The Disregarded European Question and the British Party System: a Crucial Test for Tories and Labour
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April 2019
London Office
The Disregarded European Question
and the British Party System: a Crucial
Test for Tories and Labour
Felix Dane, Philipp Burkhardt
The vote by the British people to leave the European Union is not only the manifestation of an
economically weak and discontented class. Rather, it reflects a British – and in particular English –
handling of the European continent. Since the EU cleavage lays across the conflict lines of the big
parties, neither Tories nor Labour can organise majorities capable of acting. Specificities of the political
system, political culture and historical factors all serve to tighten the current deadlock. Furthermore,
the European question is not only a matter of Britain’s relations with the continent; indeed, it risks
threatening the unity of the United Kingdom itself.
Preconditions: The Island and the Thus, Great Britain’s decision to join the
Continent European Community was rather economically
driven and pragmatic by nature. It was only in
The attitude of Great Britain towards the project 1973, after a waiting period of ten years, that the
of European integration has always been U.K. was finally able to join the European project,
characterised by rational pragmatism rather than under the leadership of Tory Prime Minister,
emotional confessions. Unlike in Germany and Edward Heath. Prior to their accession, Charles
France, the EU-project was never understood as a de Gaulle would twice veto their admission,
historical imperative. Continentals often cite a fearing special demands from the U.K. Posterity
speech of Winston Churchill given in Zurich, in has proven de Gaulle’s fears to have been, in
which he demands the ‘United States of Europe’. part, founded. There have been numerous
Such citations misunderstand that Churchill was disputes between Brussels and London over the
in fact addressing the continent of Europe, and course of British membership; three British Prime
excluding Britain from his visionary idea. At that Ministers (Margaret Thatcher, John Major and
time, nothing seemed more fantastical in the self- David Cameron) have fallen due to the European
perception of the British Empire – which still question so far; and British leaders have made a
incorporated the entire Indian subcontinent – habit of showing off their distance towards the
than to bow to the idea of shared European continent, for instance when Labour Prime
sovereignty. Only the disappointments about the Minister Gordon Brown ostentatiously absented
expected ‘special relationship’ with the U.S., the himself from the signing of the Treaty of Lisbon.
disappointment by the outcomes of the
European Free Trade Association (EFTA), and the Nevertheless, it would be insufficient to explain
scarce compensational potential of the Great Britain’s special relationship to the
Commonwealth led to the insight that it might be continent as a mere consequence of Britain’s
reasonable to consider participating in the slightly obstinate self-perception. Two more
advanced project of European integration on the crucial things led to enduring desynchronisation
continent. between London and Brussels. First, the doctrineKonrad-Adenauer-Stiftung e. V.
Länderbericht April 2019 2
of absolute sovereignty of parliament contradicts support the unity of the U.K. In Northern Ireland,
the idea of superordinate European law. Second, thus, the dominant political parties have
it is hard to combine the British tradition of Case compiled clear and consistent positions on the
Law, Common Law and Customs, that makes a EU. Nationalist Sinn Féin acts the role of a
written constitution obsolete – with the (reluctant) EU supporter, while the Democratic
continental custom of codified legislation. The Unionist Party (DUP) encouraged their supporters
evolution of these two principles, almost without to vote for Brexit.
discontinuity, and the functionality in political On the contrary, the governing parties in
decision-making can not be simply replaced by Westminster, namely Tories and Labour, were
bare expectations in better common European unsuccessful in taking up an unambiguous stance
decision-making. on the EU-question. As such, one can find all
tonalities in both parties, from staunchly EU-
The continuity of British constitutional reality, the supporting to strongly hostile. The cross-laying
historical awareness of being a stabilising power European question remained rather unedited
intervening in the never-ending quarrels on the with the consequence that it is nearly impossible
continent, and finally the economic to organise majorities in the national political
considerations that led to the admission to the system.
EC, constitute a unique relation between the U.K. This being said, both parties have succeeded in
and the rest of Europe, and serves as a backdrop cultivating pockets of devout and long-standing
for the exceptionalism the U.K. has always Euro scepticism.
fostered. Naturally, this exceptionalism affects
the present day as well. A glance at the two big On the side of the Tories, this has a long
parties will demonstrate that neither Tories nor tradition, which has erupted today in the core of
Labour were able to develop a consistent Tory-Brexiteers. They mention four arguments as
position on the EU-project. Hence, one can find to why leaving the EU would be better for Britain.
