State-Level Policy Stigma and Non-Prescribed Hormones Use among Trans Populations in the United States: A Mediational Analysis of Insurance and ...
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ann. behav. med. (2021) XX:1–13 https://doi.org/10.1093/abm/kaab063 REGULAR ARTICLE State-Level Policy Stigma and Non-Prescribed Hormones Use among Trans Populations in the United States: A Mediational Analysis of Insurance and Anticipated Stigma Downloaded from https://academic.oup.com/abm/advance-article/doi/10.1093/abm/kaab063/6352463 by guest on 17 August 2021 Landon D. Hughes, BA,1,4, ∙ Kristi E. Gamarel, PhD, EdM1,4, ∙ Wesley M. King, EdM, MPH1,4 ∙ Tamar Goldenberg, PhD, MPH2, ∙ James Jaccard, PhD3 ∙ Arline T. Geronimus, ScD1,4 Published online: 14 August 2021 Published by Oxford University Press on behalf of the Society of Behavioral Medicine 2021. This work is written by (a) US Government employee(s) and is in the public domain in the US. Abstract Background Medical gender affirmation (i.e., hormone Results Among trans adults using hormones, we found use) is one-way transgender (trans) people affirm their that healthcare policy stigma was positively associ- gender and has been associated with health benefits. ated with NPHs use and operated through insurance However, trans people face stigmatization when ac- coverage and anticipating stigma in healthcare settings. cessing gender-affirming healthcare, which leads some to The effect sizes on key predictor variables varied signifi- use non-prescribed hormones (NPHs) that increase their cantly between those who use supplemental NPHs and risk for poor health. those who only use NPHs suggesting the need to treat Purpose We examined whether healthcare policy stigma, NPHs use as distinct from those who use supplemental as measured by state-level trans-specific policies, was as- NPHs. sociated with NPHs use and tested mediational paths Conclusions Our work highlights the importance of that might explain these associations. Because stigma- healthcare policy stigma in understanding health in- tizing healthcare policies prevent trans people from equities among trans people in the USA, specifically participation in healthcare systems and allow for dis- NPHs use. crimination by healthcare providers, we hypothesized that healthcare policy stigma would be associated with Keywords Transgender ∙ Hormone use ∙ Gender NPHs use by operating through three main pathways: affirmation ∙ Structural stigma ∙ Policy ∙ Insurance skipping care due to anticipated stigma in healthcare set- tings, skipping care due to cost, and being uninsured. Methods We conducted analyses using data from the Introduction 2015 U.S. Transgender Survey. The analytic sample in- cluded trans adults using hormones (N = 11,994). We Gender affirmation is the social process by which one’s fit a multinomial structural equation model to examine gender identity, expression, or role is recognized and af- associations. firmed [1]. Transgender (trans) individuals, including gender nonbinary people, experience gender affirmation in many ways. Gender affirmation is comprised of four Landon D. Hughes landonh@umich.edu different but interconnected dimensions: social, psy- chological, legal, and medical [2]. Specifically, Reisner 1 School of Public Health, University of Michigan, 1415 et al. [2] describe social affirmation as interpersonal rec- Washington Heights, Ann Arbor, MI 48109, USA ognition (e.g., using the correct name and pronouns), 2 Carolina Population Center, University of North Carolina at psychological affirmation as the internal felt sense of Chapel Hill, Chapel Hill, NC, USA self-actualization (e.g., validation of self), legal affirm- 3 Silver School of Social Work, New York University, New ation as the recognition by legal systems of one’s gender York, NY, USA (e.g., legal name and gender marker changes), and med- 4 Institute for Social Research, University of Michigan, Ann ical affirmation as the use of medical technologies to af- Arbor, MI, USA firm one’s gender (e.g., hormones, gender affirmation
2 ann. behav. med. (2021) XX:1–13 surgery, and puberty blockers). The majority of research Stigma as a Social Determinant of Health has focused on medical gender affirmation, specifically hormone use [3, 4]. Hormone use, like other forms of There has been an increasing recognition that stigma gender affirmation, has been associated with a range of is a fundamental cause of population health inequities positive health outcomes, including reductions in sui- among trans populations [10, 20, 21]. Hatzenbuehler cidal ideation, binge-drinking, drug use, anxiety, and de- et al. [22] define stigma as “the cooccurrence of labeling, pression and an increase in quality of life among trans stereotyping, separation, status loss, and discrimination people who use them for medical gender affirmation in a context in which power is exercised.” In the USA, [4–7]. the dominant and pervasive ideology on gender is that Downloaded from https://academic.oup.com/abm/advance-article/doi/10.1093/abm/kaab063/6352463 by guest on 17 August 2021 Hormone use needs and receipt vary within trans men and women are biologically distinct and inherently populations. For example, 20% of participants in a possess certain psychological and behavioral traits de- large national survey indicated they did not want hor- rived from reproductive functions [23]. This ideology mones, and among those who wanted hormones, only conflates gender with sex, creating what we refer to as half had ever accessed them [8]. Notably, many people the gender/sex fallacy [23]. The