the data does not allow us to bers of a society do or believe should
disentangle pathways, IPV risk factors be done, operating at both the individ-
affecting the displaced appear to be ual (personal) and social (community)
income insecurity, stress leading to levels. Measuring complex constructs
marital discord, lack of institutions able like gender norms is challenging
to respond to violence, and breakdown and constrained by data availability.
in social fabric. 38 However, the importance of measur-
ing norms and assessing how they
change is increasingly recognized asan important area for policy responses searching for work and providing for
21
to displacement.43 As noted in a recent the family. In some cases, this low-
systematic review, “qualitative findings ered the self-esteem of male spouses,
THE GENDER DIMENSIONS OF FORCED DISPLACEMENT: A SYNTHESIS OF NEW RESEARCH
show that gender and social norms leading to increased violence in the
acted as significant barriers to program home.47 Another study of Syrian ref-
uptake across multiple intervention ugees in camps in Jordan found that
types, including cash transfers and safe refugee women were frequently taking
spaces. Policy makers must ensure they on breadwinner roles for the first time,
recognize embedded power dynam- which increased their decision-making
ics and specifically address patriarchal power in the community.48 In the ab-
norms, as without these components, sence of men, displaced Nuer women
interventions are unlikely to succeed in in South Sudan generated income for
their stated aims.”44 the household and assumed roles tra-
ditionally perceived as male, including
Unequal gender norms are often re-
negotiating dowries.49
strictive for women and girls, relative
to men and boys, and may persist, Whether the spheres of activities
or be disrupted by displacement. deemed unsuitable for women change
Displacement can expose women and post-displacement appears to vary
men, girls and boys, to new host com- across settings. A 2011 study in Darfur
munity norms that are more expansive, found that IDP women were involved
or restrictive, as well as to new eco- in health-related activities at the com-
nomic and social realities that challenge munity level but were excluded from
traditional gender roles. Women may decisions related to camp infrastructure
be able to access new opportunities or management, which were perceived
and services that were previously as male fields. 50 In contrast, in the after-
unavailable. Afghan refugee women math of Nepal’s conflict, a 2016 study
in Pakistan that had fled the previous found that widows worked outside the
Taliban regime, for example, had access home and some of them even crossed
to reproductive health services, often over into male-dominated fields, such
for the first time. Their daughters could as construction labor or transport. 51
attend primary and secondary educa-
The GDFD program includes several
tion from which they were excluded at
studies which cast important new light
home.45 Individuals may be present-
on gender norms in displacement set-
ed with new reference groups in new
tings. Two new empirical investigations
settings that can allow for changes in
directly interrogated gender norms in
individual behaviors among displaced
displacement in Jordan and Colombia,
women, although behavior may change
while others provide new insights. The
without shifting the gender norm.
research on gendered social norms in
Displaced people often move to urban Jordan focused on adolescence, which
areas, which may open up economic is the stage when boys’ and girls’ lives
opportunities for women and broaden become strongly gender-differentiat-
their exposure to new gender norms.46 ed, particularly in socially conservative
For example, a study of Syrian refugees settings. 52 Earlier work in Jordan found
in Lebanon found that displaced wom- that adolescent boys steadily gain
en undertook responsibilities outside mobility, whether leaving the house or
of their traditional roles, including22 leaving the community, as they aged, networks, to access sexual and repro-
whereas girls’ mobility diminished. 53 ductive health services, and more. It has
been noted that in displacement con-
The new examination of norms around
THE WORLD BANK GROUP
texts, adolescent girls were traditionally
adolescent Syrian refugees in Jordan
overlooked in humanitarian program-
used the nationally representative 2016
ming, lumped in with children or adults,
Jordan Labor Market Panel Survey
although the recognition of the needs
which includes questions on gender
of adolescents and especially adoles-
role attitudes and justification of do-
cent girls has grown over time. 56
mestic VAW, as well as involvement
in decision-making and mobility. The Whether gender norms change with
focus is on two key aspects of adoles- displacement is also examined in the
cent life: domestic work (subsistence case of IDPs in Colombia. 57 Colombia
and unpaid care) and current enrolment is a national setting characterized by
in school. The investigation reveals that widespread internal displacement as
while gender role attitudes are similar well as deeply rooted gender unequal
across generations and nationalities, norms. Women are expected to take on
Syrian adolescent girls are particularly the bulk of domestic responsibilities,
restricted in their mobility compared to whereas men are seen as the house-
their Jordanian counterparts. This could hold head and main breadwinners for
reflect the higher (real or perceived) their families. Affordable, good-quality
risks they face in the public space. childcare services are lacking, no legal
Syrian refugee girls in Lebanon and provision exists for paid parental leave
Jordan, for example, have cited risks of to be shared between mothers and fa-
GBV on the way to school as a barrier thers, 58 and women do nearly four times
to education. 54 At the same time, Syrian as much as much unpaid domestic and
refugee adolescent girls and boys have care work as men. The GDFD research
similar educational outcomes as do uses three rounds of Demographic
Syrian refugee girls and Jordanian girls and Health Surveys (DHS) data for the
after accounting for socioeconomic 2005-2015 period to examine changes
status. 55 in gender attitudes, norms and behavior
that limit women’s access to reproduc-
The findings underline the association
tive health, economic opportunities,
between girls’ and mothers’ deci-
and mobility, and norms that tolerate
sion-making and domestic workloads.
VAW and endorse patriarchy.
The results also highlight importance
of considering adolescent refugee The GDFD research finds mixed trends
girls as a distinct group that may have and patterns in gender attitudes and
divergent outcomes and face unique norms over the decade, not always
challenges. For example, while Syrian moving in expected directions:
adult women had higher mobility rela-
• Displacement is associated with
tive to Jordanian adult women, Syrian
more traditional attitudes around
adolescent girls were much more re-
women in the domestic sphere,
stricted than adult women or Jordanian
reducing the probability of dis-
adolescent girls. Girls’ limited mobili-
agreeing with the statement “a
ty may constrain their access to safe
woman’s main role is family care-
spaces, to connect to friends and social
giving and cooking” by 6 to 8You can also read