EU-supporters, -sceptics and -opponents in both First, they fear a loss of sovereignty and insist on
parties. These internal party challenges affect the an own British identity and way of decision-
political system as a whole. making. Second – which also follows along with
the first argument – they wish to prevent an
Dissolution: Tories, Labour and the overregulation by the ‘eurocrats’ in Brussels, as
European Question labelled by Margaret Thatcher. Third, outside the
European Union, the U.K. would finally be able to
Many scholars mention Great Britain as a classic establish its own tariff- and tax-policies. The
example of a two-party-system. The British first- deregulated economy would lead to the rapidly
past-the-post voting system promotes the growth of GDP, London would become the
dominance of two parties. Thus, recent history ‘Singapore-upon-Thames’, a buzz-word of laissez-
was characterised by changes of government faire Brexiteers. Fourth, Brexit would enable the
between the Conservative Party (Tories) and the U.K. to once more make its own decisions on EU
Labour Party. However, a more detailed view of migration. Unrestricted European mobility
the British party landscape demonstrates that the coupled with policies of social inclusion
Scottish and Northern Irish parts of the United metamorphosed into a spectre in the eyes of
Kingdom clearly differ from those of England and Conservative Brexiteers. Although Great Britain is
Wales. Both Tories and Labour gain their not part of the Schengen area, the controversy
constituencies mainly in England and Wales, discussed pictures of migrant flows during the
whereas the explicitly pro-EU Scottish National refugee crisis seem to have emphasised the
Party (SNP) seems to replace both Tories and impression of the EU-sceptics, that Brussels is
Labour as the new dominant party in Scotland. In losing control over its borders.
Northern Ireland, in contrast, parties align These ideas are not limited to a radical minority
themselves along the major societal cleavage within the Conservative Party but are instead
between Catholic Irish Nationalists, favouring a deeply rooted in the political views of both party
united Ireland, and Protestant Unionists, who and grassroots.Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung e. V.
Länderbericht April 2019 3
and David Cameron were aware of this in the
Although, one group has emerged prominently run-up to the Brexit-Referendum. Both feared
among proponents of a hard Brexit. The losing their leadership position. Whereas David
European Research Group (ERG), under the Cameron reluctantly supported to vote for
leadership of Jacob Rees-Mogg, currently includes staying in the EU, Theresa May avoided to clearly
between 90 and 100 of the 314 Conservative MPs position herself during most of campaigning,
and fosters an open enmity against Theresa finally siding with Remain. This inconsistency is
May’s agreement negotiated with the EU. So criticisable however, it is a symptom, not the root
called ‘pressure groups’ are very common in of Tories’ problems.
British politics. Nevertheless, observers call the
ERG a ‘party within the party’. The ERG meets Labour, meanwhile, also has its own traditions of
regularly, has its own party whip (Mark Francois), Euroscepticism which has other roots than an
and frequently informs Downing Street of its own underlying idea of laissez-faire economies. On
positions and the red lines that should not be the contrary, Labour’s critical attitude towards
crossed if government desires the support of all the EU is founded upon classical left-wing
conservative MPs. Jacob Rees-Mogg was the one arguments. Labour feared higher competitive
of the main initiators of the internal vote of no- pressure on the industrial sector, caused by
confidence that tried to oust Theresa May last European free trade. In consequence, either jobs
December. Furthermore, the ERG’s opposition would be cut, or state-sponsored welfare and
was a predominant factor in the successive employment rights would be reduced.
defeats of Theresa May’s withdrawal agreement. Not until the 1980s, then-time Labour leader Neil
Despite this antagonistic stance, the ERG Kinnock excluded Trotskyites from the party and
possesses good connections to government reconsidered the close ties between his party and
members. Thus, the group is able to act as a the socialist labour unions. Under Kinnock’s
hinge between backbench rebels and leadership, the party developed a reluctant pro-
government seats. More moderate groups, such European position. In the 1990s and early 2000s,
as the Brexit Delivery Group (BDG), who supports under ‘New Labour’, Tony Blair re-defined the
achieving some form of withdrawal agreement, party, moving away from its originary socialist
or even Remainers, appear less able to lobby for demands for communisation. However, even
their demands when compared to the degree of during this less Eurosceptical moment, Labour’s
interconnectedness between the ERG and heart was not in the EU. Tony Blair signed the
government. The ERG has thus been able to European Social Charter, but only agreed with
appoint itself as a de facto veto power. When it Brussels if it was in accordance with Britain’s
comes to May’s Withdrawal Agreement, they national interest. And concerning extensive
argue primarily that the integrity of the United efforts for deeper integration, Tony Blair still
Kingdom would be threatened by risking the acted as an opponent.