gender/sex fallacy alien- are unable to access hormones from a licensed med- ates people whose gender identity or expression are dis- ical professional and turn to non-prescribed hormones cordant with the gender typically aligned with their sex (NPHs). Not being able to access prescribed hormones assigned at birth, or whose gender identity or expression (PHs) can force people to go without or to access does not align with the man-woman binary. Further, the NPHs by purchasing them online, obtaining them from gender/sex fallacy provides a rationale for stigmatization, friends, or acquiring them via some other non-licensed promoting the discrimination and stereotyping of trans source [9–11]. Furthermore, merely having access to a people [10]. doctor does not guarantee access to hormones, as doc- The majority of research regarding stigma in trans tors may refuse to prescribe hormones, insurance may populations has focused on interpersonal or individual refuse to cover hormone prescriptions, or people may forms of stigma, such as victimization (e.g., physical or be unable to afford hormones due to out-of-pocket emotional abuse a trans person encounters), internal- costs or lack of insurance [8]. Moreover, structural ized stigma (e.g., internalizing negative societal messages stigma may affect the availability of hormones by about oneself as a trans person), or anticipating and operating as an impediment to accessing PHs, which is avoiding stigma (e.g., the presumption that one might be discussed below [12]. victimized and avoids instances where victimization may Given the aforementioned barriers, trans people have be a threat) [21, 24]. While interpersonal and individual developed alternative ways to access the healthcare they stigma is critical to understanding the health of trans need, including hormones; however, some of these al- people, these are not the only means by which stigma im- ternatives may be risky [13]. Access to PHs is important pacts health. White Hughto et al. [10] argue that we must because NPHs significantly increase the risk of poor consider how stigma operates across multiple levels, health outcomes due to improper dosing and the lack including structural forms of stigma, such as policies of monitoring [14, 15]. While the long-term effects of that limit the resources, opportunities, and wellbeing of any hormone use are unclear, some studies have shown trans people. For example, stigmatizing policies may act an increased risk for adverse cardiometabolic indicators as structural impediments that constrain trans peoples’ after beginning hormone therapy [16]; therefore, the cur- access to hormones by mandating that Medicaid cannot rent medical guidelines recommend that doctors closely cover trans-related care, even if a doctor deems medical monitor their patients’ cardiometabolic health while interventions necessary [25]. Furthermore, religious ex- taking hormones [17]. For example, some formulations emption laws allow doctors to deny trans people any of oral estrogen increase the risk of venous thrombo- healthcare services so long as they claim this exemption embolism and are therefore no longer prescribed by most [26]. Religious exemption laws not only affect access to clinicians; however, trans people who use non-prescribed hormones but also to any healthcare service for trans estrogen often take high dosages of these formulations, people. Together, these policies result in healthcare policy increasing their risk for venous thromboembolism [18]. stigma, which we conceptualize as stigma resulting from Furthermore, some people may use high doses of NPHs policies that govern healthcare systems and demean, de- in conjunction with PHs because they believe this will value, and restrict the healthcare of trans people. achieve faster results, placing them at risk of adverse Thus, healthcare policy stigma is a specific form of health effects [15]. Researchers have also speculated that structural stigma that may constrain the ability of trans NPHs may increase the risk of HIV infection due to people to access care that meets their gender affirmation sharing needles or parenteral administration, although needs by operating through two pathways: anticipated no study has formally linked these two [19]. stigma and cost. Healthcare policy stigma may allow
ann. behav. med. (2021) XX:1–133 violence and discrimination in medical settings to go un- checked, increasing individuals’ fear or anticipation of encountering stigma in healthcare contexts and driving healthcare avoidance [27]. Additionally, healthcare policy stigma may increase the out-of-pocket cost for ac- cessing hormones by allowing insurers to refuse to cover hormone-related care. Lastly, healthcare policy stigma may influence trans people’s insurance rates as some may choose not to participate in a healthcare system that is Downloaded from https://academic.oup.com/abm/advance-article/doi/10.1093/abm/kaab063/6352463 by guest on 17 August 2021 not built to meet their needs [13]. Thus, healthcare policy stigma may be a critical factor for understanding why Fig. 1. Multinomial model predicting non-prescribed hormone people use NPHs. use. Note: Model controlled for gender identity, race/ethnicity, age, education, Census region, unemployment, sex work, physical/ Purpose and Hypotheses verbal abuse, engagement with other trans people, experiencing homelessness, and family support. Medicaid expansion was in- cluded as a control when predicting uninured. The purpose of this paper is to examine whether healthcare policy stigma is associated with using NPHs and test possible mediational pathways in a sample of and skipping care due to cost will increase the likelihood trans people who use hormones. Previous research of both supplemental NPHs use and only using NPHs demonstrates associations between state-level policies compared to those who only use PHs. and health among transgender populations [20, 28, 29] including findings that demonstrate that state-level policy stigma is associated with decreases in hormone use Materials and Methods for medical gender affirmation [12]. However, this study builds on this work to demonstrate, for the first time, the This study is a secondary data analysis of the 2015 U.S. mechanisms through which state-level policy stigma may Transgender Survey (USTS), conducted among a na- work to influence NPHs use. Importantly, the literature tional sample of trans people in the USA and spon- on NPHs has predominantly treated NPHs use as a di- sored by the National Center for Transgender Equality chotomous outcome: any NPHs use versus no NPHs use [8]. Data were collected in August and September of [9, 30]. Simply treating NPHs use as a dichotomous out- 2015. The National Center for Transgender Equality come may not capture people who supplement their PHs worked with over 400 organizations across the USA to with NPHs, suggesting a third group [15]. Given that risk recruit nearly 28,000 respondents via social media and factors for only using NPHs may be different from those email. While these data were collected in 2015, they re- who supplement their PHs with NPHs, this paper seeks main the largest source of information on NPHs use in to understand whether healthcare policy stigma is differ- trans populations in the USA. Surveys were completed entially associated with exclusive NPHs use or supple- on web-enabled devices (e.g., computers, tablets, and mental NPHs use. smartphones) and were made accessible to respondents We posit that healthcare policy stigma operates with disabilities using screen readers. Surveys were avail- through two pathways to contribute to any form of able in English and Spanish. For more information on NPHs use: skipping care due to cost and anticipating methods, see the 2015 USTS report [8]. The original data stigma. Figure 1 presents the conceptual model to be collection was approved by the University of California tested. First, we hypothesize that living in a state with Los Angeles Institutional Review Board and the sec- high levels of healthcare policy stigma will be associated ondary analyses were ruled exempt by the University of with skipping care due to anticipated stigma and cost, Michigan Institutional Review Board. which will increase the chances of using supplemental NPHs and using only NPHs compared to those who only use PHs. Sample Second, we hypothesize that healthcare policy stigma will be associated with a higher probability of being The National Center for Transgender Equality re- uninsured and skipping needed healthcare due to cost. cruited 27,715 people for the project. Eligibility for the Trans people may be less likely or able to participate in project included (a) identifying as trans or some other a healthcare system that allows for discrimination and gender-diverse individual, (b) being at least 18 years will be more likely to pay out of pocket for their care. of age, and (c) living in the USA. We then limited our We posit that, in turn, increases in the uninsured rate analytic sample to those who reported currently using
4 ann. behav. med. (2021) XX:1–13 hormones (n = 12,044). Respondents who identified as composite are (a) private insurance protections for trans cross-dressers were removed from the sample because people, (b) whether or not Medicaid covers trans-specific their experiences are fundamentally different than those healthcare, (c) state-wide nondiscrimination protections, with other trans identities (n = 20). Respondents who and (d) religious exemption laws. This measure is adapted lived on a military base or one of the U.S. territories from Goldenberg et al.’s state-level trans-specific policies at the time of data collection were also removed from measure [12, 31]. These four policies were chosen because the sample because we could not calculate a healthcare they are relevant to healthcare utilization in that they ei- policy stigma score for these areas and the means of ac- ther stigmatize trans people, restrict access to healthcare cessing hormones on a military base is different than in services, or provide legal protections in healthcare set- Downloaded from https://academic.oup.com/abm/advance-article/doi/10.1093/abm/kaab063/6352463 by guest on 17 August 2021 the rest of the USA (n = 30). Our final overall sample tings. We gave supportive policies a score of minus one, included 11,994 respondents. while we gave unsupportive policies a score of plus one, while states that did not have an explicit policy were held Measures unchanged. In total, the potential scores range from −2 to 2; however, the observed ranges for this variable in NPHs use the data were −1 to 2. Higher scores indicate states with stigmatizing policies toward trans people. One point was Current NPHs use was coded into three nominal subtracted from a state’s score if that state had private categories: currently using PHs, supplemental NPHs, insurance nondiscrimination policies or if that state had and NPHs. Respondents were asked “Where do you cur- a state-wide nondiscrimination policy. States were given rently get your hormones?” and selected one of three one point if that state restricted trans healthcare for