establishment of a special position for Northern The current Labour leader Jeremy Corbyn
Ireland. The DUP, which helps the government to personifies the inner conflict of his party. Corbyn
obtain the needed majority in most cases, shares belongs to the old, socialist left wing of Labour
this view. and is regarded as long-time Eurosceptic. He
once called the EU a ‘capitalist club’ and voted
Hence, the existence of the ERG is a structural against joining. Furthermore, Corbyn’s inner
problem for the Conservative party. Inconsistent circle consists of Eurosceptics as well. He and his
parliamentary groups that back a government supporters dislike the European Union mainly
always cause deadlock, instability and may also because of EU State Aid law, which contradicts
lead to a legitimacy loss in the broader public. their conceptions of socialism, which are
But the discrepancy within the party is not the essentially dependent on generous state
only problem of the Conservatives. In fact, subsidies. Publicly, Corbyn accepts the Leave-
positions represented by the ERG connect both vote of the referendum and remained ambiguous
with a broader part of the Tories, as well as with a concerning the demands of his party for a second
large part of the electorate. Both Theresa May referendum. The fact remains that during theKonrad-Adenauer-Stiftung e. V.
Länderbericht April 2019 4
entire Brexit debate, he has never credibly Completely different points of view try to ‘drag’
professed a desire to remain in the EU. He the European question for their favour. In
instead, not entirely unlike the Tories, attempts consequence, no functioning majority can be
an impossible balancing act between leave-voting developed. Any government, regardless which
Labour constituencies and small towns, on the party under which leadership, must ask itself the
one hand, and the urban, remain-voting question whether its decisions will be made in
metropoles, on the other. Thus, his ambiguous order to achieve what it considers to be the will
policy on the Brexit negotiations. However, his of the people or in order to preserve party unity.
failure to take a clear stance is not only due to an Considering the current circumstances, both
attempt to please all viewpoints, but can also be impossibly can be unified.
put down to political manoeuvring. Whatever his
personal view on the EU may be, he has worked Consequences: Deadlock, Possible
tactically, in a party-political gambit, to prevent Beneficiaries and Centrifugal Forces
what he calls a “Tory-Brexit”.
The specificities of the British political system
At the same time, many Labour MPs are intensify cross-party-conflict, making finding a
discontent with Corbyn’s leadership. On the one solution which can be backed by all much more
hand, they dismiss some of Corbyn’s radical challenging. The system itself, thus, contains
leftist demands. On the other hand, many Labour factors that decelerate consensual decision-
MPs are Remainers who mistrust the Eurosceptic making. Thus, although one can criticise Theresa
Labour leadership. The splitting-off of the May for a number of leadership mistakes, one
Independent Group (TIG), that is now a new Party must consider the underlying structural factors
called ‘Change UK’ and consists of eight Labour as well.
MPs and two former Tory MPs, demands a
second referendum and can be regarded as a Some continental political systems, in contrast,
moderate centrist party – for now. The focus on achieving consensus in a context of
dissatisfaction with Labour’s leadership was discussions with a broad spectrum of
further fuelled by a recent antisemitism scandal. stakeholders. The Westminster system,
Many members regrouped surrounding the meanwhile, emphasises the accountability of
Future Britain Group and its informal leader, Tom political decisions, which are clearly attributable
Watson. He wants to move Labour more into the to one single party. Therefore, the British first-
centre of the left spectrum since he belonged to past-the-post-voting aims to convert even the
the camp of the former Prime Minister Gordon narrowest majorities during elections into distinct
Brown. majorities in parliament. Proportional
Furthermore, many Labour MPs fear a second representation according to relative votes doesn’t
referendum because they have majority Leave play a role. Thus, there are either winners or
constituencies. They thus fear that a second losers after British elections. Since loyalty to one’s
referendum would be regarded as a treason by party and discipline during parliamentary votes
their electorate, which would cost them their are so important, coalitions are almost
seats in parliament. unthinkable in the British political system. If one
As regards party members themselves, there are party is not able to achieve absolute majority in
also Labour Brexiteers, but fewer than Tory ones. parliament, minority governments assume
However, Corbyn excepted, the Labour Brexiteer responsibility alone. Correspondingly, a
views surrounding core Brexit questions are in ‘continental’ solution of a bipartisan coalition to
fact closer to Tory positions than to Corbyn’s find a Brexit-compromise is not realistic from a
demands. historical stance for Great Britain. Although, one
can currently witness landmark bipartisan talks
In summary, one can assert that the necessity to between Tories and Labour. However, it is to be
dispute over the relation towards the continent seen if Brexit is an appropriate occasion to
after the referendum quarried the different and change a political culture reaching back to the
partly contradicting positions in both parties. very beginning of Parliament. Furthermore, theKonrad-Adenauer-Stiftung e. V.