responses. Those who chose “I only go to licensed pro- Medicaid populations or had any religious exemption fessionals (like a doctor) for hormones” were coded as laws. For a map of state-specific values for this variable, PHs only. Those who chose “In addition to licensed pro- see Fig. 2. fessionals, I also get hormones from friends, online, or other non-licensed sources” were coded as supplemental NPHs. And those who chose “I ONLY get hormones Mediators from friends, online, or other non-licensed sources” were Skipped care due to anticipated stigma was coded as a coded as NPHs only. dichotomous variable (i.e., “Was there a time in the past 12 months when you needed to see a doctor but did not Healthcare policy stigma because you thought you would be disrespected or mis- Healthcare policy stigma is a cumulative measure of the treated as a trans person?”). Anyone who indicated “yes” severity of policy-level factors that demean, devalue, and to the question was coded as one, while those who in- restrict the care of trans people. We created the state- dicated “no” were coded as zero. Uninsured was coded specific healthcare policy stigma variable by tallying the as a dichotomous variable, with those having no form total number of policies that were supportive of trans of insurance (e.g., private insurance, Medicaid, and people and those that were unsupportive in 2015, the Medicare) being coded as one and those with any insur- year data were collected. The policies underlying this ance being coded as zero. Skipped care due to cost was Fig. 2. Map of state-specific policy stigma values.
ann. behav. med. (2021) XX:1–135 coded as a dichotomous variable (i.e., “Was there a time one for those who reported socializing with trans people in the past 12 months when you needed to see a doctor in person and zero for those who reported not social- but could not because of cost?”). Anyone who indicated izing with trans people in person. Family support was “yes” to the question was coded as one, while those who coded into three categories: (a) those who are not out indicated “no” were coded as zero. to their family, (b) those who reported their family was unsupportive of their gender identity, and (c) those who Covariates reported either not having a family, having a supportive family, or a family that was neither supportive nor un- While reporting current gender identity, respondents supportive. Although there may be important differences chose one of six options: cross-dresser, woman, trans- Downloaded from https://academic.oup.com/abm/advance-article/doi/10.1093/abm/kaab063/6352463 by guest on 17 August 2021 in the third category of the family support variable, the gender woman, man, transgender man, or nonbinary/ sample sizes were too small to analyze these groups sep- genderqueer. We excluded respondents who chose arately. Because a lack of family support and disclosure “cross-dresser” and created a three-level variable: (a) have both been associated with adverse outcomes, we trans woman/woman; (b) trans man/man; and (c) gender coded this variable to examine differences between those nonbinary/genderqueer. Given the small number of per- with negative family experiences and those who were not sons of color (n = 2,063), the race was coded as a di- out to their family and compared them participants with chotomous variable for those who identify as “white” more neutral or positive family experiences [34]. and those who identified as a person of color (i.e., 5% To control for variation in NPHs use resulting from Hispanic, 5% Biracial, 3% Black, 2% Asian/Pacific state-level and geographic factors other than healthcare Islander, and 1% Native American). While this approach policies, we included census region and Medicaid expan- is not ideal, the small cell sizes for NPHs use when cross- sion as covariates. Census region was used to group states tabulated by race made it impossible to include the together by geographical location based on the tax- multi-category covariate. Age was collected and used as onomy used by the Census that classifies states into ei- a continuous variable age in years at the time of data ther the Midwest, Northeast, South, or West. Although collection. Unemployment was coded as a dichotomous imperfect, we included the Census region as a control variable with those who were currently unemployed but because states in similar regions tend to have similar pol- looking for work being coded as one and all else being itical and social climates. Medicaid expansion was one coded as zero. The Highest level of education was coded provision of the Affordable Care Act aimed at reducing into four categories: less than high school, high school the uninsured rate. This statute allowed for states to opt graduate, some college, and college graduate. into increasing the number of people eligible to receive In addition to cost, lack of insurance, and anticipated Medicaid in exchange for more federal funding [35]. stigma [9, 13, 27, 32], prior studies have also shown that Medicaid expansion has been shown to significantly de- NPHs use is correlated with lifetime sex work, experi- crease the uninsured rates in states that have expanded encing homelessness, verbal or physical victimization, Medicaid [35]. We controlled for Medicaid expansion having a network of other trans people who use hor- using a categorical variable identifying whether a state mones, and family rejection [9, 13, 19, 27, 30, 33]. To had expanded Medicaid before the data were collected; control for these additional factors, we relied on meas- states were coded as one if they expanded Medicaid and ures collected by the USTS that mapped onto these zero if they did not. constructs. Consistent with prior studies using this data source to examine medical gender affirmation [31], re- spondents were asked whether they had ever engaged in Statistical Analyses sex or sexual activity for money or worked in the sex in- dustry, such as erotic dancing, webcam work, or porn We tested the conceptual model outlined in Fig. 1 films. Individuals who responded “yes” were coded as (covariates are omitted to reduce clutter). The model one for the variable sex work and zero if they responded was evaluated using the Mplus 8.0 software for struc- “no.” The variable experiencing homelessness was coded tural equation modeling. The model was fit using robust as one for those respondents who reported experiencing (Huber-White) maximum likelihood algorithms. The un- homelessness in the past year and zero for those who re- insured skipped care due to cost, and skipped care due to ported “no.” Respondents reported whether they experi- anticipated stigma mediators are dichotomous and were enced physical or verbal abuse due to their gender identity estimated using a logit function. NPHs use was treated in the past year. The variable physical or verbal abuse was as a three-level nominal outcome that was regressed coded as one for those who had reported experiencing onto all variables, except Medicaid expansion, using a either physical or verbal abuse due to their gender iden- multinomial logit function with numerical integration. tity in the past year and zero for those who reported they The referent group for the multinomial equation was did not experience either. Trans engagement was coded as those who only use NPHs. Multinomial equations yield
6 ann. behav. med. (2021) XX:1–13 coefficients that estimate local odds whereas our interest our focus was on contrasts between substantively mean- was with marginal probabilities for each of the three ingful predictor profiles. NPHs use categories. We used the methods described in Muthén, Muthén, and Asparouhov [36] to estimate the relevant marginal probabilities where all covariates Results were held constant at their respective mean values (i.e., we used a form of marginal effects analysis at the mean), Table 1 presents unadjusted tabulations of demo- but where the component probabilities of the marginal graphics by hormone use. Among the respondents, effects analysis at the mean were used to form relative 11,004 (92%) currently accessed hormones only from a Downloaded from https://academic.oup.com/abm/advance-article/doi/10.1093/abm/kaab063/6352463 by guest on 17 August 2021 risk ratios rather than probability differences using the licensed doctor (PHs use), 255 (2%) currently accessed MODEL CONSTRAINT command in Mplus. hormones only from some other source (NPHs use), The initial fit of the model revealed global ill-fit due and 735 (6%) accessed hormones from both a licensed to the need for correlated disturbances between skipping doctor and some other source (supplemental NPHs care due to trans stigma and the other two mediators. We, use). Without adjusting for covariates, on average, as therefore, added parameters to the model to reflect these age increased individuals were slightly more likely to use covariances. No other localized sources of model ill fit NPHs. Compared to white people, people of color were were noted. Missingness was not a major issue with these slightly more likely to use either supplemental NPHs or data. Missing data were treated using the default full in- only NPHs. On average, those with higher levels of edu- formation maximum likelihood methods in Mplus. Data cation were less likely to use either supplemental NPHs were missing for the variables sex work (n = 9), skipped or only NPHs. Compared to trans women/women and care due to anticipated stigma (n = 13), trans engagement nonbinary/genderqueer individuals, trans men/men were (n =6), currently experiencing homelessness (n = 53), un- significantly less likely to use both supplemental NPHs insured (n = 30), skipped care due to cost (n = 45), and and only NPHs. Table 2 reports the targeted predictor family support (n = 22). profile contrasts. We discuss each set of contrasts, in We report the results using profile analyses where we turn. To view the full results from the structural equation varied selected values on key predictors while holding all model, see the Online Supplement. other variables constant at their mean values. The ad- vantage of this approach is that it allows us to focus on probabilities and relative risk ratios, which are more in- Predicting the Probability of Being Uninsured terpretable and less misleading than odds ratios. The esti- mation algorithms do not permit the estimation of total On average, the uninsured rate was an estimated 4.5% effects from traditional structural equation modeling, so lower in states that expanded Medicaid compared to Table 1 Respondent Demographics by Hormone Use PHs only Supplemental NPHs NPHs only (n = 11,004) (n = 735) (n = 255) n or M % or SD n or M % or SD n or M % or SD Significance Age (in years) 35 14 35 13 38 14 F(2, 11,991) = 6.09; p = .002 Race White 9,154 92% 576 6% 201 2% x2(2) = 14; p = .001 People of color 1,850 90% 159 8% 54 3% Education
ann. behav. med. (2021) XX:1–137 Table 2 Profile Analyses: Direct Effects Profile contrast Profile 1 probability Profile 2 probability Relative risk p values Outcome: uninsured ME(no) vs. ME(yes) 0.118 0.073 .616 (.521, 712)