Länderbericht April 2019 5
vote directly links MPs to their electoral districts. Regardless of what happens on the European
Given that, MPs from Brexit-constituencies are question, it will be necessary for both parties to
unlikely to act as compromise agents for a softer regroup in order to re-establish party unity,
Brexit or even to remain and vice versa. In the somehow repairing their internal antagonisms.
recent past, backbenchers who feared they could There is the possibility that both parties will be
lose their constituencies practised high pressure grinded by the European question or will at least
on their own government or even sought to bring suffer relative electoral loss. Since voters now
it down. Consequently, any government has to demand a consistent stance on the issue, there
fear deficient compliance by MPs from opponent are incentives to vote for another party than
constituencies. usually. In the most recent past, Liberal
Democrats, who have often gained votes from
Another structural element which has former dissatisfied Tory or Labour voters, and
contributed to the deadlock is the weak role of who clearly support the EU could establish
parliament itself, which cannot exercise major themselves as one pole on a continuum. The
influences on decision-making. Its main function antipode being movements such as the ERG,
is to facilitate confrontation between government which pro-Brexit voters feel represented by.
and opposition since the influence of government
on legislation in general and the agenda in the Finally, the EU conflict could if not has triggered
House is extraordinarily high. Parliament has centrifugal forces within the UK. The Scottish
significant power to obstruct but rather limited stance on the EU is clearly supportive, and the
power to construct, as one can currently witness. Scottish National Party (SNP) is confidently
Government and opposition thus sit facing each institutionalised to channel both the pro-EU
other, with the opposition acting as a form of arguments and the latent demands for
‘standby-government’, with its own shadow independence. Whereas Tories and Labour Party
cabinet. Although there are committees in are still internally debating their position on the
parliament, their role is weak, and they are future relations between the UK and the EU, it is
convoked ad-hoc. Consequently, parliament was not unlikely that the Scottish will try another
not able yet, to develop check instruments attempt for independence in the aftermath of
comparable to the strength of younger Brexit. The European question is so important
parliaments. The inherent risk of the system is that it could act as a catalyst for a divorce
that when government itself is divided, it faces between the UK and Scotland. Meanwhile, some
opposition from within its own ranks, as well as observers fear the resurgence of fighting in
from across the floor. This can lead to deadlock – Northern Ireland. A hard border on the Island of
as, indeed, can currently be witnessed. Ireland could stir ‘The Troubles’ up again. The
For this reason, it is very unlikely that a change of Good Friday Agreement of 1998 served to calm
leadership in one or both big parties will solve the antagonism, however the political conflict
the deadlock on the European question, given the between Unionists and Nationalists remains. As
long history of Euroscepticism on both sides, and such, there are fears it could cross over the
the underlying structural challenges in the case of threshold into violence once more.
divisive issues. One can assume that the
European question, especially the question of The political system of the United Kingdom has
how the U.K. wishes to shape its future relation proven itself stable and adaptive over centuries.
to the EU, will affect political dispute sine die – Unfortunately, its specificities emphasise
regardless of if and how the U.K. leaves the EU. deadlock when a disregarded topic causes
After all, the U.K. will remain a part of the disruption in the political landscape. However,
European system even if it is no longer a member there is no reason to assume, that the U.K.
of the EU. This is true not least with respect to the system is not able to also deal with this upcoming
Irish border, which will have to be dealt with major challenge as it has done numerous times
backstop or no backstop – geographic reality will before. Having said that, it remains to be seen
not be shifted. how both big parties will face this problem
without losing support or even risk division.Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung e. V.
Felix Dane
Director
Office United Kingdom / Ireland
European and International Cooperation
www.kas.de
felix.dane@kas.de
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