8 ann. behav. med. (2021) XX:1–13 stigma had any significant direct effect on the probability in using supplemental NPHs and only using NPHs as of only using PHs. operating through insurance coverage. Similarly, given that healthcare policy stigma was statistically associ- Predicting the Probability of Supplemental NPH Use ated with an increase in skipping care due to anticipating stigma and skipping care due to anticipating stigma was We found that those who were uninsured were more statistically associated with an increase in supplemental likely to use supplemental NPHs than their insured NPH use and only using NPHs, under the property of counterparts: 7% to 5% respectively (p = .001). Those the joint significance test, healthcare policy stigma was who skipped care due to anticipated stigma in healthcare associated with an increase in using supplemental NPHs Downloaded from https://academic.oup.com/abm/advance-article/doi/10.1093/abm/kaab063/6352463 by guest on 17 August 2021 settings were more likely to use supplemental NPHs than and only using NPHs as operating through anticipated their counterparts who did not skip care due to antici- stigma. Lastly, given that healthcare policy stigma was pated stigma: 8% to 4% respectively (p < .001). Those statistically associated with an increase of skipping care who skipped care due to cost were more likely to use sup- due to cost and skipping care due to cost was statistic- plemental NPHs than their counterparts who did not: ally associated with an increase in supplemental NPHs 7% to 4% respectively (p < .001). However, this did not use, under the property of the joint significance test, reach statistical significance when analyzing local odds healthcare policy stigma was associated with an increase (p = .079); thus, the results should be interpreted with in using supplemental NPHs as operating through an- caution. Lastly, we found that healthcare policy stigma ticipated stigma. Again, this last mediational chain was had a negative direct effect on the probability of supple- not statistically significant when analyzing local odds mental NPHs, although statistical significance remained (p = .079). The pathway from healthcare policy stigma to suspect (Relative Risk Ratio = .797, p = .077). using only NPHs was not significant. Table 3 reports the predicted probabilities for the cu- mulative effect of the best versus the worst outcomes Predicting the Probability of Using Only NPHs from the full multinomial model using profile analyses. The probabilities for the best-case group is the esti- Those who were uninsured were more likely to only use mated probability of PHs use only, supplemental NPHs NPHs than their insured counterparts: 4% to 0.7% re- use, and NPHs use only when the control variables are spectively (p < .001). Those who skipped care due to an- mean-centered and the pathway variables are set to their ticipated stigma in healthcare settings were more likely to most favorable values (e.g., uninsured, skipping care due only use NPHs than their counterparts who did not skip to stigma, and skipping care due to cost are all equal to care due to anticipated stigma: 1.4% to 0.7% respect- 0; Medicaid expansion is set to 1, and healthcare policy ively (p < .001). We did not find that those who skipped stigma is set to −1). The probabilities for the worst-case care due to cost were statistically more or less likely to group are the estimated probability of using PHs only, only use NPHs than their counterparts who did not skip supplemental NPHs use, and NPHs use only when the care due to cost. Lastly, we found a direct effect from control variables are mean-centered and the pathway healthcare policy stigma to only using NPHs. Those in variables are set to their least favorable values (e.g., states with the greatest healthcare policy stigma were reverse-scored values from above). more likely to only use NPHs than those in states with We found that the best-case probabilities were posi- the least healthcare policy stigma: 1.1% to 0.7% respect- tively associated with desired outcomes and negatively ively (p = .036). associated with undesirable outcomes. Of particular note, compared to the best-case scenario, the worst-case Testing the Mediational Chains From Healthcare Policy scenario showed an 18-fold increase in the probability of Stigma to Hormone Use Type using NPHs only (0.5% to 8%) and a 3-fold increase in using supplemental NPHs (4% to 13%). Each of these The pattern of results for the profile analyses implies findings was statistically significant below a p value of statistically significant mediation effects using the logic .001. of joint significance tests as described in Fritz and MacKinnon [37]; Fritz et al. [38]. For example, given that healthcare policy stigma was statistically associ- Discussion ated with an increase in the uninsured rate and being uninsured was, in turn, statistically associated with Our findings are consistent with other studies that dem- an increase in supplemental NPHs use and only using onstrate that structural stigma, specifically healthcare NPHs, under the property of the joint significance test, policies, is associated with medical gender affirmation healthcare policy stigma was associated with an increase practices of trans people in the USA [4, 31]. Our study
ann. behav. med. (2021) XX:1–139 Table 3 Profile Analyses: Best- Versus Worst-Case Profile contrast Best-case probability Worst-case probability Relative risk p values Outcome: uninsured 0.038 0.117 3.10 (2.504, 3.696)
10 ann. behav. med. (2021) XX:1–13 model does not account for all possible mediators be- Existing studies suggest the need for policies that tween healthcare policy stigma and using only NPHs. protect trans people from discrimination in healthcare One mediator that may be relevant to understanding the settings given the evidence that discrimination against effect of healthcare policies on the use of NPHs use is trans people in healthcare settings is related to adverse access to PHs. While the USTS does not specifically as- physical and mental health outcomes [43]. Our research sess factors associated with accessing PHs, such as the builds on this work to demonstrate the importance of ability to access a pharmacy, others have documented trans-specific public policy to not only addressing NPHs inconsistent access to trans-competent pharmacological use but also to insuring trans people. In June 2020, the care amongst trans individuals that may be influential in Department of Health and Human Services finalized a Downloaded from https://academic.oup.com/abm/advance-article/doi/10.1093/abm/kaab063/6352463 by guest on 17 August 2021 understanding NPHs use [39]. Exploring potential me- rule that removed existing protections from healthcare diators between healthcare policy stigma and using only discrimination for an estimated 1.4 million trans adults NPHs may prove an important topic for future research. [44, 45]. This rule allows healthcare facilities, insurers, Mixed-methods research may be particularly useful in and providers to deny care to trans people simply be- exploring potential mediators (e.g., interpersonal inter- cause of their gender identity [45]. actions and intrapersonal factors such as cognitions, Our findings suggest that it is plausible a lack of trans- preferences, and behaviors) that might be driving the use inclusive healthcare policies may increase the number of of NPHs only as opposed to supplemental NPHs use. trans people who are uninsured, skip care due to stigma A notable finding we had not hypothesized was how and cost, and who use NPHs. Trans-inclusive policies the association between healthcare policy stigma and the that guarantee adequate access to safe, effective hor- probability of being uninsured would compare to that mones are crucial to ensuring health equity for trans of Medicaid expansion. Remarkably, compared to states people. While documenting the potential effects of with the most healthcare policy stigma, states with the harmful policies is an important step, it is by no means least healthcare policy stigma have a lower predicted the last. Public health practitioners must work to create uninsured rate of 3.5%; while states that have passed interventions that meaningfully reduce structural stigma Medicaid expansion have a lower predicted uninsured and build political coalitions to enact policies that pro- rate of 4.5%. This finding suggests that trans-specific tect trans people. healthcare policies are nearly as influential at insuring Beyond practical implications, this study also suggests trans people than gender-blind policies like Medicaid a few implications for researchers working with categor- expansion. Our findings suggest healthcare systems, ical variables and cross-sectional data. Chiefly, our find- including state policies, that are not explicitly designed to ings highlight the importance of thinking critically about protect trans people (e.g., do not cover gender-affirming how to operationalize categorical variables. Researchers care or protect from discrimination and victimization) ought to carefully examine their categorical variables may result in avoidance of care or trans people may be and exhaust combinations relevant to their research shut out from participation. This finding supports prior topic. Our analyses also showcase the ability to conduct research by Glick et al. [13] that trans people often go preliminary mediational research in a cross-sectional outside of mainstream healthcare services for their care, setting. While we are unable to “prove” causality in this like accessing hormones from non-licensed sources, if study due to its cross-sectional nature, we were able to they are not supported by mainstream institutions. test whether our conceptual model is plausible given our Notably, we found that nonbinary adults were at data. This is an important first step in examining our con- higher risk for NPHs use compared to trans men and ceptual model and testing our hypotheses, especially in trans women. It is plausible that nonbinary individ- situations where it is unethical to conduct cause-probing uals may turn to NPH because the current World studies (e.g., randomized control trials). In this way, Professional Association for Transgender Health cross-sectional mediational analyses allow for testing the (WPATH) Standards of Care may be too restrictive and plausibility of mediational models without the unethical reinforce normative binary conceptualizations of gender methods required to “proving” them. conceptualization of gender identity and expression [40]. WPATH’s Standards of Care are currently being updated Limitations to be more inclusive of nonbinary patients [41]. It is also plausible that providers may not have knowledge or These findings should be interpreted within the context competency regarding proper care for nonbinary people, of the following limitations. The USTS is a conveni- which may reinforce binary conceptualizations of gender ence sample, which limits generalizability. The study [42]. These findings suggest future research is warranted also relies on self-reported data of sensitive topics (e.g., to better understand NPHs use among nonbinary indi- NPHs use, sex work) such that there may be social de- viduals to help inform clinical practice and training. sirability bias. Furthermore, there is reason to believe
ann. behav. med. (2021) XX:1–1311 the number of people reporting NPHs use and being in- NPHs use as at least three categories: PHs use only, sup- sured may be smaller in our sample than in the overall plemental NPHs use, and NPHs use only. population given that the study recruited some partici- Our findings also demonstrate the importance of pants via medical centers; thus, these individuals may trans-inclusive policies and insurance coverage among be actively engaging in mainstream healthcare settings. trans populations. We found that stigmatizing pol- Furthermore, the USTS sample is predominantly non- icies were associated with an increase in the likelihood Hispanic white, which made it impossible to conduct of trans people being uninsured. This suggests that to analyses on specific racial and ethnic categories. The lower the uninsured rates of trans people, states cannot small number of people of color also limited our ability simply enact gender-blind policies aimed at insuring en- Downloaded from https://academic.oup.com/abm/advance-article/doi/10.1093/abm/kaab063/6352463 by guest on 17 August 2021 to conduct interaction analyses between race/ethnicity tire populations, such as Medicaid expansion, but must and gender identity groups. When predicting the prob- also consider trans-specific protections. Finally, this ability of supplemental NPHs use, some have shown study also connects individual-level forms of stigma, that body satisfaction, or how happy a person is with such as avoiding healthcare services due to fear of dis- their physical body, may be a key indicator of supple- crimination, with structural forms of stigma, such as mental NPHs use [46]. Our inability to control for in- states’ healthcare policy environments. Policies that dividuals’ body satisfaction maybe masking differences stigmatize trans people are highly associated with how or acting as a confounder in our analyses. Future re- trans people navigate healthcare; the more stigmatizing search should consider other risk factors for those who a state’s policies are, the more likely trans people may use supplemental NPHs: this is particularly important be to go without the care they need. In this way, policies given that, at least in this sample, more individuals use “get under the skin” because they may lead people to use supplemental NPHs than rely on NPHs alone. Logistic NPHs, which can have serious consequences for their and multinomial logistic modeling have limitations in health. Future research using longitudinal designs must that the estimated effects are dependent on values of the consider the limits of trans individuals’ health behaviors covariates given the nonlinear nature of the modeling in the presence of pernicious forms of structural stigma, [47]. The generalizability of the results must therefore be such as stigmatizing healthcare policies, that constrain viewed cautiously. Additionally, formal mediational and their ability to access safe hormones. total effects analysis is difficult with nominal outcomes and dichotomous mediators. Future research would benefit from developing continuous measures of these Supplementary Material constructs for use in more traditional structural equa- tion models, such as how often a participant uses NPHs. Supplementary material is available at Annals of Behavioral Lastly, as the data are cross-sectional, causality cannot Medicine online. be determined from this study. Acknowledgments Landon Hughes was supported by the Rackham Merit Fellowship, the National Institute on Aging (T32 AG000221), and the Eunice Kennedy Shriver National Institute Conclusions of Child Health and Development (T32 HD00733931). We thank the U.S. Trans Survey (USTS) team and all of the individuals who These findings demonstrate a pathway from healthcare participated in the study. policy stigma to NPHs use, with more inclusive policies being protective against NPHs use. We found that this Compliance With Ethical Standards association is partially mediated by insurance coverage, Authors’ Statement of Conflict of Interest and Adherence to Ethical skipping care due to anticipated stigma, and skipping Standards Authors Landon D. Hughes, Kristi E. Gamarel, Wesley care due to cost. However, our research also demon- M. King, Tamar Goldenberg, James Jaccard, and Arline T. strates that these mediational factors vary in import- Geronimus declare that they have no conflict of interest. All pro- ance when predicting supplemental NPHs use versus cedures, including the informed consent process, were conducted predicting NPHs use only. This highlights the import- in accordance with the ethical standards of the responsible com- mittee on human experimentation (institutional and national) and ance of tailoring interventions to address the specific with the Helsinki Declaration of 1975, as revised in 2000. needs of trans people who are using NPHs. For example, interventions that focus on those using supplemental NPHs may be best served by focusing on anticipated References stigma, while interventions focusing on those who only use NPHs need to consider how being uninsured limits 1. Sevelius JM. Gender affirmation: a framework for conceptu- one’s ability to access PHs. Due to these kinds of dif- alizing risk behavior among transgender women of color. Sex ferences, our work stresses the importance of treating Roles. 2013;68:675–689.
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